Party Organization Research Articles

Взаимодействие партийных органов с органами милиции в Калининградской области в послевоенный период

The article analyzes the process of interaction between the militia and party administration in the Kaliningrad region during the post-war period. The study covers the time from the establishment of militia authorities in the region in 1946 to the completion of the deportation of the German population in 1948. The research primarily employs general scientific methods, such as analysis, synthesis, and induction. The relevance of the article is due to the need to study the specific features of the formation of the domestic law enforcement system. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that this issue is examined for the first time in the context of the post-war Kaliningrad region. The article also describes the process of forming party organizations in the Kaliningrad region and the ways in which party leadership influenced the militia. The author concludes that the strong influence of party leadership was due to the party’s leading role in the USSR.

A Study on the Building of the Organizational Capability of Primary-Level Party Organizations of the Communist Party of China

A Study on the Building of the Organizational Capability of Primary-Level Party Organizations of the Communist Party of China

Специфика кадрового комплектования советского акционерного общества «Висмут»: материалы переписки аппарата Первого главного управления при Совете министров СССР и парторганизаций Свердловского обкома ВКП(б) в 1949 г.

The publication introduces into scientific use correspondence of the deputy head of the First Main Directorate (PGU, executing agency of the Soviet nuclear project) under the Council of Ministers of the USSR P. Ya. Meshik with the party organizations of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the AUCP (B) on the issue of recruitment for work abroad. The analysis of references to the resolutions of the Council of Ministers known to researchers establishes that the Soviet Joint-Stock Company “Wismut” located in Germany recruited mining engineers and specialists in the field of geological exploration. Its subordinates were engaged in search and development of uranium deposits in the Soviet zone of occupation of Germany. A raw material base for extraction and processing of uranium-containing ores was formed for implementation of the Soviet nuclear weapons program in the second half of the 1940s. For reasons of state secrecy, researchers are still significantly limited in access to archival documents on the history of the nuclear project. Thus, introduction into scientific use of new historical sources related to the project implementation already seems sufficiently relevant and high-demand scientific task. In this case, it is a selection of five documents deposited in the materials of the Sverdlovsk City Committee of the AUCP (B) Documentation Center of Public Organizations of the Sverdlovsk Region associated with the mass recruitment of mining and exploration workers entrusted to the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the AUCP (B) in spring of 1949 in the interests of the nuclear project. At the direction of the Regional Committee (obkom), the Sverdlovsk City Committee selected a number of necessary specialists, and the First Main Directorate began their registration for work abroad. In the autumn of 1949, a request came from the PGU about expediency of such transfer for one of the selected specialists. Doubts were caused by minor flaws indicated in his generally positive characteristic. Responding to the request, the city committee withdrew its decision. The introduction of the identified documents collection into scientific use is due to two reasons. Firstly, at the grassroots stage, it fixes the recruitment system for the Soviet nuclear project, which has been little studied up to date. Secondly, on a hypothetical level, it can be considered an illustration of a mechanism of evasion from mobilization into the atomic project system, which frightened many specialists with its obscurity.

Scholarly and Academic-Methodological Activities of the Gnesins’ State Musical Pedagogical Institute and the Political Events of the Second Half of the 1940s

The focus of the article is the history of the Gnesins’ Institute examined within the framework of the political events of the second half of the 1940s. The new institute was established during the difficult wartime period (1944) and after a few years turned out to be at the epicenter of the scholarly and cultural politics of the Soviet Union leading a struggle against “cosmopolitanism.” It was primarily the scholarly-methodological conception of the institute that became the target of criticism. Since the discipline of music acquired a high social status by the beginning of the researched period, musicologists were considered to be one of the most influential professional groups. The author of the article analyzes a number of archival documents, in particular, the transcript of the Open Session of the Artistic Council of the Institute, which took place on March 9 and 10, 1949. According to the present source, critical attacks were levied against the scholarly works and textbooks of Tamara Livanova, Valentin Ferman, Victor Berkov, Valntina Konen, Anatoly Butskoy, and Mikhail Pekelis. Analysis of the hystorical materials shows that the administration of this academic institution attempted to deflect the blow from the institute, while the faculty tried to counteract the Communist Party apparatus. Notwithstanding the demands of the leaders of the party organization of the institute, the researchers working in institute did not have their academic degrees taken away from them, nor were the condemned textbooks subjected to prohibition. At the same time, all the musicologists subjected to the “purge” were forced to leave Moscow. Having been dispersed throughout the entire country, they became the founders of regional academic schools.

Американская администрация помощи в Симбирской губернии (1921-1923 гг.)

Introduction. The article examines the charitable activities of the American Relief Administration, known as the ARA, during the famine of 1921-1923 in Simbirsk province. Materials and methods. The research is based mainly on previously unpublished archival materials. Photocopies of the documents of the so-called Russian Mission of the ARA itself, transferred by the Archive of the Hoover Institute to the State Archive of the Russian Federation, documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the State Archive of the Modern History of Ulyanovsk region, were used. The periodical Russian and American press of those years and other sources are also analyzed. The methodological basis for writing this work was general scientific, source-based and special historical methods. Results. The author thoroughly examines the charitable activities of the foreign philanthropic organization. For the first time, they have shown the scale of supplies of food and medicines to the suffering population of this Russian territory. With some wary attitude towards foreigners on the part of the Soviet authorities, the author especially notes their support for the activities of the ARA, which saved the population from starvation and disease. The article notes the positive role of authorized representatives of the central Soviet government, the local Bolshevik party organization, the police and the Chekists in the rapid promotion of foreign aid and the protection of ARA cargo. At the same time, some difficulties in the relationship between Soviet officials and foreign philanthropists are shown. Basically, as can be seen from the article, they were objective in nature. Conclusion. The author concludes that the help of the American organization was very important for the hungry and sick population of the Simbirsk province. The ARA worked closely and productively with the local authorities in the rescue of people. It saved the lives of tens of thousands of people and contributed to the restoration of the economic life of this territory.

М.А. Длугач – забытый «генерал промышленности»

Moses Abramovich Dlugach is one of those wartime leaders who are called Generals of Industry: a metallurgical engineer, director of the largest machine-building enterprises, and a highranking party organizer. Despite the bright mark left by M.A. Dlugach in Leningrad (1940-42) and the Urals (1943), the available information about his career is very fragmentary, and some data are false. The purpose of the publication is to reconstruct the life and work path of the honored industry figure, evaluate his contribution to the cause of Victory, and show the features of the USSR industry management in the 1940s using the work of M.A. Dlugach as an example.. The publication is based on materials from the Central State Archive of Historical and Political Documents of St. Petersburg: personal files of leaders, memos on the organization of production and evacuation from Leningrad, and transcripts of speeches. For five years M.A. Dlugach worked his way up from a foundry technician to the sectoral secretary of the Leningrad City Communist Party Committee. With the outbreak of the war, a significant share of responsibility for organizing the production of new types of weapons fell on his shoulders. After the evacuation of the tank and artillery production of the Kirov Plant, carried out under his leadership, M.A. Dlugach headed the remaining dispersed in the city workshops of the enterprise, being the Kirov Plant Director from the end of 1941 to the beginning of 1943. In 1943, he headed the Chelyabinsk Kirov Plant for about six months, and was later transferred to Chirchik. As the Director of the Chirchik plant Sredazkhimmash, he took part in the implementation of the Nuclear Project. Upon returning to Leningrad in 1948, he no longer held high positions, returning to the profession of a metallurgical engineer. At the peak of his career, M.A. Dlugach invariably found himself in the most important areas of work - he was responsible for the Leningrad mechanical engineering, for the production of tanks in the Urals and of heavy water for nuclear reactors. Contribution of M.A. Dlugach to maintaining the defense capability of the USSR should not be forgotten.

Preventing new substance use behaviors in youth: evaluation of a two-year comprehensive program.

The Avenir Santé Association implemented a comprehensive prevention program targeting the consumption of the emerging psychoactive substances ecstasy (MDMA), cannabidiol (CBD), and nitrous oxide (N2O). The program was evaluated through four actions: (i) training for association workers (n = 84) (ii) on-site student party interventions (n = 248), (iii) social network-based prevention (n = 186), and (iv) provision of prevention tools for party organizers (n = 148). Results showed a significant increase in understanding of emerging substances among association workers, with a pre-training score of M = 15.76 (SD = 3.65) and a post-training score of M = 18.29 (SD = 2.50). Increased awareness and reflective attitudes toward substance use were observed among young people participating in field actions, with pre- and post-intervention scores for MDMA use intentions being M = 15.89 (SD = 4.60) and M = 19.17 (SD = 3.33), respectively. Similarly, awareness of CBD effects increased from M = 14.18 (SD = 4.14) to M = 17.60 (SD = 3.31). Exposure to Instagram posts on N2O led to more negative attitudes toward N2O among young people, with a significant change in scores from M = 8.16 (SD = 1.57) to M = 8.42 (SD = 1.26). However, exposure to a website providing information about emerging substances did not produce any significant effect. In conclusion, this initiative underscores the usefulness of facilitator training, field interventions, and certain online information strategies for substance judgment and usage intentions. Future prevention programs can advantageously incorporate these actions.

진보당의 특선조직과 비밀당원

This study identifies the special organizations, secret members, and entities involved in the expansion and reinforcement of the Progressive Party's organization in the 1950s. It was intended to examine the relationship between the organization and activities of the Progressive Party's special organization, especially the Yeomoung association, with the student movement developed in the 1960s. In order to secure popular organizations and expand the party's power, the Progressive Party attempted to organize a special party centered on activities by region and region. the Yeomoung association of the Progressive Party sought to bring students from each university gradually to the Progressive Party through a 'human network'. The secret members of the progressive party were those who would join the progressive party in political resistance to the Rhee Syng-man regime. The Rhee Syng-man regime's dissolution of the Progressive Party in a month after the “Progressive Party Incident” was intended to induce withdrawal of support from the Progressive Party through psychological fear as well as wary of secret members, or “people who act as party members.” After the Progressive Party case, the Progressive Party's influence was thought to have ended, but it was leading to the student movement in the 1960s due to the horizontal link, the “human network.”

Study on the influence of Party organization climate on college students' ideological, political and behavioral patterns and countermeasures based on Apriori algorithm

When the organizational climate refers to the group atmosphere, it directly influences and dominates the subjective psychological factors shaped by the subjective environment of the organization's target. The excellent organizational climate also determines the effect of the group. Taking the climate of Party organizations as the starting point and students of Yunnan Minzu University as the research carrier, this paper introduces the "climate" of party organizations into its influence on ideology, politics and behavior patterns, reflecting the analogical discussion of the entity form of "climate" in the aspects of party organization system construction, psychological compatibility degree and mode of action. The Apriori correlation algorithm is used to match attitude, thought, spirit and behavior, which are persistent and interact with each other, with climate, and which party organization climate factors have a deep impact on college students' ideological, political and behavioral patterns? In particular, the influence and degree of the party organization climate on the transformation of students' employment concept are also investigated and quantitatively analyzed, and the countermeasures of the influence of the Party organization climate on the ideological, political and behavioral patterns of college students are found.

Комарніцький О. Б. Федорчук В. М. Іван Вікторович Івах: людина, вчений-методист, менеджер вищої освіти: монографія. Кам'янець-Подільський,ТОВ «Друкарня «Рута»», 2023. 548 с.

The article reviews the monograph of Oleksandr Komarnitskyi and Viktor Fedorchuk, which comprehensively and comprehensively analyzes the life and work path, organizational, public, pedagogical and research activities of I.V. Ivakha, who worked at the Kamianets-Podilskyi State Pedagogical Institute in the positions of teacher, senior teacher, secretary of the party organization, deputy director, rector, head of the department, associate professor of the department in 1950-1989.

The effect of political influence on corporate social donations: Evidence from party-building reform in China

As a new exploration of corporate governance in China's non-state-owned enterprises (NSOEs), the effect of "Party Building into Articles of Association" (PBAA) in the decision-making of NSOEs has not yet been verified. Based on hand-collected data on PBAA in NSOEs, this paper investigates the impact and constraints of PBAA on decision-making in NSOEs by using the external event of corporate donations during the COVID-19 pandemic. The results show that PBAA has embedded the party organization into the corporate governance system of NSOEs, affecting the decision-making of NSOEs effectively, thus boosting the social donations of NSOEs during the epidemic period. Meanwhile, the extent of PBAA is constrained by the original level of corporate governance and entrepreneurial identification. These findings remain robust after controlling for possible endogeneity issues. In addition, further research suggests that the more detailed the content of PBAA is, the higher the probability of substantial donations in epidemic situations in NSOEs.

The 1942 “Egg Expeditions” to Novaia Zemlia and the Struggle for Food in the Wartime Soviet Union

AbstractIn 1942 over 150 schoolchildren from the northern Soviet cities of Arkhangel'sk and Murmansk took part in dangerous expeditions to the Arctic Archipelago of Novaia Zemlia. Their aim was to collect eggs from island bird colonies and hunt seabirds in order to supply famished cities with eggs and salted birds’ carcasses. The voyages were part of the local struggle for food and a reaction to the Soviet government’s urgent call to use all available local resources to ward off large‐scale famine on the Soviet home front. This essay discusses the organization, the course, and the outcome of the expeditions, and evaluates the role of specialist knowledge, local economic tradition, and various agencies—from Soviet, party, and Komsomol organizations to Soviet economic trusts and individual actors—in bringing these expeditions to life. It argues that, rather than being a centralized campaign staged by the state, the struggle for food was largely fought on the local level, with regional institutions assuming substantial responsibility and demonstrating a significant ability to improvise in their search for food. Ultimately, the population’s efforts to survive the famine, and their association with the regime through their collective struggle for food, were important factors that strengthened Soviet resilience.

Directions for the development of the criminal procedure science

The article proves that prohibition, as well as the decriminalisation of pornography, is a resonant social issue. In addition to playing the role of a moral and ethical component of public life, it acts as a lever in the international political arena, and also touches upon some matters of financial income and tax revenue. EU legislation generally regards pornography as a phenomenon that does not pose a social or moral and ethical danger. It is noted that with the expiry of the Law of Ukraine “On Protection of Public Morality”, the legal justification for a complete ban on pornography in Ukraine has also been lost. The logical continuation of the above legal changes is the revision of criminal legislation on pornography with due regard to the main trends of progressive legal development.
 The analysis of the information materials to the BRDO’s initiative draft law stipulates that the absence of a regulatory definition of “debauchery” and “place of debauchery” creates conditions under which criminal liability may be imposed on party organisers, hotel and nightclub owners or creators of pornographic materials. Based on this, the BRDO proposes to exclude Article 302 from the Criminal Code of Ukraine as a whole. The BRDO’s argument is indeed convincing. However, it does not take into account the risks of such crimes and offences as: pimping or involvement of a person in prostitution (Article 303 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine); prostitution (Article 181-1 of the Code of Administrative Offences of Ukraine). In addition, if Article 302 is removed from the Criminal Code of Ukraine, its parts 3 and 4 will also be lost, which may reduce the protection of minors and young persons.
 In view of the above, we believe that it would be appropriate to amend the content of part 1 of Article 302 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine as follows:
 “Article 302. Organisation of activities for places to provide paid sexual services and engage in prostitution
 
 Organisation and receipt of remuneration from the activities of places for the face-to-face provision of paid sexual services and prostitution – …”.

Un dialogo possibile? Teoria delle organizzazioni e studio dei partiti

Literature devoted to party organizations rarely relies on Organization Theory. With the exception of the fundamental contribution by Panebianco, which dates back to 1982, limited efforts have been made towards a mutual contamination between the study of party organizational development and the vast body of theories, approaches and analytical frameworks that crowd Organization Theory. Moreover, while Organization Theory has recently paid attention to the study of political parties, party scholars are still committed to accumulating empirical knowledge or, at best, elaborating ideal-typical models. The aim of this contribution is to favour a cross-fertilization between these two literatures, by building on the premises of organizational institutionalism and on the organizations as multi-dimensional rational open systems perspective. Despite our effort is primarily conceptual, our arguments are conceived to be properly translated into empirical observations.

Manufacturing Society: How Party Building Reinforces Stability Maintenance in Grassroots China

Abstract While China's efforts to maintain social stability by recruiting social elites and establishing Party branches in pre-existing social and market organizations have been thoroughly explored, much less attention has been devoted to how grassroots Party organizations (GRPOs) have proactively incubated society and constructed coherent, interrelated and systematic stability maintenance strategies to identify and eliminate social instability in its early stages and prevent its escalation. Using qualitative data gathered from local areas in China, we uncovered three major strategies used by GRPOs to manufacture society: incubating quasi-bureaucratic organizations, co-opting community elites and embedding Party organizations in market and social organizations. In general, GRPOs manufacture society for three reasons: to revitalize the mobilization capacity of the party-state; to increase the available social resources for grassroots authorities; and to establish an input mechanism for citizens. This study not only provides empirical data on how China's stability maintenance regime works in practice but also calls for a rethinking of the capacity of authoritarian resilience.

Analysis of the Innovative Mode of Cooperative Education of Ideological and Political Education and Professional Education

Sino-foreign cooperationin Polytechnic University is one of the important forms of internationalization of higher education in the new era. However, under the mode of Sino-foreign cooperation, the collaborative education of ideological and political education and professional education in Colleges and universities is facing some difficulties. This paper makes an in-depth analysis of these dilemmas and explores the dialectical relationship between ideological and political education and digital transformation. Secondly, it puts forward the problem that the Sino-foreign cooperative curriculum system attaches little importance to ideological and political education, and discusses the conservative abstraction of the teaching mode of Sino-foreign cooperative ideological and political theory course. Finally, it points out the challenge that the Party and Youth League organization of college students majoring in Sino-foreign cooperation is not fully developed. In order to solve these problems, this paper puts forward the path of ideological and political education suitable for Sino-foreign cooperative education mode in polytechnic universities. Specifically, it includes the teaching mode of digital enabling ideological and political education courses, the construction of campus culture of ideological and political education in Sino-foreign cooperation, the cultivation path of "Teachers'Morality" in Sino-foreign cooperation and the reform of ideological and political education mode. Through the exploration and implementation of these paths, we can enhance the effectiveness of ideological and political education and cultivate high-quality talents with all-round development of morality, intelligence, physical fitness, beauty and labor. This paper makes an in-depth analysis of the innovative mode of ideological and political education and professional education in the perspective of Sino-foreign cooperation in polytechnic universities, which is of great significance to promote high-quality development.

Coalition bargaining time and governments’ policy‐making productivity

AbstractWhat is the purpose of lengthy negotiations when a coalition government forms? Do they make a difference in coalition policy‐making? Negotiations that produce policy agreements between coalition partners have been suggested to strengthen the capacity of coalition governments to make policy reforms. We argue that bargaining time, regardless if it results in a written policy agreement or not, is an investment in future government reform productivity. Longer negotiation periods indicate that the bargaining parties have negotiated deals over conflicting policy issues and have allowed parties to build trust between them and gain support for future policies within the party organization, promoting reform productivity. Further, we expect that longer negotiation periods can mitigate problems of policy conflict within cabinets, thereby resulting in higher reform productivity. We evaluate our theoretical expectations using a data set on economic reform measures introduced in 10 Western European countries (1978–2017), based on a coding of more than 1000 periodical country reports issued by the Economist Intelligence Unit and the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development. The results show support for our expectations, demonstrating that economic reform productivity is higher in coalition governments that have bargained for a longer time when forming. We also find support for the claim that bargaining time mitigates the negative effect of intra‐cabinet ideological conflict on reform productivity.

The personalization of the Likud in the era of Netanyahu

AbstractObjectiveUnder the leadership of Benjamin Netanyahu, Likud—Israel's most successful political party in the past 50 years—transformed from a highly institutionalized leader party into a personal party. This study explores the personalization of Likud and its various manifestations and analyses the causes of this process and its consequences.MethodsA case study. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis.ResultsAlthough the Likud party leader's formal roles, powers, and authorities did not change significantly, many informal developments enhanced the firm grip Netanyahu held on the party. Netanyahu manipulated leadership contests, and they became uncompetitive; the party's internal institutions were almost nullified and became no more than a rubber stamp to Netanyahu's interests; and Likud's representatives in the Knesset were transformed into a group of submissive cheerleaders.ConclusionsWe conclude that essential, routinized procedures within Likud were abandoned in favor of personalization of decision making; the “value” of the party organization was replaced with that of a single leader as perceived by important internal party actors and the electorate; and that other parties perceived Likud as personalized. On all fronts, the Likud underwent a personalization process. Moreover, the personalization of Likud, the ruling party, contributed to Israel's democratic backsliding.

Party Building Leads the Economic Research of Rural Development

The rural revitalization strategy is a major strategy put forward by the Party based on the realization of the "two centenary" realistic goals. In order for rural areas to develop, the economy will inevitably need to prosper, and the construction of high-quality grassroots party organizations plays an important role in rural economic construction. In the form of field research, we can further understand the self-construction and working methods of grassroots party organizations, and we can have a clearer understanding of the role of party organizations in rural economic development Efforts made. On this basis, the questionnaire was developed to further increase the understanding of the ways of high-quality party building to promote rural economic development, the optimization measures to lead rural revitalization, and the optimization path of grassroots party organizations to help rural economic development through descriptive statistical analysis of the questionnaire results. Based on the achievements of existing theories and adhering to the principle of theory guiding practice, this paper takes the eight market villages in Bengbu City, Anhui Province as an example, and discovers its development dilemma and reasons through the study of the development status of the village's economy, culture, ecology and other aspects under the leadership of the current party building, and discusses the way out for the party building to lead the development of rural economy.

When Parties Become Movements: the Movement-ization of Established Party Organizations in Austria, Germany, and the UK

AbstractIn light of widespread frustration with representative democracy, political parties increasingly imitate social movements—a phenomenon scholars have conceptualized as movement-party hybrids, or movement parties. Strikingly though, research hitherto on the topic focuses on emerging parties and reveals little about movement-ization re-shaping traditional party organizations and, therefore, representative democracy. In 39 qualitative interviews with Social Democratic and Conservative party organizers in Germany, Austria, and the UK, I compare how different established parties experience demands for a movement-ization of their organization. Results show that established parties, too, face pressures to provide social movement-like experiences and de-formalization, yet their adaptation strategies differ as a function of political orientation, organizational heritage, member expectations, and political discontent. Whereas Social Democrats envision a more bottom-up and movement-inspired re-organization yet seriously suffer from the tensions this causes among different member and supporter groups, Conservatives (if at all) embrace movement-ization as a top-down steered strategic re-branding suggesting elevated policy efficacy.