Patriarch Of Jerusalem Research Articles

"The reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem during the early Muslim period"

"The reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem during the early Muslim period"

Ο ΧΡΥΣΑΝΘΟΣ ΝΟΤΑΡΑΣ ΚΑΙ Η ΕΚΔΟΣΗ ΤΗΣ «ΔΩΔΕΚΑΒΙΒΛΟΥ» ΤΟΥ ΔΟΣΙΘΕΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΣΟΛΥΜΩΝ: ΜΙΑ ΠΕΡΙΠΤΩΣΗ ΑΝΑΛΗΘΟΥΣ ΧΡΟΝΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ ΕΚΔΟΣΗΣ (1715 / c.1722)

<p>Kostas Sarris, Chrysanthos Notar as and the publication of "Dodekavivlos" by Dositheos of Jerusalem: a case of false publication date (1715 / c.1722)</p><p>The article focuses on «Dodekavivlos» by Dositheos the patriarch of Jerusalem (1641-1707). His historiographic work was published after his decease by the Greek publishing house of Anthime in Bucharest. The book was edited by his nephew and successor to the patriarchical throne of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras and the publisher and future bishop of Wallachia Mitrofanis Grigoras. The study concentrates on the false date of publication noted under the title of "Dodekavivlos", that is to say, October 1715, whereas, in reality, the book was published between 1721 and 1723. In the first part of the article, the process followed during the edition and the publication of the book is depicted. Moreover, the outset of the aforementioned procedure as well as the publication date of «Dodekavivlos» is determined. In this context, some aspects of history of the publishing house Anthime are clarified whilst the publishing work and the technical impediments confronted by a Greek publishing house in the Rumanian Principalities in the turning point of the 18th century are delineated. The second part of the article attempts to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive interpretation of the false publication date. Both the polemic character of the content of «Dodekavivlos», which due to the rivalry over the religious establishments of the Holy Land, was of political nature, and Chrysanthos Notaras' correspondence along with the historical background of the publication can conduce to some conjectures over Chrysanthos' decision not to record the real date but an earlier one as well as the choice of the particular date of the title. According to the interpretation brought forward, Nicolaos Mavrokordatos' potential political ventures played a significant role. Also, telltale, though of less importance, is the fact that the name of the publisher and bishop of Wallachia Anthimos Iviritis is not recorded under the false date of the title of «Dodekavivlos».</p>

Panayotis L. Vocotopoulos, Byzantine illuminated manuscripts of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem

Abstract Der großformatige, luxuriöse Band ist die englische Fassung des im gleichen Jahr erschienen griechischen Werkes mit dem Titel: Mιϰϱογϱαφίες των Βνςαντινών Χειϱογϱάφων τον Πατϱιαϱχείον Ιεϱοσολύμων. Der Autor stellt in diesem Buch 23 illuminierte Handschriften des griechisch-orthodoxen Patriarchats in Jerusalem vor, die vom 11. bis zum 15. Jh. datieren.

Gregorio Magno e le Province orientali di Palestina e Arabia

Several letters written by Pope Gregory deal with people and problems of Palestine and Sinai, in particular with reference to the monastic life in Jerusalem and to pilgrims and pilgrimage to the Holy Sites. Pope Gregory sends offerings for the pilgrim hostels in Jerusalem and Sinai, and in two occasions deals with the disputes existing among Amos the Patriarch of Jerusalem and the Superior of the monastery of the Nea Church. Scholars have already discussed these topics, but only recently I. Shahid has pointed out the possibility of identifying Alamundaros, the personage referred to in the letter to Innocentio Praefecto Praetorio Africae (X,16): De Anamundaro autem quae scripsistis fecimus, sed voluntatem utinam sequatur effectus, quia quantum ad nos pertinet, afflictis intercessionis nostrae solacium non negamus. Anamundarus could be al-Munthir/Alamundarus, the king of the Christian Arab Confederation of the Beni Ghassan sent to exile in Sicily by Emperor Mauritius. A recent discovery of a Greek inscripti...

The Reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem during the Early Muslim Period

The Reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem during the Early Muslim Period

The Holy Blood: King Henry III and the Westminster Blood Relic (review)

Relics purported to be from the veritable body of Jesus Christ proliferated in Europe in the later Middle Ages. The response to these relics ranged from religious devotion to hysteria, from skepticism to wholesale condemnation. In 1247 King Henry III processed through the streets of London to present a relic of the Holy Blood, a gift from the Patriarch of Jerusalem, to Westminster Abbey. The main source for this event is an account written at the request of the king by the historian Matthew Paris, a monk at St. Alban's. Nicholas Vincent has discovered an important letter in the archives of Westminster Abbey that suggests that the Patriarch of Jerusalem offered the relic to Henry III in an attempt to gain the king's financial support and participation in crusading activities in the Holy Land, a bid that was not successful. Leading from the discovery of this letter, Vincent launched his own investigation of the events of 1247, and set out to answer one question above all others: why was it so difficult for the Westminster relic to find acceptance as a genuine relic of Christ's blood? In his quest Vincent goes well beyond the events of 1247 to provide a history of blood relics prior to 1247 and to recount the arguments of theologians from the twelfth to the fifteenth century who debated whether or not relics from Christ's body could or could not exist.

Medieval Dobrun

Medieval Dobrun

Mehmed the Conqueror, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and Mamluk Authority

Pour la plupart des savants, les relations entre les ottomans et les mamelouks ont commence a se deteriorer pendant le regne de Mehmed II (1451-1481). L'A. relate les rapports que Mehmed II a entretenu avec le patriarche orthodoxe grec. En accord avec la pratique etablie parmi les souverains musulmans anciens, Mehmed a reconnu pour la communaute orthodoxe le besoin d'avoir un degre de gouvernement interne propre tout en souhaitant etablir un commandement au sein de cette communaute. Mehmed a tente d'etendre son autorite et d'exploiter la critique faite envers les mamelouks qui a ete leur defaillance a agir en tant que souverains musulmans envers leurs sujets chretiens.

‘Serpent in the Dust: Sparrow on the Housetop’: Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Circle of Pope Innocent III

Shortly after his election on 8 January 1198, one of the earliest duties of the youthful and energetic new pope, Innocent III (1198-1216), was to inform the ecclesiastical and lay rulers of Christendom of his succession following the death of his predecessor, the nonagenarian Celestine III (1191-98). His immediate task, therefore, was to undertake a ‘mail-shot’ of a series of personal letters announcing that he had been so chosen. One recipient of such a missive was Aimery the Monk, Patriarch of Jerusalem (1194/97-1202), who was suffering, together with others, the dire consequences of recent events in the Holy Land. Given these circumstances, Innocent’s letter to Aimery was couched in somewhat mild and unexpectedly innocuous language. All he did was to assure the Patriarch of his papal solicitude and to promise that one of his many future duties as pope would be to attempt a resolution of the Holy Land problem. It would be through God’s help and with fasting, tears, and prayers, that the people of the Holy Land might expect to be freed. Eighteen years later they were still waiting.

Patriarch Gerold and Frederick II: the Matthew Paris letter

The controversy over the crusade of Frederick II, which has continued from the thirteenth century to our own day, has been complicated by problems with the sources. In this article, the surviving letters of Gerold of Lausanne, Patriarch of Jerusalem and a leading critic of Frederick in the East, are re-examined. Comparison of the two letters, one directed to Pope Honorius III, and the other an encyclical to all the faithful found in the Chronica majora of Matthew Paris, along with internal evidence, supports the view that the latter is a forgery. It is rather the product of later propaganda.

Pierre l'Ermite et la première croisade by Jean Flori

446book reviews Pierre l'Ermite et lu première croisade. By Jean Flori. (Paris: Fayard. 1999. Pp. 647. FF 170.00.) Peter the Hermit does not have quite the centrality in M. Flori's masterly and persuasive study of the First Crusade that its title may at first sight suggest, for what it offers is a comprehensive reconsideration of the history and historiography of the Crusade in its many aspects; an attempt is made to establish and assess Peter's role within the total picture. The foundation of this reappraisal of the Crusade is a thorough and challenging consideration of the primary sources, and especially of the chronicles. A salutary caution is sounded against an undue reliance upon the anonymous Gesta Francorum,which as it stands is not only colored by the concerns of the Norman Bohemond in the first decade of the twelfth century but is also derived from a common source which it shares with Tudebode. It cannot without much qualification be credited with the immediacy to the events of the Crusade which has often been supposed. Like other recent historians, Flori finds valuable material in Tudebode, especially in passages peculiar to this source. But his major reassessment concerns the chronicle of Albert of Aachen. Although Albert did not hear Urban II's preaching or go to the East himself, he was freer than most other chroniclers from attachment to any of the main Crusading leaders or groupings. Moreover, his history gives evidence of his reliability, judgment, and moderation, as well as his access to information. Flori therefore rates him highly as a source. Recent scholarship has made much of the Crusade under its aspect as an armed pilgrimage. While Flori confirms such an interpretation, he convincingly argues that it should also be understood, as Carl Erdmann argued, against the background of established traditions of holy war; unlike Erdmann, however, Flori regards the liberation ofJerusalem as having been from the start the prime objective of the Crusade, not least in Urban's preaching. This is partly because, in the tradition of Paul Alphandéry, Flori lays weight upon the significance of apocalyptic ideas, which for Flori were potent not only in Crusade recruitment but also in shaping the events of the Crusade up to the capture of Jerusalem and the battle of Ascalon which followed it. Such apocalyptic ideas were strongest amongst the popular elements in the Crusade. It is a major achievement of Flori's study thus to provide a reminder of how complex a phenomenon the Crusade was. It is in the light of this reappraisal that he offers his view of Peter the Hermit. The prominence that Albert of Aachen gives him must be taken seriously in view of the reliability with which this source is to be credited; it is confirmed not only by the testimony of Anna Comnena but also by the fact that Peter and his followers were able to set out forJerusalem so early as March 8, 1096. After the disaster to his forces at Civetot, Peter emerges to significance and even prominence at each stage of the Crusade up to the capture of Jerusalem and the battle of Ascalon; he demonstrates the importance of apocalyptic expectations , especially amongst the popular elements. Flori casts convincing doubt upon the story that Peter deserted the Crusading host at Antioch, thus impair- BOOK REVIEWS447 ing his own credibility. Flori's final verdict upon Peter is that he was a visionary rather than a coward, and that he probably had more influence upon the Crusade from beginning to end than recent historians have thought (p. 492). Flori carries conviction in this as in most other aspects of a landmark study of the Crusade that demands the widest attention. H.E.J. COWDREY St. Edmund Hall, Oxford Daibert von Pisa. Zwischen Pisa, Papst und erstem Kreuzzug. By Michael Matzke. [Vorträge und Forschungen, Sonderband 44.] (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag. 1998. Pp. 255. DM 96 paperback.) Daibert of Pisa (to adopt the spelling of his name that Dr. Matzke shows to be preferable) has had a bad reputation with modern historians of the Crusades, especially with regard to his brief period as patriarch ofJerusalem after its capture...

De origine Hospitalariorum Hierosolymitanorum—Vom klösterlichen Pilgerhospital zur internationalen Organisation

We are still not quite sure about the beginnings of the Order of the Knights of St John. There are thirteen years in which the possessions of the Hospice of Jerusalem increased enormously that we do not know much about. Up to now research on the origin of the Hospitallers of St John has been concerned primarily with two points of discussion. Firstly, the question as to whether the hospice of the Amalfitan abbey St Mary Latina is identical with the great Hospice of St John in Jerusalem. Secondly, the institutional development of the Hospice since its first papal privilege (1113). This paper raises the question of when and why this great and internationally organized Hospice of Jerusalem was founded, or rather when and why the dependent hospice of the abbey St Mary Latina was transformed into the independent Hospice of Jerusalem. By analysing early charters of western donations to the Hospice, we find that the creation of such a hospice was already planned during the great journey of Pope Urban II through France in the years 1095/1096. This means that is was planned at the same time as the conception of the First Crusade. The distribution of the first dependencies of the Hospice in the West, for example, proves this. It was intended to support the crusade, which was defined as an armed pilgrimage to liberate the Holy Sepulchre. In addition it was to facilitate, in this way, the Jerusalem pilgrimage generally. After the conquest of the Holy City in 1100, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Daimbert of Pisa, carried out the papal plan.

The Bible and the Holy Land: Pastoral Letter from Jerusalem

Spirits burdened by the wars or conflicts between peoples and nations have been uplifted in recent months, especially in the Near East. A new peace process between Israel and its neighbours, including direct negotiations with Palestinian leaders, requires consummate statesmanship and also an adjustment in the hearts of all, moving from fear and hatred to hope and generosity. The Fundamental Agreement between the Holy See and Israel (December 30, 1993) has implications for Catholics and Jews everywhere. Within this context, the Latin-rite Patriarch of Jerusalem has promulgated a lengthy pastoral letter in November 1993. An English version is published in Origins 23 (January 20, 1994) pp. 541-555. In the context of an interfaith conference held in Jerusalem from February 1-4, 1994 the Patriarch gave an address entitled “Religious Leadership in the Holy Land.” This text will be studied at the end of the essay.In the pastoral letter Patriarch Michel Sabbah celebrates explicitly the new hope for “peace and reconciliation between our two peoples, Jewish and Palestinian, and with all the Arab world” (#1). The sad events of prolonged conflict “must not consume the past and present.. . “ but now the struggle will be to maintain and build peace with justice (#1). This letter about the Bible intends to encourage reading and understanding of God’s Word, “in order to make it the object of meditation and prayer” (#2).The poignancy of praying in the Eucharistic liturgy the psalms and readings about Israel and its neighbours has been particularly graphic for Christian communities in the Near East over recent decades.

Armenian Canon Lists V—Anonymous Texts

In manuscript no. 1142B (Jl 142) in the Library of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, on fol. 267r, there is a previously unpublished Canon List. The manuscript is a Miscellany, in the notrgir script, and although undated it cannot be very old. It contains various theological and homiletical works, and the list is followed, on fol. 268V, by a work given in the Catalogue as “Ezekiel." The text of the list was copied from the manuscript. The chief abbreviations have been resolved.

Stephen of Ramlah and the Christian Kerygma in Arabic in Ninth-Century Palestine

In the period of time between the Islamic conquest and the coming of the crusaders to Palestine in 1099, Christian pilgrims from East and West continued to visit the Holy Land, and particularly Jerusalem, by the licence of the Islamic government. Among the western visitors during this period at least half a dozen of them published accounts of their journeys. However, these accounts tell one virtually nothing about the life of the local Church, beyond the occasional list of shrines, churches, monasteries and the number of personnel assigned to them. As one modern scholar has remarked, ‘In the Patriarchate of Jerusalem the indigenous element is always half-hidden behind the crowds of pilgrims of every nationality…In the Holy City the resident aliens often outnumbered the Christian natives of Jerusalem, but in Palestine taken as a whole, the Syrians must always have been a majority.’

THIRTEENTH-CENTURY POTTERY FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. MARY OF CARMEL

AbstractThe ruins of the thirteenth-century monastery of St. Mary of Carmel lie in the Wadi 'Ain as-Siyah, just above the 100 m. contour on the south-western flank of the Carmel range (Grid Ref.: 1477.2452; see Fig. d. The monastery owes its origin to a group of Latin hermits who settled near to the 'Ain as-Siyah, known then and now as the Spring of Elijah, around the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Between 1206 and 1214 Albert, patriarch of Jerusalem (then resident in Acre), granted them a rule of life, thereby constituting them as a religious house under obedience to the church of Rome. The patriarch took care to avoid interfering with the traditional way of life of the hermits, based on poverty, asceticism, silence, abstinence and solitary work, prayer and contemplation. He instructed them, however, to elect'a prior and to build a church in which they were to come together for daily mass (Friedman 1979, 170–180).

The Epigrams of Sophronius

Five epigrams in theGreek Anthologyare ascribed to Sophronius, sophist, poet, theologian and finally patriarch of Jerusalem when it fell to the Arabs in 638. Sophronius' other extant poems are all in the anacreontic metre, which he wrote with a certain fluency but (judged by classical standards) without perfect mastery. It is in principle quite possible that he also composed in so traditional a genre as the classicizing epigram, but (as we shall see) there are in fact considerable doubts about four of the five in question.

Religious Colonialism & Ethnic Awakening

In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, traditional site of Jesus’ tomb, Greek Archbishop Diodoros was installed in March, 1981, as the new Eastern Orthodox patriarch of Jerusalem. Jerusalem, one of the five ancient Orthodox patriarchates, is headquarters for a church whose domain is Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian West Bank and whose flock consists almost entirely of Arabs—some 120,000 in Jordan and 40,000 in Israel and the West Bank.Many of Jerusalem's Christian, Jewish, and Arab leaders attended the installation ceremony at the twelfth-century Romanesque-Gothic church, as did representatives of the more than fifty local Orthodox. Catholic, Uniate, Monophysite and Protestant communities.

The History of the Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem as Reflected in Codex Patriarchicus No. 428, 1517–1805

Between 1891 and 1898 the indefatigable Greek archivist A. Papa-dopoulos-Kerameus published in five volumes the , The Analects of Jerusalemite Gleanings, in which he edited a large number of texts and short listings of documents dealing specifically with the history of the Greek patriarchate of Jerusalem and more generally with the broader historical frame of reference. Despite the richness of the documentation which his publications revealed the scholarly world has taken little notice of this rich source of materials for the history of the Jerusalem patriarchate as well as for the details of Ottoman administration of the region. The present state and disposition of the manuscript collections of the patriarchate are not known to me and in contrast to the collections of the Greek patriarchate of Alexandria and of Mount Sinai I am not aware of any detailed program of exploitation and systematic description of this collection.

De Voltooiing Van Het Schisma Constantinopel En Het Westen In De 17e Eeuw

The Completion of the Schism of 1054 When the stmggle between Pro-Roman and Pro-Calvinist elements, which divided the church of Constantinople during the first half of the seventeenth century, had ended in a defeat of both parties, there remained a bankrupt Patriarchate. The bad ha,bitudes of venality of office, that had been stimulated by the struggle, continued in the following years and caused until the end of the century a permanent instability of the Patriarchate, which was governed in this period by a group consisting of the metropolites who had not explicitly taken sides in the previous periods and the increasingly powerful Greek aristocracy of Constantinople. In reaction to previous Calvinistic influences this group stood doctrinally rather close to Rome. But as different conflicts of interests between Constantinople and Rome arose, a need emerged for a clear definition of the theological difference, not only with Calvinism, but also with Rome. Because of the continuing insta,bility in Constantinople this definition was made under auspices of the patriarch of Jerusalem. Only when stability at Constan tinople was reestaiblished towards the end of the seventeenth century, the patriarohate could make its definitive stand in face of the Western churches, the completion of the schism of 1054.