Party Support Research Articles

Local party members’ views are associated, but not completely congruent, with local constituency opinion

Do local political party members reflect the views of voters in their constituencies? Since candidate selection by local party members is the most common form of candidate selection in the United Kingdom, it is important to understand local party members’ views, and how those views relate to views in the local area. We investigate the degree to which individual members’ views match local opinion by combining the results of a large-scale survey of party members in the United Kingdom with estimates of local opinion created using multilevel regression and post-stratification. We find that individual party members’ views are moderately to strongly associated with local opinion on both left-right and liberty-authority dimensions. Even so, party members are not entirely congruent with opinion in the local area, having opinions which are either to the left or right of voters in their local area, and which are uniformly more liberal than party supporters.

Dimensions of disagreement in EU affairs: is parliamentary opposition driven by left-right or European integration contestation?

This study provides new insights into how the EU dimension relates to the left-right dimension in national politics. It does so by examining to what extent parties’ oppositional behaviour in EU affairs in parliament is a function of their distance from the government, other parties, the voters and party supporters on the EU dimension and the left-right dimension, respectively. The results suggest that oppositional behaviour is determined by two parallel dynamics: when expressing opposition, political parties are receptive both to the positions of the government and other parties on the EU dimension, and to the positions of voters and supporters on the left-right dimension. The results of the study thus indicate that the politicisation of EU affairs in national parliaments primarily is an elite phenomenon. In their relation to the voters and supporters, parties still principally navigate along the traditional left-right dimension.

Understanding Support for Municipal Political Parties: Evidence from Canada.

The province of Ontario, Canada, has a longstanding history of non-partisanship in municipal elections. In this distinctive context, we report results on citizen attitudes toward municipal partisanship using a survey of eligible voters in Canada's most populous province. Using a mixed-methods approach, we focus on three interrelated research questions. First, how much does citizen support for municipal parties depend on the type of party under consideration? Second, what reasons do citizens provide for their preference for either municipal political parties or independents? Finally, what are the correlates of support for municipal parties? We find little support for municipal political parties, and that many voters have sophisticated reasons for preferring either independents or parties. We also identify several factors associated with support for parties. These results provide an in-depth picture of attitudes on municipal partisanship in Ontario, and suggest that public opinion may provide an overlooked mechanism that maintains Ontario's non-partisanship.

The imbalanced effect of politicization: How EU politicization favours Eurosceptic parties

This article investigates how the systemic politicization of the EU is associated with support for different political parties. We argue that, while politicization involves actions by both Eurosceptic and Europhile parties, it does not affect parties at both extremes of the continuum in the same way. To investigate these differentiated effects, we leverage data from the European Elections Study and the Chapel Hill expert survey covering two decades (1999 to 2019). The evidence supports the hypothesis that, when it comes to voters’ preferences, politicization strongly favours Eurosceptic parties. We conclude that the systemic politicization of European issues is thus a one-way street leading to the reinforcement of the constraining dissensus on the EU.

Political expectations and electoral responses to wind farm development in Sweden

Wind energy expansion has influenced electoral behavior by decreasing support for incumbents, primarily explained by not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) arguments. However, how does the establishment of wind farms shape electoral behavior when municipal politicians can veto such establishments? Analyzing Sweden, this study shows that voters respond not only by retrospectively evaluating past constructions but also by evaluating parties differently based on their expectations. Our results indicate that parties more likely to approve turbine constructions are punished more than those less expected to do so. Additionally, we find no evidence that the construction of wind turbines influences support for either Green or radical right-wing parties. In conclusion, this study show that the political repercussions of wind farm expansion are multifaceted, influenced by a combination of past actions, future expectations, and the ideological stances of political parties.

Fascist Legacies of Mobilization and Co-Optation: Evidence from Democratic Portugal

Many authoritarian regimes seek to blunt everyday acts of resistance and social mobilization through co-optation rather than adopting riskier tools like outright repression. What are the political imprints of authoritarian-era co-optation after a transition to democracy? We examine this question in Portugal, where rural corporatist institutions known as Casas do Povo sought to co-opt peasants and dismantle worker mobilization in the fascist era. We find conditional effects for the consequences of rural co-optation in Portugal’s restive southern region, where Casas do Povo took on particular importance given ongoing social mobilization over exploitative labor conditions in the countryside. Absent robust co-optation, social mobilization in the fascist era translated into greater support for the left-wing Portuguese Communist Party after democratization and less support for the right. But the electoral legacies of social mobilization are absent where the fascist regime created early Casas do Povo, facilitating co-optation.

Mobilization of shared victimhood in the radical right populist Finns Party supporters’ identity work: A narrative–discursive approach to populist support

AbstractIn the 21st century, populist leaders have created and shaped narratives of threatened nations to foster a sense of shared victimhood and increase electoral appeal. However, an intriguing question has emerged: What roles do these outlined populist discourses of a threatened nation and shared victimhood play in the identity work of populist supporters? This study employs a narrative–discursive approach to analyse 25 in‐depth interviews with radical right populist Finns Party supporters. We investigate how the supporters construct and utilize populist discourses and narratives of lived experiences to legitimize their political support for the Finns Party. Furthermore, we illustrate how the related subject positions enable populist supporters to reproduce and enhance the populist discourse of ‘people's’ victimhood through the actions of ‘others’. This study contributes to the field by demonstrating how populist discourses and narratives of lived experiences can be mobilized into political support for the Finns Party.

Do Chinese Citizens Conceal Opposition to the CCP in Surveys? Evidence from Two Experiments

Abstract Most public opinion research in China uses direct questions to measure support for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and government policies. These direct question surveys routinely find that over 90 per cent of Chinese citizens support the government. From this, scholars conclude that the CCP enjoys genuine legitimacy. In this paper, we present results from two survey experiments in contemporary China that make clear that citizens conceal their opposition to the CCP for fear of repression. When respondents are asked directly, we find, like other scholars, approval ratings for the CCP that exceed 90 per cent. When respondents are asked in the form of list experiments, which confer a greater sense of anonymity, CCP support hovers between 50 per cent and 70 per cent. This represents an upper bound, however, since list experiments may not fully mitigate incentives for preference falsification. The list experiments also suggest that fear of government repression discourages some 40 per cent of Chinese citizens from participating in anti-regime protests. Most broadly, this paper suggests that scholars should stop using direct question surveys to measure political opinions in China.

Labour, the Unions and Proportional Representation

AbstractThe Labour Party's support will likely be crucial to any major change of the voting system in the UK. While Labour has supported first past the post for most of its existence, a resolution was passed at the 2022 party conference calling for Labour to include in its manifesto a commitment to change the voting system to proportional representation after the next election. This resulted from an effective campaign by activists to change the party's policy on electoral reform. The position of the trade unions, often perceived to be conservative on constitutional issues, was particularly important. This article focusses on the campaign to change the opinion of the British trade union movement. It outlines the British trade union movement's historic reservations about electoral reform and then analyses the grassroots effort behind this movement, focussing on the organisation of Make Votes Matter, Labour for a New Democracy, and Politics for the Many. The article concludes by offering insights into the potential long‐term consequences of this campaign and its potential impact on the ideological direction of the Labour Party.

Трансформация партийно-политической системы ЕС накануне евровыборов-2024

The article analyzes the main trends in the transformation of the political party system of the European Union on the eve of the next European Parliament election, which will be held in June 2024. Long-term trends include: a decrease in the popularity of traditional political parties – conservatives, social democrats and liberals – in most EU member states; an increase in electoral support for populist parties in the same countries; an increase in the representation of women in EU authorities; strengthening the pan-European political space, which leads to deepened impact of EU political institutions on the political systems of EU member states, etc. Relatively new trends in the transformation of this system are: growing popularity and influence of Eurosceptic parties both in individual European countries and in the European Union as a whole; political conflict between the EU and its member states – Poland and Hungary which violate European democratic principles, including the rule of law with respect to the rights of citizens and the independence of the judicial branch of government. The author scrutinises the influence of changes in the socio-class structure of European society on these processes, which occur partly owing to a visible reduction in the number of the industrial proletariat. It is noted that the consequences of these changes are the destruction of the boundary between the traditional right and left parties, and the death of many classical ideological categories. The study also presents the forecast of results of the leading pan-European political parties’ participation in the 2024 European election, made by a number of European non-governmental organizations and mainstream media holdings following public opinion polls, as well as their possible impact on the formation of a new composition of the European Parliament and the European Commission.

Evaluation of the “Street and Abroad” Strategy Implemented by Political Opposition in Poland under the Rule of Law and Justice

After the 2015 parliamentary elections in Poland, the parties that moved to the opposition declared themselves the “total opposition” and adopted the “Street and Abroad” strategy, the aim of which was to organize anti-government protests in the country and to use foreign fora, including above all EU mechanisms, to fight the new right-wing government, criticize its actions and eventually remove it from power. The paper aims to assess the effectiveness of the strategy adopted by the Polish opposition after seven years of right-wing rule. The subject of particular interest is, on the one hand, the evaluation of the “Street” strategy on the example of mass protests concerning courts, abortion, and the media. On the other hand, the “Abroad” strategy was analyzed through the impact of the European Parliament’s resolution on social mobilization, electoral preferences, and the level of support for the ruling party. For this purpose, the leading indicators of support for opposition parties published by opinion polling centers were used in the examples analyzed.

Brief of Bankruptcy Law Professors in Support of Neither Party, United States v. Bankman-Fried

Brief of Bankruptcy Law Professors in Support of Neither Party, United States v. Bankman-Fried

Brief of Professors Peter W. Low and Joel S. Johnson in Support of Neither Party, Grants Pass v. Oregon

Brief of Professors Peter W. Low and Joel S. Johnson in Support of Neither Party, Grants Pass v. Oregon

Развитие российского федерализма в 1990-х гг. (на примере Омской области)

In the framework of the presented article, the author analyzes the process of management transformation in the Omsk region in the 1990s as the formation of federalism in the Russian Federation. Later, the author of the article plans to carry out similar work in relation to the Altai Territory and the Tyumen region. Based on the available scientific developments and introducing into circulation a wide range of sources, the author of the work identifies the features of the development of federalism in the Omsk region within the framework of the system of socio-political and economic relations. Omsk region had serious industrial and agricultural potential, but also raw materials problems, exacerbated by the transition to market relations. The local leadership put forward the idea of regionalization of economic reform, which required the presence of a strong authoritarian business executive in power. But the active privatization carried out by external forces led to rapid bankruptcy, which did not suit the local leadership, and the population is not satisfied with the decline in living standards. In the Omsk region, this situation leads to increased support for left-wing parties. As part of the national administrative construction, the Azov German National District was created in the Omsk region. The idea of creating the territorial autonomy of the Siberian Tatars, triggered by the process of privatization of the oil industry, was stopped by transferring it to owners living outside the Omsk region.

Social and Political Aspects of the Periphery. A Case Study of the Central European Region

Each country has specific regions, which differ mainly in social, demographic, cultural, and economic aspects. Our subject of interest is the study of peripheral environment that has undergone several migratory transformations in the 20th century that have affected it up to the present day. For this reason, the Sudetenland has become the subject of our research interest. The paper aims to show how the selected respondents from the studied region perceive everyday life and how it influences their political attitudes by combining three steps: the theoretical definition of the periphery, specific aspects of life in the selected Central European region, and qualitative structured interviews. For this purpose, we chose respondents' experiences with the political regime until 1989, quality of life, public services, the consequences of the transformation, access to education, the functioning of the community, and their attitudes towards supporting selected political parties. The paper shows how positive experiences of the past regime, but also emotions, mainly nostalgia, frustration and anger, are interwoven into support for political parties for some of the respondents. These factors lead to the choice of populist and radical parties. The authors uniquely extend existing theories of the periphery with a political science approach.

Planning for a Biodiversity Park as limited tourism area development in Seruyan Regency

Biodiversity Park (Kehati) is an area with the function of preserving local biological resources outside the forest area, especially for plants whose pollination and/or seed dispersal are assisted by wildlife, with a vegetation structure and composition that supports the sustainability of pollinators and seed dispersers. One of the efforts that can be undertaken is through sustainable planning of Kehati parks. This research focuses on the location of the Kehati park in the Asam Baru village, Danau Seluluk District, Seruyan Regency. The aim is to develop an ecological and sustainable limited tourism area that supports the conservation of biological resources in Seruyan Regency. The research method used is a qualitative descriptive method with field surveys and literature reviews, including direct observations, interviews, and questionnaires. The planning stages of the Kehati park start with inventory, site analysis, followed by generating planning concepts and site plans. Based on the inventory and site analysis results, a planning concept is developed, consisting of space, circulation, vegetation, and facility concepts. The spatial concept of the Kehati park is determined by the area's functions. Circulation is designed to prioritize user convenience in accessing and engaging within the area. Vegetation planning is based on ecological and physical functions of the area, while facility planning emphasizes the grouping of facilities for each spatial function. The site plan for the Kehati park meets government regulations, with infrastructure development covering only 1.13% of the total area. The planning aims to achieve its objectives with the support of all relevant parties in the management and development of a sustainable limited tourism destination.

Optimization of Entrepreneurship in Realizing the Profile of Pancasila Students at SMA Negeri 13 Pekanbaru Riau Province

Realizing a Pancasila student profile, of course, cannot be separated from the support of various parties in producing superior students. But so far students' interest in entrepreneurship has not been optimal and needs to be improved. One form of project activities that exist in each school that can shape the national character to achieve student profiles in Pancasila is by instilling an entrepreneurial spirit. The purpose of this study is to contextually describe optimizing entrepreneurship in realizing the Pancasila student profile. The research method used is the descriptive qualitative method. In collecting data, researchers directly interact with informants using an interview guide. Based on the results of data analysis it can be concluded that schools that apply the independent curriculum can provide opportunities for students to develop an entrepreneurial spirit through Strengthening the Pancasila Profile with the theme of entrepreneurship, in this case, the teacher as a facilitator has optimal competence in entrepreneurship besides students gaining entrepreneurial knowledge and skills in playing an active role in the Pancasila Profile with the entrepreneurial theme.

The Influence of Management Accounting Information System Characteristics on Managerial Performance in Bandung City MSMEs in 2023

A country can develop with the support of various parties (government and stakeholders) and the business sector. The government makes rules and supports to protect and ensure the development of the business sector in the midst of an open business climate. Companies from abroad can operate in the country and will certainly be a challenge for entrepreneurs. So that business competition will be tighter, including competition for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs). This study aims to examine the effect of Management Accounting Information System Characteristics on Managerial Performance in MSMEs in Bandung City in 2023. The research population is MSMEs in Bandung City with a research sample of 35 MSMEs. The results of the study prove that the characteristics of the Management Accounting Information System have a positive effect on Managerial Performance.

Negative campaign statements, coalition heterogeneity, and the support for government parties

European party systems have become increasingly complex in recent years, resulting in ideologically more heterogeneous coalition governments with far-reaching policy compromises. Consequently, an important goal of the parties' electoral campaign strategies is to present the voters a distinct policy profile on which the electorate can evaluate the competing parties. We argue that voters reward those coalition parties that attack their government partners in the election campaign and try to clarify their programmatic positions with the help of a more aggressive campaign strategy. Based on data from the CSES, the Comparative Manifesto Project database and a novel data base on party campaign statements in seven European countries from 2007 to 2018, we find that voters’ support for coalition parties increases if the latter attack their partners in the last four weeks before election day. Yet, this relationship is only observable in contexts when the ideological diversity of the incumbent coalition government is rather low.

Let the people’s will prevail: Self-uncertainty and authoritarianism predict support for populism

Recent years have witnessed a widespread rise of right-wing populism—an ideology maintaining that the will of the people is supreme, but is subverted by antagonistic elites. Drawing on uncertainty-identity theory, three studies (total N = 5,882) tested the hypothesis that uncertainty would only strengthen support for populism among low authoritarian respondents. Studies 1 and 2 were secondary analyses of American National Election Survey (ANES) 2012 and 2016 data. They supported our key hypotheses in explaining support for the populist American Tea Party (Study 1, N = 1,917), and support for right-wing populist ideology and voting preference for Donald Trump rather than Hillary Clinton (Study 2, N = 2,520). Study 3 ( N = 1,445) experimentally manipulated self-uncertainty to allow a causal interpretation, and focused on right-wing populist ideology. The results are discussed in terms of their contribution to uncertainty-identity theory, and their societal relevance in an environment of growing populism.