Patrimonial State Research Articles

The Protestant Road to Bureaucracy

After the seventeenth century, rulers across Europe attempted reforms to replace amateur administrators with professional bureaucrats. The success of administrative reforms hinged on whether rulers could compensate entrenched officeholders and recruit salaried employees. The author demonstrates that the extent to which these conditions were met at the time of reforms depended on whether states had experienced a Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century. This article shows how the Reformation, which involved the expropriation of the Catholic Church’s assets, set in motion two processes. First, to finance their wars, Protestant rulers used revenue from confiscated assets instead of selling proprietary offices, leading to fewer venal officeholders who resisted administrative reforms. Second, expropriations made churches poorer and reduced the number of plum jobs in the clergy, incentivizing a reallocation of educational investments from religious knowledge to secular skills more useful for state administration. This distinctive Protestant developmental path hastened the demise of the patrimonial state. By 1789, the only major territorial states that were bureaucratic were Protestant.

Voting for bureaucracy? Contestation, suffrage and meritocracy

AbstractThe relationship between democracy and bureaucracy is the object of both classic and contemporary studies in political science. In classic works, scholars argue that there is an inherent conflict between democracy and bureaucracy, whereas contemporary scholars often assert that democracy is positively related to the development of bureaucracy. We argue that both classic and recent interpretations of the relationship are too simplistic since the two dimensions of democracy, contestation and inclusiveness, are likely to affect bureaucratic development in different ways. On the one hand, electoral contestation strengthens bureaucracy if voters demand public goods that politicians cater to by employing meritocratic recruitment. On the other hand, we cannot take for granted that all voters demand public goods. As poorer people are enfranchised, popular demands for particularistic goods increase, which incentivizes politicians to keep a patrimonial state administration, thus facilitating clientelistic linkages with the electorate. Based on new and improved data on electoral contestation and meritocratic recruitment and a measure of male suffrage, we examine the separate and combined effects of contestation and suffrage on meritocracy worldwide from 1790 to 2012. We find that contestation is positively related to meritocracy after the advent of World War II when universal suffrage and contested elections were generally introduced simultaneously. Before World War II, when suffrage was limited and only gradually extended to poorer segments, contestation is significantly related to meritocracy only at lower levels of suffrage.

Some Remarks on “Proprietary Dynasticism and the Development of the Concept of State in 17 th Century Russia

H. H. Rowen termed “proprietary dynasticism” the early modern view that “public power was dynastic property”. Rowen’s work warns us not to read undue modernity into 17 th century Western monarchies, but at the same time challenges seriously R . Pipes’ contention that the patrimonial (concept of) state is a salient characteristic distinguishing Muscovite Russia from the West. I am convinced that the inclusion of “proprietary dynasticism” into historical analysis as an aspect of its own right wil l result in a better understanding of not only Western monarchies (as Rowen asserted) but also of Muscovite (and even Imperial) Russia. It should be viewed as a feature common to all monarchies. Then, not “proprietary dynasticism” itself, but its strength and endurance will be the distinguishing Russian characteristic. The strength of this view notwithstanding, important changes could and, indeed, did occur in the meaning of gosudarstvo in the 17 th century. And contrary to Pipes’ assertion, gosudarstvo coul d be distinguished from the person of the ruler even before the mid seventeenth century, i.e. before the westernization of Russian ideology.

Trans- Atlantic Slave Trade and Its Impacts for Modern African

Africa experienced two major crisis in its history; slave trade and colonialism. At a time of both events Africa was integrated into global market in unequal and exploitative ways. But, slave trade in general and trans- Atlantic slave trade in particular lasts for long time and holds the lion share in underdevelopment of Africa. As such, this paper analysis the long term effect of trans-Atlantic slave trade for modern African political economy. To do so, the work employs qualitative research methods and secondary source of data.Before trans-Atlantic slave trade, African peoples were egalitarian, have their own values and civilizations. They were self sufficient and autonomous and there was no huge gap between Africa and Europe. However, Trans -Atlantic slave trade lead to intensification of the gap between Africa and Europe as result of its exploitative nature and deterioration of African values and norms. Hence, large numbers of African were shipped crossing Atlantic Ocean and works on large scale plantation in the new world and these numbers reaches its climax at 18 th c.Trans-Atlantic slave trade brought untold causalities on African political economy at time of its occurrence and even at modern time. Thereby, limitation of African economy to monoculture, perverted institution, and creation of fertile ground for colonialism because of weak and fragmented states, decline in population, disturbing family and reducing fertility rates were the major short term impacts of trans-Atlantic slave trade. Moreover, Trans- Atlantic slave trade also serves as important variable to analysis the modern political economy of Africa because of its long term effect.Accordingly, trans-Atlantic slave trade discourages state formation and this in turn obstructs creation of modern economy, laws and public goods. The current absolutist and patrimonial state existing in Africa also trace their origin to the era of trans-Atlantic slave trade. Trans-Atlantic slave trade also responsible for ethnic stratification existing in Africa today as result of mistrust and break down of social bond between peoples so that it lays the basis for intensification of ethnic conflict in modern Africa. Furthermore, it serves as pre-colonial source of modern corruption and modern racism from which Africa is still suffering.Therefore, lingering problems in modern African political economy embedded within trans-Atlantic slave trade so that it plays crucial role for current underdevelopment of the continent . DOI: 10.7176/IAGS/92-01 Publication date: December 31 st 2021

Теория вотчинного государства в концепции А.Е. Преснякова

The theory of the patrimonial state, widespread and popular in prerevolutionary Russian historical science, attracted the attention of the outstanding Russian historian A.E. Presnyakov. In the historiography de-voted to him, there was an idea that in general this theory is not organic for his research methodology, in which, as a representative of the St. Petersburg school, he put the analyses of the source and historical fact in the foreground, and the theoretical synthesis completely subordinated to the sources analysis and approached it with great caution. His conclusion about the patrimonial principles on the structure of the Moscow state, considered as following the tradition of the state school. It seems, however, that the position on the patrimonial character of he state from the time of the reign of Ivan III to the Time of Troubles fully correspond in the Russian lands of earlier times associated with the decomposition on the former system on the princely volost. A.E. Presnyakov emphasized the combination of patrimonial tradition with bureaucratic management in Moscow Russia. Thus, he contributed to the further substantiation of the theory of the patrimonial state.

THE LIBERAL CONCEPT OF RUSSIAN HISTORY

Historical science in Russia was formed and developed under the influence of European socio-political thought, in which liberalism was understood as an ideology, socio-political movement, a set of democratic institutions, procedures and principles of governance. Liberal historians searched for interrelations between socio-political and economic aspects of historical development, and paid attention to the need to study state, political and cultural history. In line with the liberal paradigm, the stages of human history are considered from the position of priority of personal development, ensuring its individual freedoms, and Russia, as a potentially European country, with a catch-up type of development. A liberal view of history presupposes the presence of intellectual polyphony, competition of conceptual explanations. To represent the liberal version of Russian history, the article uses the cognitive capabilities of several concepts existing in the modern historiographic space: «patrimonial state», «totalitarianism», «socio-cultural split», «Russian system», «distribution economy», «catching up development, backwardness», «servile and contractual Russia», «non-modern country». Based on them, a liberal interpretation of the content of various stages of Russian history is presented.

Social identity and coethnic voting in the Middle East: Experimental evidence from Qatar

What explains widespread coethnic voting in the Middle East? The prevailing understanding revolves around clientelism: the view that MENA citizens support coethnic parties and candidates in order to most easily or effectively extract resources from the patrimonial state. Previous research has thus neglected non-economic explanations of ethnic-based preferences and outcomes in MENA elections, including social biases long identified in other settings. This study presents findings from a conjoint survey experiment in Qatar, where symbolic elections lack distributional implications. Consistent with expectations derived from social identity theory, results reveal strong favoritism of cosectarian candidates, whereas objective candidate qualifications do not affect voter preferences. Bias is especially strong in a policy domain – promoting religious values – that prompts respondents to consider the candidate’s ethnic identity. Findings offer clear evidence that ethnic-based voting in Qatar and likely elsewhere is not merely epiphenomenal but can reflect actual preferences for members of social in-groups.

Crise ou mera metamorfose da Administração Pública?

Este artigo, à luz de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e do método comparativo, pretende refletir acerca e compreender (d)as mutações dos paradigmas da administração pública, além de observar se essas foram meras metamorfoses ou se, diferentemente disso, foram oriundas de uma crise do modelo/paradigma de gestão anterior. Embora exista a lembrança do Estado Patrimonial e da ruptura deste com o Estado Burocrático, o foco deste trabalho será a transição do paradigma burocrático para o paradigma gerencial, através da Reforma Administrativa de 1998, com a EC 19/98. O Estado Gerencial, portanto, terá destaque; as características deste novo modelo serão o objeto do estudo da parte final deste artigo.

An economic and financial perspective on Vitoacute;ria sport cube (1st League ndash; Portugal)

Football, considered the king sport, moves millions of euros through the numerous clubs, associations and federations. In Portugal, all entities are obliged to draw up and constantly update accounting records, always aiming at transparency. Vitória Sport Clube, object of study of the present work, every season, presents to its members a report of accounts, where is present the summary of the sports season as well as, the accounting instruments that allow to ascertain the patrimonial state of the club and also the financial behavior during the analyzed period. This study used as a methodology an exploratory analysis which was based on the observation of the reports and accounts of the club in the seasons 2016/2017, 2017/2018 and 2018/2019. It was possible to conclude that the club's financial health is on the rise as well as its financial capacity and maintenance in the 1st Portuguese league.

Gender-based violence and the patrimonial state in Nicaragua: The rise and fall of Ley 779

For the last several decades, a global ideological struggle has been taking place between organizations and institutions that promote women’s rights and a parallel countermovement of conservative and religious groups defending so-called “family values”. The recent political struggle over gender-violence law in Nicaragua is a microcosm of these dynamics. In 2012, the Nicaraguan government passed its most comprehensive law on gender-based violence to date (Ley 779). However, following a backlash by local conservative religious groups, many of the law’s major provisions were substantially weakened. This article analyzes how President Daniel Ortega’s initial support for Ley 779 was undone by the conservative outcry against it. The author argues that the seeming reversal of Ortega and his allies on Ley 779 is better understood as a continuation of Ortega’s longstanding tensions with the country’s feminist movement and his alliance with conservative religious groups. The implications of this alliance go well beyond the particulars of Ley 779. Through his suppression of dissent and integration of religious ideologies into state institutions, Ortega’s actions have created a patrimonial-authoritarian state characterized by the personalization of patriarchal authority that severely undermines women’s rights in Nicaragua.

Welfare regime and the patrimonial state in contemporary Asia: visiting Indonesian cases

ABSTRACTA systematic understanding of how patrimonial state contributes to the wider-ranging role on a series of welfare configurations in Asia is still lacking. This article, therefore, will investigate this issue with Indonesia as case study. It is argued that Indonesia is one of the Asian countries where patrimonial rules have still been affecting the welfare regime dynamics for many years, even as the institutional structures of the democratic regime have been driving forces of equality. This explanation will be centred on two of the critical conjunctures in the emergence of patrimonial state. The first was during the Dutch colonial period. The second was during the productivist era.

New World Outlook in the Light of The Westernization of Peter I

The reign of Peter I paradoxically combined both the apogee of the might of the old patrimonial state and the accelerated westernization of the country. The article briefly analyzes some of the factors that strengthened the state patrimonial system: the consequences of the decree on the Unified Heritage of 1714 and the expansion of serfdom due to the appearance of new categories of serfs. To a greater extent, the article is devoted to the study of accelerated Westernization in Russia under Peter the Great. It resulted in the curtailment of the patrimonial way of life in Russia. The article focuses on the emergence of a new worldview doctrine. It considers various forms through which the formation of new understandings of social structures, culture, system of power and life in general took place. Such new practices as uttering panegyrics in honor of the monarch and his policies, public celebration of military victories (the organization of the so-called «Triumphs») and the church reforms greatly contributed to the formation of the new worldview. One of the vivid figures exemplifying it was Theophan Prokopovich. In the first quarter of the 18th century westernization came to Russia directly from Western Europe. It removed all barriers to direct communication between Russians and foreigners, discredited the old ecclesiastical postulate that all Western Christians were “heretics”, paved the way for the beginning of internal modernization as well as for the tragic fate of the socio-cultural split in Russia between the upper educated social strata and the bulk of the Russian population that remained in the Middle Ages.

A FORMAÇÃO DE UMA CLIENTELA PREFERENCIAL NO DIREITO PENAL BRASILEIRO À LUZ DA CRIMINOLOGIA CRÍTICA

Esse artigo tem como objetivo compreender, com base na Criminologia Crítica, as injustiças resultantes da seletividade do sistema penal brasileiro, tendo o materialismo histórico-dialético como pano de fundo. Para tanto, baseou-se em uma perspectiva interdisciplinar que concebe o direito não só como o resultado de uma correlação de forças sociais (classes e grupos sociais) existente em dado momento histórico, mas, também, de outras relações de poder presentes no Estado patrimonialista brasileiro. Assim, buscou-se compreender a sociedade brasileira e seu sistema penal utilizando-se o conceito de estamento sem, entretanto, esquecer que essa sociedade é uma sociedade de classes.

Electoral authoritarianism and weak states in Africa: The role of parties versus presidents in Tanzania and Cameroon

State capacity is arguably an essential factor that stabilizes electoral authoritarian rule. Yet, in the context of sub-Saharan Africa many measures of state capacity are generally weak. What therefore explains the persistence of electoral authoritarianism in Africa? This study provides a comparison of Tanzania and Cameroon to highlight two divergent reactions to the problem of power consolidation in Africa. In Cameroon, a centralized presidency and comparatively large coercive apparatus underpinned a strong patrimonial state. By contrast, in Tanzania the ruling party became an institution that integrated elites and appeared to subsume the state. These regime configurations stabilized electoral authoritarianism in unique ways, and led to different dependence on the state during elections. The study sheds new light on contemporary Africa, and the diverse sources of authoritarian resilience in the face of multiparty elections.

Теория вотчинного государства в советской и современной отечественной историографии

Теория вотчинного государства в советской и современной отечественной историографии

Gestão democrática da escola no Brasil: desafios à implementação de um novo modelo

A gestão democrática é um princípio orientador da escola pública brasileira definido pela Constituição Federal de 1988 e referendado pela Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional de 1996. Sua implementação no sistema público de ensino permite associá-lo à emergência de um novo modelo de gestão escolar, em que convivem traços de um Estado clientelista e patrimonial e de uma concepção gerencialista, fomentada pelos processos de avaliação de larga escala e outras medidas no sistema educacional brasileiro. Com o objetivo de captar esse movimento, o artigo discute avanços da legislação brasileira e iniciativas de políticas visando o fortalecimento da gestão democrática, procurando associá-los a questões tratadas em uma amostra de professores e gestores de escolas da rede pública de modo a compreender os contornos da gestão escolar pública no Brasil. Utilizou-se análise documental dos dispositivos legais e das iniciativas de governo sobre a matéria e também dados obtidos por meio dos Questionários do Diretor e do Professor, aplicado no Sistema de Avaliação da Educação Básica (Saeb) Prova Brasil 2011 particularmente aqueles associados ao tema proposto. A reflexão é apresentada em quatro tópicos distintos que abordam: 1) o princípio da gestão democrática na legislação brasileira, desde a Constituição de 1988 até o Plano Nacional de Educação – pne, aprovado em 2014; 2) iniciativas de política educacional visando fortalecer o referido princípio; 3) características da gestão escolar na perspectiva de professores e diretores de escola; e, 4) considerações sobre práticas gerencialistas que se contrapõem ao modelo proposto.

II. ABDÜLHAMİD DÖNEMİNDE İLKÖĞRETİM OKULLARINDAKİ DERS KİTAPLARI ve TARİH ÖĞRETİMİ

Sultan II. Abdulhamid doneminde egitim sisteminde, mufredatta ve egitim tekniklerindeki degisim/donusumlerin yanisira okutulan ders kitaplarinda da hem bicim/format hem de icerik acisindan farklilasmaya gidilmesi zorunlu hale gelmistir. Tanzimat yillarindan itibaren yeniden yapilandirma sureci icerisine dahil edilen ilkogretim anlayisi dogrultusunda kaleme alinan ders kitaplarinin, siyasal–askeri–ekonomik yararcilik ilkelerine dayali genel egitim anlayisindan farkli bir uslup ve icerikte telif edilmedigi soylenebilir. Bu baglamda arastirmanin temel problemi; siyasal hedefin; vatanseverlik duygusu kazandirilarak patrimonyal devlet anlayisinin guclendirilmesi ve ekonomik hedefin; uretken bireyler yetistirilerek endustriyel/tarimsal kalkinmanin gerceklestirilmesi seklinde belirlendigi bir donemde bunlarin ders kitaplarina yansitilma seklini ortaya koymaktir. Egitim kurumlari ile toplum, siyaset ve kultur arasindaki guclu irtibatin bilinci dogrultusunda Sultan II. Abdulhamid devrinde (1876-1909) kaleme alinan ilkogretim ders kitaplarinda; siyasi rejimin nasil algilandigini, devletin icinde bulundugu dagilma ve geri kalmislik surecinde hukumdar ve makbul bireyin tanimlarinin ne sekilde yapildigini ortaya koymak arastirmanin temel hedefidir. Anahtar Kelimeler : Sultan II. Abdulhamid, Ders Kitaplari, Ilkogretim, Saltanat, Ahlâk, Vatan, Tarih Ogretimi COURSE BOOKS and HISTORY EDUCATION in the ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS DURING the REIGN of ABDULHAMID II Abstract: Central government is in a position that the transformation of the overall education system, curriculum and educational methods, both the format and contents of the course books studied by students had to be changed as part of the Western style reform movement during the period of Sultan Abdulhamid the Second. One could hardly expect that the course books written in line with the mentality shaped up since Tanzimat period to accommodate the content and style that is indifferent to the general education mentality based on political-military-economic pragmatism principles in keeping with the period in question. In this respect the main issue of the study is to identify the ways in which the political economic goals are reflected in the course books of the period where such goals were primarily based on the strengthening of the patrimonial state mentality through the promotion of a sense of patriotism and the development of industrial/agricultural economy through raising productive individuals. Considering the strong connection between the educational institutions and society, and politics and culture, the main goal of the present study is to establish how the political regime was being perceived in the primary school course books written during the reign of the Sultan Abdulhamid the Second (1876-1909), and how the ruler and an acceptable individual was being described in an age where the empire was being disintegrated and in a state of utter backwardness. Keywords : Abdulhamid II, Course Books, Elementary Education, Reign, Ethics, Homeland, History Education

II. ABDÜLHAMİD DÖNEMİNDE İLKÖĞRETİM OKULLARINDAKİ DERS KİTAPLARI ve TARİH ÖĞRETİMİ

Sultan II. Abdülhamid döneminde eğitim sisteminde, müfredatta ve eğitim tekniklerindeki değişim/dönüşümlerin yanısıra okutulan ders kitaplarında da hem biçim/format hem de içerik açısından farklılaşmaya gidilmesi zorunlu hale gelmiştir. Tanzimat yıllarından itibaren yeniden yapılandırma süreci içerisine dahil edilen ilköğretim anlayışı doğrultusunda kaleme alınan ders kitaplarının, siyasal–askeri–ekonomik yararcılık ilkelerine dayalı genel eğitim anlayışından farklı bir üslup ve içerikte telif edilmediği söylenebilir. Bu bağlamda araştırmanın temel problemi; siyasal hedefin; vatanseverlik duygusu kazandırılarak patrimonyal devlet anlayışının güçlendirilmesi ve ekonomik hedefin; üretken bireyler yetiştirilerek endüstriyel/tarımsal kalkınmanın gerçekleştirilmesi şeklinde belirlendiği bir dönemde bunların ders kitaplarına yansıtılma şeklini ortaya koymaktır. Eğitim kurumları ile toplum, siyaset ve kültür arasındaki güçlü irtibatın bilinci doğrultusunda Sultan II. Abdülhamid devrinde (1876-1909) kaleme alınan ilköğretim ders kitaplarında; siyasi rejimin nasıl algılandığını, devletin içinde bulunduğu dağılma ve geri kalmışlık sürecinde hükümdar ve makbul bireyin tanımlarının ne şekilde yapıldığını ortaya koymak araştırmanın temel hedefidir. Anahtar Kelimeler : Sultan II. Abdülhamid, Ders Kitapları, İlköğretim, Saltanat, Ahlâk, Vatan, Tarih Öğretimi COURSE BOOKS and HISTORY EDUCATION in the ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS DURING the REIGN of ABDULHAMID II Abstract: Central government is in a position that the transformation of the overall education system, curriculum and educational methods, both the format and contents of the course books studied by students had to be changed as part of the Western style reform movement during the period of Sultan Abdulhamid the Second. One could hardly expect that the course books written in line with the mentality shaped up since Tanzimat period to accommodate the content and style that is indifferent to the general education mentality based on political-military-economic pragmatism principles in keeping with the period in question. In this respect the main issue of the study is to identify the ways in which the political economic goals are reflected in the course books of the period where such goals were primarily based on the strengthening of the patrimonial state mentality through the promotion of a sense of patriotism and the development of industrial/agricultural economy through raising productive individuals. Considering the strong connection between the educational institutions and society, and politics and culture, the main goal of the present study is to establish how the political regime was being perceived in the primary school course books written during the reign of the Sultan Abdulhamid the Second (1876-1909), and how the ruler and an acceptable individual was being described in an age where the empire was being disintegrated and in a state of utter backwardness. Keywords : Abdülhamid II, Course Books, Elementary Education, Reign, Ethics, Homeland, History Education

SWELA, ethnicity, and democracy in Cameroon’s patrimonial state: An anthropological critique

Since the importation of liberal democracy by African postcolonial states in the 1990s mainstream political science scholarship has mainly represented the outcome as a pathologically ethnicized disfiguration of a universal model of politics upon which many had invested much hope for political empowerment and accountability. This article draws from a recent anthropological theoretical position on democracy as a work of cultural construction as well as on ethnographic material on an ethno-regional elite organization in Southwestern Cameroon called SWELA to provide an alternative reading of the ethnicity-elite-democracy nexus in postcolonial Africa. I suggest that while ethnicity is a major idiom through which the politics of democracy is practiced in Africa where most states are very patrimonially organized, this need not be seen as unproductive to the democratic ideals or expectations of effective political participation, deliberation (voice), and political accountability. Taking the case of Cameroon, I argue that in complete reversal of the situation under the one-party state, the historical shift from the one-party state to multiparty politics in 1990 and vernacularization of democracy in Cameroon along a cultural politics of ethnic identities have provided political spaces to the elite that were previously inexistent. I explore how South-West political elites successfully articulate personalized and collective interests on the state through various ethno-regional modes of political action that range from lobbying to threatening memoranda to the regime. These successful strategies by South-West elites indicate how ethnic and patrimonial politics by political elites can link up to democratic expectations in quite surprising ways, suggesting the need for a more cautious interpretation of democracy as a culturally enfolded and enfolding formation subject to local political conditions.

NGOs, doctors, and the patrimonial state – tactics for political engagement in Nigeria

Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) feature prominently in global health and development discourses. Such discourses often assume that NGOs provide a supplement to, and critical engagement with, struggling government health care systems. In contrast, interviews and ethnography with patients, health care providers, and NGO workers in Kebbi State, Nigeria, suggest a more problematic mode of state/NGO interaction. Focusing on larger NGOs, this research suggests that they are often politically impotent, a product of both a difficult political environment and their own inflexibility. In contrast, medical professionals are pursuing many of the same political goals with considerable success. The benefits and compromises of these contrasting strategies are explored. This article also offers an empirical contribution to debates on working ‘with the grain’ of patrimonial politics as an alternative to the ‘good governance’ agenda.