Paschal Lamb Research Articles

Suppressed, Adopted and Invented Memories

The Gospel of John reflects several layers of social memory and theological creativity concerning Jesus’s death. In the early material, there seems to be a suppressed awareness of Jesus’s fate and an unwillingness to unfold it in narrative form – something that recalls the hypothetical sayings gospel Q and the Gospel of Thomas. There is also a search for alternative, figurative ways to visualize the endpoint of Jesus’s earthly life. Eventually, the narrative memory of Jesus’s passion, as told in Mark and Matthew, was adopted with some modifications. Among the modifications of the passion storyline is the narrativization of the image of Jesus as a Paschal Lamb, an image already known to Paul. The most remarkable innovation, however, was the figure of the “Beloved Disciple” as an eyewitness to Jesus’s passion and death.

The Quartodeciman Question: Johannine Roots of a Christian Controversy

In the ante-Nicene era the Quartodecimans (the “fourteeners”) preserved a tradition that was said to go back to “John.” They commemorated 14 Nisan rather than Easter Sunday, the day that the larger Christian community commemorated as the day of the resurrection. For more than a century now, scholars have addressed the ‘Quartodeciman question,’ defined in various ways but essentially, “What did their observance of 14 Nisan mean? What did it commemorate?” This brief paper offers additional support to arguments posited by others that, as theological descendants of Johannine thought, the Quartodecimans preserved a tradition which commemorated Jesus’ death as the paschal lamb, which was simultaneously a glorification, the exaltation of the Christ.

Intertestamental, Apocrypha, NT Use: Other Writings/Traditions

Intertestamental, Apocrypha, NT UseOther Writings/Traditions Brian J. Meldrum, Christopher T. Begg, Thomas Hieke, Richard A. Taylor, and David A. Bosworth 2411. [The Book of Exodus in Philo] Sean A. Adams, "The Book of Exodus in Philo of Alexandria," The Reception of Exodus Motifs, 183-98 [see #2501]. A. explores Exodus motifs in the writings of Philo. Exodus is the second most referenced scriptural book (after Genesis) in the Philonic corpus, although this focus on Exodus is not evenly distributed across all of Philo's works, and he engages with the Exodus text in a variety of ways. A. offers a succinct overview of the material in question, and then selects two major aspects of this for more detailed investigation. First, he considers several Exodus passages which are employed by Philo in multiple treatises and so can be assumed to have had particular significance for him (e.g., Exod 3:14; 7:1). Second, he examines how specific Exodus passages are interpreted by Philo in his Allegorical Commentary. A. draws out from his study some important conclusions about Philo's general exegetical method, especially his utilization of the intertextuality between Exodus and Genesis and other scriptural writings. [Adapted from book's introduction—B.J.M.] 2412. [Stelae Traditions in Second Temple Judaism and Their Legacy in Byzantium] William Adler, "Translatio studii: Stelae Traditions in Second Temple Judaism and Their Legacy in Byzantium," Afterlives of Ancient Rock-cut Monuments, 380-401 [see #2488]. In his essay, A. takes as his point of departure two Jewish sources featuring the motif of the primordial stelae: Flavius Josephus's Antiquities and the Book of Jubilees. From this basis, he proceeds to trace the intricate pathway of the stelae motif in the writings of various Byzantine chronographers. Mirroring the earlier ambivalence of the Jewish traditions regarding the stelae, the chronographers vacillate between attributing positive or negative valences to the supposedly angelic knowledge carved on the stelae. Curiously, as A. further points out, these chronographers themselves lived in Anatolia, which raises an intriguing question: did these authors reflect upon the extant Anatolian rock-cut reliefs and inscriptions around them in their efforts to reconstruct the traditions of the primordial stelae? See also ##1782, 2472. [Adapted from editors' preface, p. x—C.T.B.] 2413. [The Fulfillment of Zech 12:10 in the Gospel of John] Eduardo Emilio Agüero, "'Mirarán al que traspasaron': El cumplimiento de Za 12:10 en el evangelio de Juan," RevistB 83 (3-4, 2021) 467-516. The Fourth Gospel exhibits a dynamism in which the identity of Jesus is gradually revealed in a dramatic way that is oriented toward the moment of "his hour." This hour arrives when Jesus is nailed to the cross, and just before the moment of the crucifixion, the evangelist quotes (a portion of) Zech 12:10, i.e., the phrase "they will look upon him whom they have pieced" as being fulfilled at this juncture. The themes and motifs of Zechariah's book are echoed and amplified in John's Gospel and contribute to the revelation of the divine and messianic identity of Jesus, king and priest of the new covenant, and his sanctifying impact on those who believe in him. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 893] 2414. [Paul and the Exodus Tradition] David M. Allen, "Paul's Uses of Exodus: Appealing to the Wilderness Experience," The Reception of Exodus Motifs, 287-308 [see #2501]. A.'s chapter explores the major uses of Exodus material in Paul's letters, especially those directed to Rome and Corinth. A. analyzes the formal citations in Rom 9:15-17, the explicit comparison Paul develops between the wilderness generation, and the situation of his Corinthian audience (1 Corinthians 10), the reference to the imagery of the Paschal lamb in 1 Corinthians 5, and the theme of Moses's veiling his face in 2 Cor 3:7-18 (cf. Exodus 32–34). This investigation enables A. to draw out some important methodological reflections about how Paul re-appropriates the above traditions, and where his doing this situates him in relation to his contemporary exegetical context. [Adapted...

L. Michael Morales. Exodus Old and New: A Biblical Theology of Redemption. Essential Studies in Biblical Theology.

L. Michael Morales. <i>Exodus Old and New: A Biblical Theology of Redemption</i>. Essential Studies in Biblical Theology.

“누룩과 유월절 양”의 메타포 - 고린도전서 5:7의 번역과 해석 -

This paper will explore the meaning of metaphors leaven and Paschal Lamb in 1 Corinthians 5:7 in Korean Bible translations. Corinthians 5:7 is an important verse that contains metaphors of the Christology from early Christianity.BR When the verse is divided into 5:7a and 5:7b, both parts are connected through καὶ γάρ which entails the metaphors of leaven and Paschal Lamb respectively. The conjunction καὶ γάρ has the function to exhibit the latter as the cause of the first metaphor. However, this important conjunction is often omitted in Korean Bible translations including the 『개역개정』(New Korean Revised Version). Of course, it is included in the first complete version of the Korean Bible, 『예수셩교젼셔』(Corean New Testament) in history.BR However, this καὶ γάρ is a phrase that is not easy to interpret so the majority of later manuscripts and some modern translations try to understand it by adding ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν. It is also the only passage in the New Testament that explicitly refers to the death of Jesus as the Paschal Lamb. The addition by later generations is therefore seen as a paraphrase and an interpretation of the understanding that Jesus Christ is the Sacrificial Lamb and correctly the Paschal Lamb.BR As the Jewish community already shows the functional integration of the Paschal Lamb and the Sacrificial Lamb by the time of prophet Ezekiel, it can be speculated that in early Christianity, the interpretation of Jesus’ death was strengthened to include the concept of Sacrificial Lamb and Paschal Lamb. It is therefore consequently obvious to Paul that Jesus Christ, who was the Sacrificial Lamb is also the Paschal Lamb. This is why Paul only wrote καὶ γάρ between Leaven and Paschal Lamb without any additional explanation.

Keeping the paschal lamb: Exodus 12.6 and the question of sacrifice in the Passover-of-Egypt

The paschal prescription in Exodus 12.3-6—attributed to the Priestly Source—that requires the Israelites to keep an animal four days prior to slaughtering it is an enigmatic episode unparalleled in other biblical accounts of Passover. Modern discussions often disregard the prescription as a faux rite created through textual harmonization of apparently disparate dating traditions for Passover. This discussion demonstrates that compositional approaches to explaining the rite are unsatisfactory and attempts rather to approach the rite phenomenologically—even if the phenomenon only existed in the imagination of the Priestly writer. With a nuanced understanding of the language used to describe the rite and the correspondence of the Passover-of-Egypt with the Priestly system of Tabernacle sacrifice, the study shows that the four-day detainment of the animal is an intentionally crafted device used to approximate in a pre-Tabernacle environment the mediation between sacred and profane that would later be guarded by priests.

Paschalis (Arutiun) Jakubowicz i trzy pasy kontuszowe w zbiorach Muzeum Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

Paschalis Jakubowicz and Three kontusz sashes in the Collections of the Museum of the Jagiellonian UniversityThe Museum of the Jagiellonian University holds three belts associated with the activities of Paschalis Jakubowicz, a producer of kontusz saches in the period of the Great Sejm. One of such belts, which features a paschal lamb between the letters PI, was woven in a persjarnia (a workshop where kontusz belts were made) established by Jakubowicz in Lipków near Warsaw. Another one, which features the letters PI, originates from a weaver’s workshop in Lyon, which produces kontusz belts intended for the Polish market, also commissioned by Jakubowicz. In the case of the last one, which features the letters FS, at this stage of research it is difficult to establish whether it was made in Lyon or whether it should be considered a product of the Kraków workshop, which received an order from Jakubowicz.

Die Theologie des Johannesevangeliums

Summary Johannine theology is quite clear and stringent in its conceptuality. This is rooted in the Christocentrism which is characteristic for the Johannine theology as a whole: Jesus Christ is the one and only „subject matter“ which lies in the center of this thinking. All other topics of theology – such as soteriology, eschatology or pneumatology – are unfolded on the basis of Christology and gain their decisive profile from here. Most fundamental for Johannine Christology is the statement that Jesus Christ is the eternal Son of God, who in the same way and with the same seriousness deserves to be called „God“ as the Father. This is the basis for the claim that his death was the saving self-surrender of the Son of God as the true paschal lamb. The salvation, which is enacted in the crucified, is appropriated to the individual through faith in Jesus Christ. This faith is God's work and has its foundation in divine predestination. Johannine eschatology is unique in the New Testament in its strong emphasi...

Canonical understanding of the sacrifice of Isaac: The influence of the Jewish tradition

The Aqedah in Jewish tradition is an alleged theology for the sacrifice of Isaac which has an atoning concept and has influenced the atonement theology of the New Testament (NT), but it has not been proved by the NT. The purpose of this article is to investigate all verses in the NT that are alleged to refer to Abraham’s offering of Isaac. The reflections of Genesis 22 in the NT verses do not grant atoning power to the sacrifice of Isaac. Abraham’s portrait suggests Christ as the Beloved Son, but the vicarious death of Jesus on the Cross is unrelated to Isaac in Genesis 22. Isaac is the type of Christ only in the preparation of death. Jesus as the Tamid lamb (not as the Paschal lamb) refers to Genesis 22 without granting expiation of sin by Isaac. The resurrection motif as well as the promise-fulfilment scheme referring to Genesis 22 also does not validate the Aqedah. Thus, the NT does not assume the Aqedah.Keywords: Aqedah; sacrifice of Isaac; Genesis 22; canonical interpretation; typology; OT-NT relation, Jewish tradition, Jewish influence on the NT

Jezus jako ΥΙΟΣ w Corpus Paulinum. Ujęcie typologiczne

The New Testament letters attributed to Paul depict Jesus Christ as the Son (υἱός) seventeen times. Using the phenomenon of intertextuality and typology, the present article aims to identify the Old Testament’s inspiration for Pauline use of the title “Son” for Jesus. It appears that some main archetypes of Jesus’ sonship can be recognized (Adam, Isaac, the paschal lamb replacing the firstborn son, Israel corporately as son, David, Solomon, Daniel’s Son of Man, and indirectly Isaiah’s Servant of the Lord). These pictures of sonship are intertwined by Paul and used for all main stages of Jesus’ life and activity (birth, death, resurrection, ascension and ruling, sending the Spirit and the second coming).

Illuminated Haggadot from Medieval Spain: Biblical Imagery and the Passover Holiday (review)

Reviewed by: Illuminated Haggadot from Medieval Spain: Biblical Imagery and the Passover Holiday John R. C. Martyn Kogman-Appel, Katrin, Illuminated Haggadot from Medieval Spain: Biblical Imagery and the Passover Holiday, University Park, PA, Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006; hardback; pp. xxii, 295; 16 colour plates, 168 b/w illustrations; RRP US$99.00; ISBN 0271027401. Dr Kogman-Appel's admirable display of scholarship, assisted by funding from Spanish, American and Israeli sources, is presented most attractively in this book, which was printed in China and published expertly by the Pennsylvania State University Press. The combined expertise and/or funds of American, European, Middle-Eastern and Chinese agencies are most impressive. The four most significant Spanish manuscripts, but not the earliest, which contain Haggedah illuminations are shown by Kogman-Appel to be those from Sarajevo (c. 1320), the British Library (codices 28884 and 27210; c. 1320) and the John Rylands Library (cod. 6; 14th cent.) Colour plates are unfortunately restricted to those four plus one in Bologna (cod. 25589; c. 1300). The earliest such manuscripts from Spain are in fact two Bibles moralisées, now in Vienna (cod. 2554; c. 1225) and in Oxford's Bodleian (cod. 2706; c. 1230), followed in [End Page 198] time by the Bologna manuscript (c. 1300). In the pictorial section, the pride of place is given to the British Library 27210 Haggedah, which shows two plates each with the usual four scenes, depicting the original Passovers, worthy of inclusion in any general work on medieval illuminated manuscripts. Their attractive artistry is in contrast to the quite crude sketches in plates iv-v, from British Library 2884. Kogman-Appel makes no attempt to judge the artistic qualities of this selection, but rightly stresses their difference from the almost unadorned Haggedah manuscripts from non-Spanish sources, like for instance the Kauffman Haggadah from Hungary, with its familial Passovers and little else. Kogman-Appel discusses the unusual way in which picture-cycles in the Spanish texts replace the written word, normally so highly treasured. Yet folios iii and vii are highly artistic examples of the Hebraic text. But as stated by Kogman-Appel, art as a means to teach the uneducated and illiterate does not apply to Jewish art, especially in the case of illuminated Haggedah. Incidentally, in Pope Gregory's letter (9.209) to Serenus, the bishop of Marseilles, sent in July 599, he attacks him for destroying all of the religious art works in his church, arguing that they should certainly not be worshipped, but that the illiterate should be given a chance to learn the Church's stories through them. But denial of the visual was normal in synagogues, although the Haggedah manuscripts in Spain, which were mainly owned by private patrons, seem to have been an exception. Kogman-Appel's choice of illuminations, which are skilfully integrated with the interesting text, show the most popular selections from the Hebrew scriptures made by the various artists, in these early Haggedah manuscripts. Most popular by far are those on the birth and exploits of Moses, with 92 pictures, as well as 46 pictures of the Pentateuch in figure 143. To these one could add the 53 pictures of the plagues in Egypt (darkness 9, locusts 8, first-borns' deaths 8, boils 6, morrain 5, hail 4, arov 4, frogs 3, blood 3 and lice 2). A further nine show the Red-Sea and Passover, adding up to 159 on Moses and Egypt. Joseph's life comes next with 69 pictures, and Jacob's with 33, and then the Creation with 31. Noah's Ark and Flood have 13, Abraham 10, Lot's escape 8 and the Tower of Babel 6. For Jewish ritual there are just 22, namely the Synagogue, Messianic temple (2), Ark of the Covenant, the Universe, the Short side of the Universe, Solomon sacrificing, the Slaughter of the Paschal lamb (4), Striking the door-post (7) and the Sedet ceremony (4). These 22 pictures on ritual, compared with the 330 on Hebraic history, underline the special nature of these early Spanish Haggedah manuscripts, a point not noted by Kogman-Appel. Not only are humans depicted, male and at times enticingly female, but...

Jews Against Prejudice: American Jews and the Fight for Civil Liberties (review)

146 SHOFAR Summer 1999 Vol. 17, No.4 diamond and ruby buttons. In his left hand he holds a slim ivory cane with a violet bowknot. A white lambkin peeks out ofhis waistcoat pocket." Davison, following some earlier critics, says flatly, "Rudy has become a Jewish 'fairy boy of eleven'" (his emphasis). And he sees in that image a confirmation of Bloom's commitment to Judaism. Not very likely. The Jews ofDublin in 1904, the time ofthe novel, were almost entirely Eastern European immigrants-Orthodox Jews-and their fust generation progeny, refugees from restrictive Russian laws of the 1880s and accompanying pogroms. Reading from right to left and a white lambkin, which could as easily be the agnus dei as the paschal lamb, do not make the image of Rudy "Jewish"-certainly not in a world in which Jews tended to mumble and sway when they prayed and wore somber clothes. The ostentatious continued kissing of the text while reading and the bizarre dress, with echoes in that dress of Christian, classical, and Celtic lore, would be outrageous as a symbol of Judaism to Jews of any persuasion, let alone Eastern European, Orthodox Jews at the turn ofthe century; and most of Joyce's Jewish friends, even though assimilated, would have told him so. I can only read mockery in the image. Davison's book is useful as a discussion ofhow Joyce's concept of Jews probably evolved; but I do not see it as a useful explanation of Leopold Bloom, one of the three central characters in Ulysses. Erwin R. Steinberg Carnegie Mellon University Jews Against Prejudice: American Jews and the Fight for Civil Liberties, by Stuart Svonkin. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. 364 pp. $32.50. As Nathan Glazer famously lamented, "We are all multiculturalists now." Stuart Svonkin, in his well-researched history, shows that today's seemingly orrmipresent multiculturalism springs in part from the activism ofJewish defense groups ofthe 1930s and 1940s who expanded their campaigns for self-defense to an organized attack on the existence ofprejudice itself. Svonkin shows how Jews during this period developed an ideology centered upon a new "unitary theory ofprejudice." That is, the then radical idea that prejudice itself, no matter what group it was directed at, was a problem that all minority groups needed to be concerned with. This allowed Jewish groups like the Anti Defamation League and the American Jewish Committee to move beyond strictly Jewish issues to work with other minority groups, especially Blacks in the civil rights movement. Svonkin is especially strong in showing how these two Jewish groups were able to successfully mount and maintain a public education--or rather re-education-program Book Reviews 147 that ranged from films to ads on public transportation to the publication of a string of tremendously influential academic studies, the most famous of which was The Authoritarian Personality. The author then shows how these groups worked in tandem with the World Jewish Congress, which was successful in bringing about legal change in the form of anti-discriminatory laws in the areas of housing and employment practices. The major weakness of Svonkin's book is his failure to fully consider the reasons why Jewish activism, which until around 1967 identified itself with a kind of universal liberalism and the fight against the idea of unitary prejudice, once again became telescoped into a more narrow identity group politics that we see today and which men like Glazer lament. Svonkin places a great deal ofemphasis on the Six-Day War of 1967 for the change in Jewish activism. Yet he fails to consider that, at this same time, women, Blacks, Latinos, Chicanos, Gays, American Indians and others were all also abandoning the goals of liberal universalism to focus almost exclusively on the problems of their respective groups. Svonkin points out that the old idea of universal liberal activism had an "inherent contradiction"; that is, it did not make allowance for conflicts between minority groups. This, however, would seem to be begging the question. What we really need to know is why these conflicts arose and why they did so at this particular time and not at another. In a similar vein, Svonkin...

The Word Within: Predicating the Presence of God in George Herbert's The Temple

The Word Within: Predicating the Presence of God in George Herbert's The Temple

The Order of Christ: the Paschal Lamb

The Order of Christ: the Paschal Lamb Get access H. W. T. H. W. T. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume s3-VII, Issue 172, 15 April 1865, Page 304, https://doi.org/10.1093/nq/s3-VII.172.304-a Published: 15 April 1965

The Order of Christ: the Paschal Lamb

The Order of Christ: the Paschal Lamb

The Order of Christ: the Paschal Lamb

The Order of Christ: the Paschal Lamb

The Paschal Lamb in the Arms of Portugal

The Paschal Lamb in the Arms of Portugal Get access John Davidson John Davidson Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume s3-VII, Issue 169, 25 March 1865, Page 251, https://doi.org/10.1093/nq/s3-VII.169.251-d Published: 25 March 1965

Regimental badges: The Paschal Lamb

Regimental badges: The Paschal Lamb

The Date of the Slaughter of the Paschal Lamb

The Date of the Slaughter of the Paschal Lamb

The Bones of the Paschal Lamb

'A bone in it ye shall not break. The Priestly legislation in Exod. 12 makes this provision for the Paschal lamb. Num. 9. 12 repeats the prescription This paper will discuss the probable origin and significance of this rite. Various hypotheses have been advanced, by Robertson Smith and others. None, however, has the slightest probability or is supported by valid evidence, other than that presented by Kohler.2 Comparing the statement of John 19. 33-36, that none of the bones of Jesus were broken, with two modern instances, recorded by Curtiss, of the bones of the sacrifice remaining unbroken, and then citing several cases from comparative mythology of animals being eaten, but their bones being carefully preserved, flesh being then brought back upon them and the animal thus restored to life, Kohler has suggested that the prohibition of breaking the bones of the Paschal lamb points to the belief in its subsequent resurrection and reincarnation. That this belief and practice are cherished by primitive peoples in all parts of the world, particularly those still living upon the hunting and fishing planes of civilization, is abundantly attested. Manifold evidence proves this belief and practice current in early Semitic life, particularly in the nomad state, and thereby confirms Kohler's hypothesis. The Testament of Abraham makes Sarah say,3 'When you slaughtered the perfect calf and served up a meal to them (the three angels), the flesh having been eaten, the calf rose again and sucked its mother in joy.' Kohler has compared this tradition with that of Ezra's ass, recorded in Sura 2. 261, the bones of which, after having lain for one hundred years, were reclothed with flesh and restored to life. Damiri gives this tradition in full.4 'When 'Uzair was freed from Babylon he journeyed on