Grammaticalization Path Research Articles

Dogon existential(-presentative) proclitics: Syntax, semantics, evolution

In Dogon languages, locational-existential ‘be (somewhere), exist’ and possessive ‘have’ are conjugatable stative quasi-verbs. They are regularly preceded by an unconjugated proclitic here labeled “existential.” The proclitic also occurs before stative verbs like ‘be sitting (seated)’ derived from dynamic, i.e. aspect-marking, verbs (‘sit down’). In some Dogon languages it may also precede nonspatial statives (‘know’, ‘want’), and under various conditions also dynamic verbs in certain TAMP (including polarity) categories. The existential proclitic is disallowed under negation, after a focalized constituent, and in relatives. Where it is not blocked in that way, for ‘have’ it is obligatory, and for ‘be’ it functions as a default locational, obligatory if no more specific locational is present. The proclitic is therefore part of several functional subsystems: existential (including possessive), spatial, information structure (focalization), and TAMP. It originated as a discourse-definite locational adverb ‘there’. Its grammaticalization paths have diverged from those of its Doppelgängers such as English there, likely because of an ancient presentative bias.

Structure and Grammaticalization of Serial Verb Constructions in Sign Language of the Netherlands-A Corpus-Based Study.

In serial verb constructions (SVCs), multiple independent lexical verbs are combined in a mono-clausal construction. SVCs express a range of grammatical meanings and are attested in numerous spoken languages all around the world. Yet, to date only few studies have investigated the existence and functions of SVCs in sign languages. For the most part, these studies—including a previous study on Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT)—relied on elicited data. In this article, we offer a cross-modal typological contribution to the study of SVCs by investigating the phenomenon based on naturalistic corpus data from NGT. A search of the Corpus NGT yielded 41 mono-clausal utterances in which one of a closed set of verbs—namely go, give, take, and call—combines with another lexical verb. While the combinations we found are in important respects reminiscent of SVCs described for spoken languages, our data also confirm the previous finding that the fixed verb in the SVC serves to express agreement (by means of spatial modulation) when the other verb cannot do so. In addition, we identified some novel uses of the verbs go and give: (i) go functioning as a future tense marker and (ii) give functioning as a light verb. We will also discuss aspects of the grammaticalization of SVCs in NGT: from lexical verb to light verb to auxiliary, again offering some comparison to grammaticalization paths described for spoken languages.

Y luego se pintan patrás…

AbstractThe expanded use ofpatrásis among the most salient features of US Spanish and commonly attributed to English influence. ForLipski (1986), it constitutes a syntactic calque from English constructions withback;Otheguy (1999)maintains it shows cultural but not linguistic influence; Villa (2005,2010) ascribespatrásto grammaticalization processes internal to Spanish. Previous studies lack a detailed account of the semantics of the spatial adverbial in its historical and contemporary usage. ApplyingTalmy’s (1983)typology of motion events to corpus data, this paper traces a grammaticalization path forpatrásfrom its historical use to its contemporary use in Nuevomexicano Spanish.Patráshas shifted from primarily atelicbackwards motionmeanings to primarily telicreturnmeanings. This shift is evident across Germanic languages for adverbs deriving from the nounbackand in the Romance prefixre-from Latin adverbretro. This study proposes contact with English led to an increased frequency of satellite-framed constructions in Nuevomexicano Spanish, creating the frequency conditions for innovations in the form and meaning ofpara atrásto conventionalize and lead to systematic linguistic change.

Connectives and discourse markers in Ancient Greek

Abstract The Ancient Greek particle atár has been described as a connective device that encodes either an adversative or a progressive relation between sentences. The purpose of this paper is to revise the description of this particle by framing its analysis within a consistent and theoretically up-to-date model of clause linkage and discourse structure. Starting from previous findings on the function of atár in Homer, I undertake a corpus analysis of atár in Euripides and Aristophanes. This analysis reveals differences in usage at different stages of the language that have been previously neglected. Whereas in Homer, atár largely behaves as a connective and encodes a semantic relation of oppositive contrast between sentences, in later texts it rather behaves as a discourse marker and contributes to the management of both thematic continuity and interactional practices. These differences point to a specific diachronic path of grammaticalization that accounts for the changes undergone by atár.

Plural addressee marker and grammaticalization in Barayin

Abstract This article describes two distinct but related grammaticalization paths in Barayin, an East Chadic language. One path is from a first-person plural pronoun to a first-person dual pronoun. Synchronically, the pronominal forms in Barayin with first-person dual number must now be combined with a plural addressee enclitic, nà, to create a first-person plural pronoun. This path is identical to what has been documented in Philippine-type languages. The other path is from a first-person dative suffix to a suffix dedicated to first-person hortative. This path of grammaticalization has not been discussed in the literature. It occurred in several related languages, and each case results in a hortative form with a dual subject. Hortative forms with a plural subject are created by adding a plural addressee marker to the dual form. The plural addressee marker in Chadic languages is derived from a second-person pronominal.

고대 중국어 而의 문법화 연구

The goal of this paper is to describe and explain the grammaticalization path of “而” in Ancient Chinese. In the PRE-Qin Dynasty, “而” was mainly used for two function: as a personal pronoun and a connective marker, but few people have been interested in the relationship between the two function. “而” is grammaticalized from a personal pronoun or a demonstrative pronoun, gradually becoming a connective maker and finally turning into a particle. The key point of this development is the position of “而” in the sentence. It was always located in the middle of two phrases. At first, “而” indicated the listener in a discourse situation; after that, “而” developed into a demonstrative in the text. Finally, “而” evolved into connectives, an adverbial marker and a particle. The grammaticalization paht of “乃” is similar to “而”.

On the different interpretations of sentence-initial ainsi ‘so’ and the competition between three types of Verb–Subject order

AbstractThis article is about different types of Subject–Verb inversion (nominal, pronominal, and complex inversion) in sentences introduced byainsi‘so, in this way’. We first make a distinction between four main interpretations: manner adverbainsi, quotativeainsi, consecutiveainsi(expressing either an intentional or an unintentional consequence), and illustrativeainsi. On the basis of a corpus study, we show that nominal inversion often (but not always) combines with the manner interpretation, whereas the predominant function ofainsi+ pronominal/complex inversion is to introduce an example or a consequence of the preceding discourse context. The data also contribute to the debate about the grammaticalization path ofainsi. Firstly, the unintentional consequence interpretation is argued to be a “bridging context” between manner and unintentional consequence. Secondly, given the preponderance of the illustrative interpretation, we argue that this under-researched interpretation be taken up in future diachronic and synchronic analyses ofainsiand its cross-linguistic counterparts.

Cognate objects of weather verbs in African languages of South Africa – from synchronic variation to a grammaticalization path

The authors argue that the synchronic variation of cognate objects of weather verbs exhibited in six African languages of South Africa (Sepedi, Sesotho, Tshivenda, isiXhosa, Xitsonga, and isiZulu) has a diachronic explanation, and may be represented as a grammaticalization path. This path gradually leads from prototypical cognate objects that disallow object agreement (pronominalization) and promotion to subjects in passive constructions to prototypical objects where both agreement (pronominalization) and promotion are grammatical. This provides further support for the modelling of cognate objects, adjuncts and arguments in terms of a continuum and for a gradient view of syntactic categories, in general.

From possessor agreement to object marking in the evolution of the Udmurt -jez suffix: A grammaticalization approach to morpheme syncretism

This article argues that morpheme syncretism can arise as a result of structural and functional changes that display features of a grammaticalization process. Our claim is based on a case study analyzing the functional evolution of -jez, the third singular possessive agreement morpheme of Udmurt, which appears to function as a nominalizer, to mark contrast, to function as a kind of definite determiner, and to mark accusative case. We argue that these seemingly different roles are instantiations of three major functions: cross-referencing a possessor, encoding partitivity, and marking specific objects, which, in turn, represent subsequent stages of a grammaticalization path. Evidence for the hypothesized changes is provided by parallel developments in the sister languages, primarily Hungarian, the sister language with the longest-documented history.

Demonstratives and the emergence of a definite article in Juba Arabic and Ki-Nubi

In this study I provide a description of the morphosyntax and the functions of demonstratives in Juba Arabic and Ki-Nubi, two closely related Arabic-based contact languages. The study describes the process of acquisition of demonstrative pronouns and determiners and it explains the formal and functional changes that have taken place in the demonstrative system of Arabic as a consequence of pidginization and subsequent creolization. Broadly speaking, the reduction of the inflection of Arabic demonstratives and the gradual loss of their deictic value corresponds to a change of their grammatical functions along the common grammaticalization pathdeictic demonstrative > anaphoric demonstrative > definite article. However, Juba Arabic and Ki-Nubi clearly differ in terms of both forms and functions of pronominal and adnominal demonstratives. If Juba Arabic demonstratives are characterized by a certain morphological continuity with those of its Arabic lexifier, Ki-Nubi gives evidence of an innovative, and rather complex, system of demonstrative pronouns and determiners. This morphosyntactic divergence is also reflected on a functional ground insofar as the adnominal demonstrativede“this” is mainly used as a tracking device in Juba Arabic, whereas it can mark nominal definiteness in Ki-Nubi. The study eventually proposes a unified diachronic hypothesis that accounts for a greater degree of grammaticalization of nominal determination in Ki-Nubi as a result of its radical creolization.

The Grammaticalization Path of yǐ (以) (Part 2) ― Based on its Occurrences in The Book of Odes (Shijing ≪詩經≫)

The Grammaticalization Path of yǐ (以) (Part 2) ― Based on its Occurrences in The Book of Odes (Shijing ≪詩經≫)

Miratives in Japanese

AbstractThe notion of mirativity as a grammatical category separate from evidentiality is controversial, but a certain amount of cross-linguistic evidence speaks for its validity. The aim of this study is to investigate this notion in contemporary and earlier Japanese, which is shown to have mirative constructions: (i)nomiratives, (ii)kotomiratives, and (iii) lexical miratives. The particlesnoandkotoare polyfunctional, and they have recently gained a mirative function. Lexical miratives are uttered by the younger generation. These findings raise a diachronic issue regarding the emergence of the three mirative constructions. AdoptingCruschina’s (2011)cartographic approach to discourse-related phenomena and the notion of “emotional vocative” offered byYamada (1936), we argue that what binds the three constructions together is the involvement of the IFocP (Information Focus Phrase) and that their emergences are all explained by grammaticalization paths starting from nominals.

Repetitive prefix in Agul: Morphological copy from a closely related language

Aims and Research Questions:This paper describes the repetitive prefix in Agul (Lezgic, East Caucasian), focusing on the grammaticalization path of this morpheme. The main question to be addressed is the hypothesis that the prefix has been copied from the closely related Lezgian language.Approach, Data and Analysis:Firstly, I provide a detailed description of the morphology and semantics of the repetitive prefix (‘again’, ‘back’) in comparison to the system of locative prefixes in Agul, showing that despite the formal similarity with the ‘post’-localization prefix (meaning ‘behind’), the repetitive prefix is distinct both functionally and paradigmatically. I then compare the repetitive and ‘post’-prefix in Agul with their counterparts in Lezgian and other Lezgic languages.Findings/Conclusions:While the relation of the meaning ‘behind’ to ‘again’ is cross-linguistically common, the development of a special repetitive prefix in Agul is only attested in the two southern dialects, whose speakers have been in long-term contact with Lezgian – a language that possesses a productive repetitive prefix/infix. It is thus natural to assume that the Agul prefix has a contact-induced origin. I also show that this is not the only grammatical phenomenon of southern Agul that has been influenced by Lezgian.Originality and Significance:The morphological properties and functions of the repetitive prefix in Agul have not been described in detail before. The conclusion that this prefix is a morphological copy is remarkable, because Lezgian is one of the two languages most closely genetically related to Agul, and also because the borrowing of the prefix has led to the emergence of affixal ‘etymological doublets’ in Agul.Limitations:It remains to be investigated to what extent ‘post’-prefixes in other Lezgic languages show signs of grammaticalization towards repetitive prefixes, and also whether the two markers can become paradigmatically distinct, as with Agul.

From theme to rheme: The evolution of causal conjunctions of temporal origin in Catalan

AbstractWe trace the evolution of two causal conjunctions of temporal origin in Catalan,pus (que)‘since’ (laterpuix (que)), which ultimately derives from Latinpost‘after,’ andja que‘since,’ ultimately fromiam‘already.’ We focus on the different causal meanings that these connectors may express at different stages. The analysis of our Catalan corpus, which spans from the 13th to the 20th century, reveals a clear diachronic tendency for clauses headed by these conjunctions to be increasingly more frequently placed after the main clause. Given the expected correlation between clausal order and pragmatic function, we interpret these facts as showing that the thematic usage of clauses (primarily expressing causes oriented to the illocutionary force or the modal value) is prior to their interpretation as having rhematic causal value. These findings replicate the results that have been reported for the cognate Spanish conjunctions (with some time lag for Catja quevis-à-vis Spya que). and thus show a parallel evolution in the two languages. Furthermore, as in Spanish,puix (que)andja queshow a very similar evolutionary pattern, with the difference that the latter connector develops a few centuries later, providing some evidence for the cyclic character of this evolution (i.e, as the older connector moved along its grammaticalization path, a second connector arose to replace it in its original value and started evolving in the same direction).

GRAMMATICALIZATION PATHS AND CHAOS: DETERMINISM AND UNPREDICTABILITY OF THE SEMANTIC DEVELOPMENT OF VERBAL CONSTRUCTIONS (PART 3 – CHAOS IN GRAMMATICALIZATION)

This paper demonstrates that by applying Chaos Theory to the modelling of the evolution of verbal forms and verbal systems, it is possible to view classical grammaticalization paths as universal, and align this deterministic assumption with the unpredictability of concrete grammatical developments. The author argues that such an explanation is possible because traditional grammaticalization paths do not represent realistic cases of grammatical evolutions, but rather correspond to abstract and non-realistic deterministic laws which codify the order of the incorporation of new meanings to the semantic potential of a gram. Therefore, from a synchronic perspective, they can be used to represent the semantic potential of a form as a map or a state. In contrast, a realistic development emerges as a trajectory connecting such maps or states. Consequently, the cross-linguistic typological model of realistic evolutionary processes of a certain type corresponds to a state-space – it is a cluster of all possible trajectories the grams of a certain class can travel. This article – the second of series of three papers – will deal with a principled application of Chaos Theory to linguistics and with a new alternative interpretation of paths postulated by Path Theory.

GRAMMATICALIZATION PATHS AND CHAOS: DETERMINISM AND UNPREDICTABILITY OF THE SEMANTIC DEVELOPMENT OF VERBAL CONSTRUCTIONS (PART 3 – CHAOS IN GRAMMATICALIZATION)

This paper demonstrates that by applying Chaos Theory to the modelling of the evolution of verbal forms and verbal systems, it is possible to view classical grammaticalization paths as universal, and align this deterministic assumption with the unpredictability of concrete grammatical developments. The author argues that such an explanation is possible because traditional grammaticalization paths do not represent realistic cases of grammatical evolutions, but rather correspond to abstract and non-realistic deterministic laws which codify the order of the incorporation of new meanings to the semantic potential of a gram. Therefore, from a synchronic perspective, they can be used to represent the semantic potential of a form as a map or a state. In contrast, a realistic development emerges as a trajectory connecting such maps or states. Consequently, the cross-linguistic typological model of realistic evolutionary processes of a certain type corresponds to a state-space – it is a cluster of all possible trajectories the grams of a certain class can travel. This article – the second of series of three papers – will deal with a principled application of Chaos Theory to linguistics and with a new alternative interpretation of paths postulated by Path Theory.

‘Knowing How’ in Slovene: Treading the Other Path

For the linguistic expression of the concept of knowledge, the Slavic languages use verbs deriving from the Indo-European roots * ĝnō and * ueid . They differ in terms of the availability of both types of verbs in the contemporary standard languages and in terms of their semantic range. As will be shown in this paper, these differences are interesting not only from a language-specific lexicological point of view, but also in the context of the intersection of lexicon and grammar. Covering the domain of ‘knowing how,’ the * ĝnō -based verb in Slovene ( znati ) has been extending into the domain of possibility and, on this basis, developing into a modal verb. While this development is not surprising from a typological point of view, it is remarkable from a Slavic perspective, since this particular grammaticalisation path towards possibility is otherwise unknown to Slavic. This peculiar feature of Slovene, which most probably relates to its long-lasting and intensive contact with German, is illustrated in the present paper by comparing Slovene to Russian on the basis of three main questions: 1) the semantic range of vedeti / vedatʹ and znati / znatʹ , 2) the lexicalisation of ‘know how,’ and 3) the relation between knowledge, ability, and possibility. The focus is on contemporary Slovene and Russian, leaving a detailed diachronic investigation and the further embedding into a larger Slavic and areal perspective for future analyses.

‘Knowing How’ in Slovene: Treading the Other Path

For the linguistic expression of the concept of knowledge, the Slavic languages use verbs deriving from the Indo-European roots *ĝnō and *ṷei̭d. They differ in terms of the availability of both types of verbs in the contemporary standard languages and in terms of their semantic range. As will be shown in this paper, these differences are interesting not only from a language-specific lexicological point of view, but also in the context of the intersection of lexicon and grammar. Covering the domain of ‘knowing how,’ the *ĝnō-based verb in Slovene (znati) has been extending into the domain of possibility and, on this basis, developing into a modal verb. While this development is not surprising from a typological point of view, it is remarkable from a Slavic perspective, since this particular grammaticalisation path towards possibility is otherwise unknown to Slavic. This peculiar feature of Slovene, which most probably relates to its long-lasting and intensive contact with German, is illustrated in the present paper by comparing Slovene to Russian on the basis of three main questions: 1) the semantic range of vedeti / vedatʹ and znati / znatʹ, 2) the lexicalisation of ‘know how,’ and 3) the relation between knowledge, ability, and possibility. The focus is on contemporary Slovene and Russian, leaving a detailed diachronic investigation and the further embedding into a larger Slavic and areal perspective for future analyses.

The development of the declarative complementizer in German

It is standardly assumed that the German declarative dass -complementizer evolved from the demonstrative pronoun (Old High German thaz ) used cataphorically. On this analysis, the source structure would be a paratactic sequence of two sentences in which thaz occurred in the final position of the first clause and pointed forward to the content of the second clause. Out of this structure, thaz developed into a subordinate conjunction/complementizer via a shift of the clause boundary (as in Mary knows that: Peter is lying → Mary knows that Peter is lying ). This article takes issue with the standard assumption and puts forward an alternative account in which the declarative complementizer developed from a correlative construction (as in Mary knows that, that Peter is lying ). The correlative construction (arguably also with an optionally silent correlative) is robustly attested in the old Germanic and old Indo-European languages. The source structure was thus not a sequence of syntactically independent clauses, but a hypotactic structure with an explicative relative clause associated with a silent correlative element in the main clause. In line with the hypothesis currently under discussion—that apparent noun-complement clauses are in fact relative clauses—it is argued that the explicative clause in the correlative structure was a relative clause, and thus the declarative complementizer developed from the relative complementizer thaz . The syntactic reanalyses involved in this new scenario are far less radical than in the traditional one. The new scenario is furthermore supported by crosslinguistic evidence: the development of relativizers into complementizers is a frequently attested grammaticalization path.

The Grammaticalization Path of yǐ 以 - Based on Its Occurrences in The Book of Odes(Shijing≪詩經≫)

The Grammaticalization Path of yǐ 以 - Based on Its Occurrences in The Book of Odes(Shijing≪詩經≫)