Part Of Policy Research Articles

Have the policies of national political parties in Switzerland on mental health evolved since the COVID-19 pandemic? A comparative study of election manifestos from 2019 and 2023

Mental health has become a burgeoning issue throughout Switzerland, exacerbated by the impact of COVID-19 on populational mental wellbeing and psychiatric services, though its broader sociopolitical importance remains underexamined. To explore coverage of mental health policies and their evolution since COVID-19, this article assessed national party manifestos from the 2019 and 2023 Swiss elections. Pre-election materials were collated through online searches and subsequent outreach to party organisations. Manifestos were available from n = 6 parties, cumulatively accounting for 72.7% of national votes in 2019 and 72.2% in 2023, and were reviewed for explicit mental health policies or adjunct proposals (e.g. around drug policy and health prevention and promotion). Only a modest increase was evident in mental health policy content from 2019 to 2023, with proxy or adjunct public health proposals primarily represented (especially around prevention and promotion). Notably, only one party in 2023 proposed an explicit mental health policy, which was contextually linked to COVD-19. This juxtaposition between recent public opinion signals and the prioritisation of mental health within electoral frameworks could potentially be informed by other ongoing international and domestic concerns. Future research should examine how societal attitudes towards mental health develop and whether this stimulates political engagement or proposals across Switzerland and elsewhere.

Study on the Transmission and Inheritance of Red Culture in College Student Groups from the Perspective of Marxist Practice Theory

The report of the 20th Party Congress points out: "Education is a major plan for the country and the Party. The root of educating people lies in establishing morality. Fully implement the Party's education policy, implement the fundamental task of establishing morality, and cultivate socialist builders and successors with all-round development of morality, intelligence, physical fitness and aesthetics." Marxist practice theory is an important part of Marxist philosophy, emphasizing the fundamental role of practice in the process of understanding and transforming the world. Red culture condenses the unswerving revolutionary will of the communists and their sincere and persistent sentiment for the people, and centrally embodies the characteristics of China's advanced culture. This paper argues that society and colleges and universities should, under the guidance of the Marxist concept of practice, guide contemporary college students to inherit the red culture, lead them to harvest beliefs and draw strength from real historical events, and cultivate them to set up noble moral sentiments to better serve the society and realize the value of their lives.

Interrogating Impediments to Women Participation in Political Leadership among the Abagusii in Post-Colonial Kenya

The trend on elective political positions in the Gusii region shows that, women have not been getting equal opportunities as their male counterparts in elective seats of members of parliament, the seats of the governor, senator and members of county assembly in the counties in Gusii region. The objective of the study was to establish challenges to women participation in political leadership among the Abagusii Community from 1963 up to 2015. The study was guided by the feminist theory. According to this theory, the discrepancies in the decision-making in societies emerge from a social framework that espouses inequality. This study was based on qualitative approach and phenomenological design. The target population was made up of 682,481 women participants from the 8 Sub-Counties and 29 wards in Kisii County from where a sample size of 422 respondents was sampled purposively. The research instruments were interviews and focused group discussions from key informants. Archival sources were used as well as secondary data from books, articles published in journals and periodicals, unpublished articles and newspapers. Piloting was carried out in Kisii County on 10% of the sample size to test dependability and credibility. The data was analyzed thematically and presented qualitatively in the narrative form. The findings of this study are that cultural factors, stereotyping of women, economic factors, political barriers, lack of husband support, stigmatization, and gender-based violence are among the factors that have contributed to low participation of women in political leadership among the Abagusii community. The recommendations of the study were change in cultural perception towards women, gender equality awareness, emphasis on women empowerment and amendment of political party policies this will bring gender equality in leadership among the Abagusii

Dreams of mass repatriation: government and far-right expansions of deportability in Sweden

ABSTRACT Far-right parties present increased deportations and repatriations of ‘racial aliens’ as a central policy goal. The mainstreaming of the far-right contributes to making such ideas enter mainstream politics and become legitimized. This article investigates what expansions of deportability can be discerned in relation to membership categories viewed as secure – notably, permanent residency and citizenship – in government policy and far-right policy proposals in Sweden. Based on an analysis of Swedish government policy documents from 1885 to 2022 and far-right party programs and policy proposals from 1989 to 2022, the article shows how government and far-right ideas have converged in recent years in part through the rekindling of historical policy. The article concludes that the mainstreaming of the far-right has contributed to a shift towards a conception of citizenship that aims to render a significant part of the Swedish population deportable.

Assessment of the Election Manifestos of Uzbekistan Political Parties Between 2019-2024

Election manifestos are important policy documents for political parties. These documents are published before the election periods and are an important observation document for the evaluation of the promises and policies of political parties in the post-election period. In line with these documents, voters can track whether the promises made are fulfilled or not. These declarations include certain issues. Generally, these issues consist of areas where policy will be produced continuously in democratic societies. Accordingly, the election declarations prepared by the political parties of Uzbekistan for the period between 2019-2024 were examined. The discourses of each political party on the economy, judiciary, health, education and foreign policy, which are common in their election manifesto, were examined. This study aims to determine the similarities and differences in the common issues determined in the election manifestos of the political parties of Uzbekistan.

New people, new policy: How personnel renewal in the party executive affects party policy change. The case of Austria

The party organization literature has long acknowledged that changes in a party’s internal power structure bring about changes in leadership personnel. However, empirical assessments of how such personnel changes relate to party behavior are rare. We explore personnel renewal in the party executive as a driver of party policy change and argue that focusing on these processes provides for an encompassing perspective on the connection between intra-party power and party behavior. Building on the party change literature, we theorize on personnel renewal in the party executive as a potential stand-alone driver of party policy change as well as on its interplay with other explanatory factors and test empirical implications based on all major Austrian parties (1949–2019). Findings suggest that personnel renewal in the party executive has a profound effect on party policy and that these personnel changes are in part driven by party performance.

Labour Women MPs and Housewifery in the House of Commons, 1945–1951

Abstract This article analyses how Labour women MPs championed the needs of ‘the housewife’ in parliament in order to improve the lives of women, especially working-class women, during the Attlee administration. Relying on personal experience to make their case, these women spoke as housewives, not just for housewives, using gendered experiences for political ends. This article examines how they applied the politics of housewifery to two specific contemporary economic challenges: the cost of living and the impact of taxation. In doing so, and in contrast to the established literature, it shows how far Labour women were prepared to challenge party and government policy on behalf of women. It thus contributes to historiographical debates about the Labour party’s relationship to consumerism and affluence as well as gender and austerity. Building on Brian Harrison’s influential study of interwar women MPs, it also responds to a recent call made by Miles Taylor in this journal for more attention to women as legislators in the post-war period. Methodologically, it emphasizes the benefits of qualitative analysis of ‘big data’ sources.

Strengthening mainstream consensus? The effect of radical right populist parties on the defense policies of left parties

Abstract We study how the electoral success of radical right populist parties (RRPPs) affects mainstream parties' defense policy positions. The success of RRPPs threatens the credibility of established left-wing parties with coalition and international partners due to substantive overlap between their and RRPPs' defense-skeptical position. We argue that left parties adopt more assertive defense positions to distinguish themselves from RRPPs, thus increasing mainstream consensus on defense policy. Examining 27 European countries between the end of the Cold War and Russia's occupation of Crimea (1990–2013), we test this argument based on a regression discontinuity design around electoral thresholds for obtaining parliamentary seats. We find that, in response to RRPP success, left parties adopt more assertive defense policy positions, whereas center-right parties stand their ground. This study yields evidence for an adversarial response to the radical right, often thought to have lost out to accommodation, and for mechanisms other than electoral incentives, in a highly consequential domain.

Turn to the right, turn away from the green?—A nuanced analysis on how a populist radical right party affects environmental policy making in Sweden

AbstractPopulist radical right parties are on the rise all over Europe. Recent literature investigates their effects on environmental policy, however, often applying an overly broad perspective on the policy area and neglecting causal mechanisms. This article addresses both gaps in an in‐depth case study of partisan effects on Swedish environmental policy in the wake of increasing populist radical right influence. A novel data approach deriving party positions and policy output from the hard figures of budget proposals between 2001 and 2023, allows a nuanced analysis of environmental policy and its subsectors (e.g., nature conservation and climate mitigation). In summary, a traditional partisan effect is confirmed as a major explaining factor for environmental policy change, while the effect unfolds through altered coalition formation strategies leading to the exclusion of “green voices.” This brings to the fore interactive environmental policy effects of the populist radical right and center‐right parties in the context of changing party competition constellations more generally.

Ballot Box Representation: Spatial Voting and the Effects of Information in Direct Democracy Elections

AbstractIn states and localities with direct democracy, citizens can advance their policy interests without the aid of elected officials. Research documenting citizens’ lack of political knowledge raises questions about their ability to do so. We conduct three studies during real-world direct democracy elections to determine whether citizens choose alternatives (the ballot proposal or status quo) that are closest to their ideological positions and whether political information improves this outcome. Using original surveys, our first two studies estimate citizens’ ideological positions and show that citizens regularly choose alternatives that are closest to these positions. Using a survey experiment, our third study indicates that political information (party cues, policy information, and spatial maps) further improves such spatial voting. These results demonstrate citizens’ capacity to advance their policy interests in direct democracy elections and identify conditions under which political information strengthens the relationship between citizens’ policy interests and choices about ballot propositions.

From the Quest for Legitimacy to the Loss of Legitimacy: True Path Party-Army Relations from 1980 to 2000

This study focuses on the True Path Party-Army relations from the birth of the TPP until the period when Çiller left the Party chairmanship. Thus, it is aimed to reveal how the Party's national popular policies have changed as a result of its relations with the Army. In order to achieve the stated aim, historical comparative research method was used in the study. It is thought that a comparative examination of the period from the founding of the Party to Demirel's Presidency and the period when Çiller was the Chairman of the Party can reveal the discussions, dilemmas and continuities between the two periods in the Party's relations with the Army. As a matter of fact, the TPP's most important national popular move to expand its voter base since its foundation was based on the discourse of democracy. The rhetoric of 'resistance against military tutelage' was placed at the center of the Party's discourse on democracy. The Party's attitude towards the civilian administration's dominance over the Army in the period leading up to Demirel's presidency constitutes an important example of the civilianization efforts in Turkish political life. During the Çiller period, this effort was replaced by an essentialist nationalist understanding adorned with the themes of 'flag, azan and land'. In this period, the Party went from a period in which it strengthened its legitimacy through the Army to a period in which it lost legitimacy through the Army.

The Role of Political Parties in the Public Perception of Nuclear Energy

Discussions about nuclear energy in Türkiye are held in the shadow of the political polarization between the People's Alliance and the Nation's Alliance. However, there are no comprehensive studies that have investigated how political polarization affects the social acceptance of nuclear energy. To investigate these effects, face-to-face interviews (n=52) were conducted with people living around the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant. The study found two main results: first, the most important factor affecting the social acceptance of nuclear energy is the nuclear energy policies of the political parties they vote for; and second, those who vote for the People's Alliance, which advocates nuclear energy, have a high benefit perception, while those who vote for the Nation's Alliance, which opposes nuclear energy, have a high risk perception. The article concludes that Turkish nuclear energy policy is a highly political issue rather than just a strictly environmental one.

The return of public ownership amidst neoliberal mutation

The pursuit of a distinctive agenda around democratic public ownership under the Corbyn leadership was symbolic of the departure from the largely neoliberal economic governance perspective that dominated Labour Party policy in and out of government during the New Labour years. In contrast to some of the more dismissive critiques of the Corbyn‐McDonnell moment, which either want to caricature it as stuck in a ‘hard left’ groove from the 1980s, or as identifiable as a more traditional social-democratic project of the post 1945 era, it argues that the proposed programme of democratic public ownership (DPO) was genuinely transformative in its framing around economic democracy as an alternative to neoliberal governance. It was different from past radical Labour programmes in its commitment to decentred and pluralist institutions and ownership forms, yet still concerned with achieving radical change through the state.

Tinjauan Kritis Pergantian Antar Waktu dalam Dinamika Politik Indonesia: Perspektif Demokrasi

Inter-Time Change (PAW) in the context of Indonesian democracy is often in the spotlight in political dynamics. This research uses normative legal methods with a statutory approach to analyze the legal and political aspects of PAW. The aim of this research is to examine the implications of PAW in the representative democracy system in Indonesia as well as the relationship between council members and political parties. The research results show that PAW is often used as a control tool by political parties over council members who are not in line with party policies. In conclusion, PAW has a strong legal basis but needs a more transparent mechanism so as not to shift the direction of people's representatives to become representatives of the interests of political parties.

Efforts to Overcome Obstacles to Bailout Funds for KGPN Cooperative Customers in Medan Tembung District

This research aims to determine the factors that cause problematic credit at the KGPN Cooperative, Medan Tembung District. This research uses qualitative research with interview observation and documentation methods. The problems in this research are: 1. What causes Bad Credit in Cooperatives? 2. What are the Efforts to Pay Off Loans for Cooperative Members Who Bail Out Customers of the Medan Tembung District KGPN Cooperative? The effort to resolve the loan bailout from cooperative members which was bailed out by KGPN Cooperative customers in Medan Tembung District is to carry out good communication with customers. If you don't get results, you will contact someone close to the customer. Cooperatives are the implementation of chapter 33 of the Constitution as regulated in Law Number 25 of 1992 concerning Cooperatives. Cooperatives in Indonesia have a big influence on the survival of local residents. Moreover, in cooperatives there are several cooperative members and non-cooperative members who are not punctual in returning their debts at the predetermined time. Bad credit in savings and loan cooperatives has become a matter of great concern for the health of the cooperative itself. Bad debts in cooperatives are increasing over time and are difficult to collect. Gutter funds are widely used in the current transaction process. Such as implementing the pay late concept which uses bailout funds first. So that the main payment is made in accordance with the terms and policies of both parties. In other cases, bailout funds can be applied to various transaction areas, not only buying and selling transactions.

Partisan Politics in Finland

Abstract Traditionally, the Finnish party system has involved a high level of fragmentation yet remarkable stability, consensual decision-making, ideologically broad government coalitions, and mostly modest levels of polarization between parties or voters. These features suggest a limited effect of the party composition of government on economic policy. However, based on studies on close local elections, parliamentary speech, and party manifestos, we argue that the link between party politics and policy outcomes likely plays a role in Finland. Most analyses have examined the extent to which the characteristics of local politicians within the parties affect policy outcomes. These studies show that occupation, education, experience, competence, and residential location of local politicians strongly affect local policies, indicating that, in general, politics matters for policy. We also discuss how consensual national politics may have contributed to the recent success of the populist challenger Finns Party. As a new major player, the party has emphasized the role of sociocultural issues and especially affective polarization, which represents a considerable paradigm shift from the catch-all party policies typical of Finland for many decades. It is thus possible that the link between politics and policy will become more pronounced in the future, motivating further research.

Religious Freedom “with Chinese Characteristics”

Abstract China’s approach to religious freedom is unique. Heavy State regulation and the involvement of the Chinese Communist Party often invite external critique of Chinese religious freedom based on legal commitments outside of China. However, China’s rich legal tradition and textual commitments to religious freedom suggest there is more to learn. Analyzing religious freedom in legal texts and in practice from Chairman Mao Zedong to President Xi Jinping, this article offers a dialectic account of religious freedom with Chinese characteristics. Chinese text and practice regarding religious freedom suggest three enduring constitutional commitments: non-discrimination in religious belief, normalization of religious practices, and resistance to foreign religious influence. Each of these textual commitments correspond to the values found in Daoism, Legalism, and Confucianism—the pillars of traditional Chinese culture. With this understanding of China’s religious freedom approach, the article then offers three implications for strengthening China’s commitment to its own theory of religious freedom by (1) separating State and Party policy on religious registration, (2) removing cult designations from criminal law, and (3) accommodating non-traditional religious organizations to help address social issues.

Promoting socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists in China in the 21st century: Legislators and political realities

Relevance. The study of the formation of relations between the Chinese political elite and Tibetan Buddhism in this period is critical for understanding the main aspects of political, interfaith and intercultural interaction in the region both in the 21st century and today. Purpose. The study aims to analyse how the social and religious rights of Tibetan Buddhist followers are ensured in modern China, taking into account the existing laws and political situation in the 21st century. Methodology. The study employs historical, comparative, and systematic methods to analyze legislative documents, official policies, and scholarly literature in order to examine the socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists in China in the 21st century, considering both legal frameworks and political realities. Results. The study demonstrates the role and importance of international law in the context of the complex religious policy of the Chinese Communist Party. The author shows the influence of the reforms of the communist government on the process of changing the role of traditional religious institutions in public life. The study revealed the impact of reforms on the nature of interethnic relations in the region. The study examines aspects of the ethnic policy of the Communist Party of China on the subsequent process of formation of civil and religious identity in the region. Conclusions. The study concludes that relations between the Chinese Communist Party and Tibetan Buddhist leaders are complex, focusing on lama reincarnation, while government policies significantly impact Tibetan demographics, ethnicity, and culture. Keywords: international law; freedom of religion; conflict; soteriology; regional autonomy; soft power politics

Inequalities in the Cape Flats: Principals’ perspectives on children’s schooling

Background: A separate, apartheid system of schooling in South Africa entrenched European racialised ideologies of white supremacy that left a legacy of social, economic, and educational inequalities. The 1995 White Paper for Education, the 1996 South African Schools Act, and the Revised National Curriculum Statement outlined steps for equalising education. However, inequalities within the schooling system remain.Aim: The study aimed to understand how principals experience the lasting effects of apartheid-era segregationist policies in primary schools and to document principals’ solutions.Setting: A meeting of principals who work at primary schools in the Western Cape province.Methods: Researchers purposively sampled four principals from the primary schools represented at the meeting, conducted semi-structured interviews with the principals chosen, and adopted an interpretive approach to analyse findings.Results: This study finds from principals’ perspectives that neighbourhood gang violence, and highly unequal funding for schools in different neighbourhoods adversely impact primary school children’s education and principals’ abilities to lead as a result of context, overcrowding and inequality. Principals note that when parent-led programmes such as the Walking Bus produce a positive effect, the government tends to undercut parents’ efforts to work with principals to secure and equalise young children’s schooling.Conclusion: Giving greater governance power to parents and principals may help to equalise the extremes of inequalities in primary schools remaining from Nationalist Party policies of the pre-1994 apartheid era.Contribution: This study contributes to primary school principals’ ideas for improving primary schoolchildren’s education.

Политико-экономическая теория популизма

The paper presents a cross-disciplinary theory of populism. The first part of the article considers a definition of populism, the main electorate of populist forces, and the economic triggers of protest votes for populist parties. The second part deals with the different types of political populism, the reasons for their actualization in the 21st century, and the institutional consequences of populist power. The demand for populism comes from fragmented social groups that lost out in the social transformations following the neoliberal revolution of the 1970s and experienced the negative shocks of globalization. The protest electorate is organized around charismatic leaders who find 'scapegoats' in the form of traditional elites, migrants, or minorities and claim to speak for the «nation». Populism can contribute to democratization in its early stages. However, once in power, populists tend to undermine the system of checks and balances, leading to a decline in the quality of institutions and a slowdown in economic growth. The third part of the paper assesses the impact of economic populism. It is concluded that the definitional approaches used in academic literature do not meet the requirement of universality and do not imply a sufficient level of operationalization necessary for empirical research. An alternative approach is proposed that develops the «classical» definition of R. Dornbusch and S. Edwards: economic policy aimed at provoking economic shocks in order to increase the political ratings of the authorities and downplaying socio-economic risks. This approach enables economic populism to transcend the ideological framework of «right-left» economic policy, separate it from the economic policy of political populists, and evaluate the populist policies of mainstream parties. The theory of economic populism converges with the theory of political business cycles, but is not limited to elections and focuses on assessing demand rather than supply.