Party Candidates Research Articles

Position of Joe Biden's Administration towards the World Trade Organization

The election of Democratic Party candidate J. Biden to the post of the President of the United States did not lead to noticeable progress in relation to changing the vector of the generally negative attitude of official Washington in assessing the activities of the World Trade Organization. The historically established consensus of the Republican and Democratic parties, expressed in the general similarity of the approach of both the legislative and executive branches of government in the United States to the WTO as an instrument primarily for the realization of the national interests of the United States in the foreign economic sphere, hinders the achievement of generally acceptable agreements within this Organization in key areas of its activities. Like the previous administration of D. Trump, the administration of J. Biden has been blocking, in particular, for a number of years the activities of the WTO Appellate Body. Despite the Democratic President's statements about the US commitment to the principles of liberal trade, the White House, as before, proceeds from the desire to maintain the leading role of the United States in the WTO, even at the cost of curtailing certain areas of its work. The dominant drive is to transform the WTO into an international economic mechanism to strategically contain China, openly oppose Russia by politicizing the Organization and taking steps that pave the way for the complete dismantling of the rules-based multilateral trading system. The WTO is actually in a state of permanent institutional crisis in a number of central areas of its activity. The only way to deal with the current crisis is the prerogative of economics, not politics, the need to prevent the violation of agreed multilateral trade rules by unilateral actions, which otherwise will continue to have a negative impact on world markets and the economies of many WTO members.

Reducing Ableism and the Social Exclusion of People With Disabilities: Positive Impacts of Openness and Education

Research has shown that people with disabilities (PWD) face ableism, which is associated with their social exclusion. Based on the existing literature regarding the social exclusion of PWD, we hypothesized for the current study that higher education levels, personal experiences with PWD, and openness would reduce ableism and negative attitudes of PWD and increase the social inclusion of PWD. Additionally, we hypothesized that a negative correlation would exist between social inclusion of PWD and ableism and negative attitudes of PWD, moderated by the personality trait openness. Participants consisted of adults (N = 364) who identified as mostly White, female, and nondisabled, and were asked to complete an electronic survey consisting of 4 pre-existing scales measuring ableism, negative attitudes of PWD, social inclusion, and openness. The data were analyzed using regression analyses, t tests, ANOVAs, and moderation analyses. The results showed that higher education levels (R2 = .02) and personal experiences with PWD (d = –0.35) predicted lower ableism. Additionally, more openness predicted more social inclusion (R2 = .03), less ableism (R2 = .14), and higher completed levels of education (R2 = .06). Further, voting for conservative political party candidates predicted higher levels of ableism (R2 = .11), and voting for liberal political party candidates predicted lower levels of ableism (R2 = .13). Although this study had some limitations, it highlights the importance of education and openness in reducing ableism and increasing the social inclusion of PWD.

Fighting for Majorities? Explaining the Development of Caucus Fund-Raising in American Legislatures

In modern American politics, legislators fund-raise extensively on behalf of their parties. Under what conditions do parties develop systems to incentivize this fund-raising? Previous research has focused primarily on Congress, making it difficult to explain how systems of caucus fund-raising develop and change. This article takes advantage of a new source of evidence: the state legislatures. Using original data linking state legislators to leadership political action committees and campaign committees over a 12 year period, I show that competition for majority status leads legislators to contribute more to party organizations and candidates. This effect is driven partly by parties in competitive chambers selecting committee chairs on the basis of members’ contributions. Parties are only able to institute these systems when leadership is granted control over resources such as chair appointments, however. These findings clarify when and how money plays an influential role in legislative politics.

The Grassroots and Party Funding in Nigeria: Trajectories for Money Politics

This paper addresses grassroots indifference to party funding in Nigeria. It argues that all existing explanations on political apathy do not address the escalating tendency of the ordinary but educated and politically aware Nigerians to be averse to party funding. Drawing on political culture theory, the paper attributes the current trajectory of the phenomenon to a form of "inverse participant" culture by the grassroots, consequent upon their alienation that is driven by a convergence of three key variables: the cartel nature of party formation which is responsible for the disconnect in state-society relations, the appropriation and weaponisation of parties through funding, and decades of unfulfilled campaign promises. It further contends that grassroots indifference creates a funding vacuum which gives room for the monopoly of the party by the wealthy few and the moneybags. The paper concludes that, to arrest grassroots disinterest in party funding, it will require a reform of the Nigerian state to wean it of predatory and exclusionary character and arrest the prevailing cartelization of party formation and appropriation of political parties. It is also important to evolve a political culture that will create positive civic consciousness so as to shape voter-party-candidates relations in order to arrest the current negative voter attitudes that expect and demand for money from party candidates. This paper adopted the qualitative method of research , making use of extant literature on the subject matter and in addition used the interview method in seeking the opinions of a few individuals, some of them party card carrying members.

Contesting Power Online: Campaigning via Twitter in Kenya’s 2017 Elections

Building on scholarship studying Twitter and political campaigns, we examine Kenya's 2017 elections to learn which candidates used Twitter and how they used it. We collected and analyzed 15,691 tweets made by eighty-six candidates between June 8 and August 8, Election Day. We find that, like candidates in other contexts, ruling party candidates in Kenya rarely interacted with other users and instead used Twitter as a broadcasting tool. Nevertheless, while earlier studies questioned Twitter's ability to encourage dialogue between candidates and citizens, we find that some candidates—particularly independent candidates—used Twitter to engage with potential voters.

Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation

In many European countries, a growing share of population with immigrant background coincides with the surge in support for radical right parties. In this paper we show how such increases affect radical right candidacy. We use Swedish register data which identifies political candidates. With geocoded data, we match individuals running for the Sweden Democrats to their local neighbourhood contexts, and measure changes in the share of visible minority residents at scales ranging from 100 meters to 2 kilometres. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood between 2006 and 2010, the change in the share of visible minorities generally does not affect the decision to join the pool of party candidates. This result is robust when we introduce additional tests and select on the scale of the neighbourhood, unemployment terciles, change in share of visible minority groups terciles, and entry threshold into the pool of candidates. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood, the only significant finding is a small mobilisation effect for a subsample of individuals who live in densely populated metropolitan neighbourhoods – here we also observe a halo effect, with negative association for small-scale changes and positive association for changes in the larger halo zone.

Italy in times of protest and negative voting: An introduction

The classic heuristics of voting behaviour have been eroded overtime especially in well-established democracies. Ideology, party identification, and social class have been gradually replaced by short-period factors. In particular, the personalization has represented an innovative variable that significantly contributes to explain voting behaviour. Cross-pressures between party identification, candidate assessments and issue preferences paved the way to the diffusion of protest voting, both against the élite and the system. In this respect, Italy represents a very interesting case from both a theoretical and an empirical point view considering the presence of protest parties and the important diffusion of anti-system movements which surfed the protest to consolidate their positions. The editors conceived this special issue aiming at analysing and measuring the impact of protest/negative voting in Italy between 2016 and 2020, a period in which protest parties and voters’ discontent have significantly increased. Data presented by the different papers confirm, albeit under different perspectives, the relevance of this peculiar form of political behaviour.

Factors Affecting Youth Voting Preferences in the Philippine Senatorial Election: A Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) Analysis

The Philippine elections had been characterized by the presence of a weak party system, a low information environment for voters, a history of dynastic rule, and the preponderance of media celebrities in elected political offices. These features amounted to the observation that candidate winnability in the country is discussed often as a “personality versus platform’’ issue, highlighting the importance of candidates’ personal background. This study examines certain variables associated with the voting preferences of young educated voters for the 2019 Senatorial Elections. Using a quantitative approach, this inquiry specifically sought to analyze the extent to which party identification, issue orientation, candidate orientation, and pre-election surveys affect voters’ preferences for candidates. Survey data were obtained from the 210 purposively-sampled youth-voters, and were analyzed using structural equation modelling. On the whole, the results of the study indicate the positive association between the respondents’ party identification on voting preferences, as well as the positive association between pre-election surveys and the respondents’ voting preferences. Both issue orientation and candidate orientation do not appear as significant independent variables The outcome of the study has departed from the prevailing Philippine electoral trend where candidate personality-centered factors have been pivotal for explaining Filipino voting preferences.

Chinese Politics in the 2016 Sarawak state elections: Case Studies of Dudong and Bawang Assan Seats

This article examines local Chinese electoral politics in Sarawak during the 2016 Sarawak state elections based on a case study of two Chinese-majority marginal seats in Sibu district, namely Dudong and Bawang Assan. It examines the discourse and strategies deployed by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) and other independent candidates in the two constituencies. Candidates of the former in both seats were prominent leaders who had left the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) – a major BN component party – to form a rival splinter party called the United People’s Party (UPP) and had contested as “BN direct candidates.” The article provides insights into how the intricate political dynamics on the ground shaped the electoral outcomes. Analysis of the voting patterns in polling districts provides a more nuanced understanding of the purported “increase” in Chinese support, revealing an urban-rural contrast. Both DAP candidates retained majority support in urban Chinese areas, albeit with reduced vote shares and absolute numbers due to abstention. Rural Chinese voters, on the other hand, manifested a clear surge in their support for BN, both in absolute numbers and vote share, contributing decisively to the victories of the two BN direct candidates. The findings are based on field observation, in-depth interviews with party leaders and informants, as well as analysis of polling district results of the two constituencies.

Shifting party goals: Party electoral support and legislative behavior in the majority and the minority

While scholars agree that parties are interested in both pragmatic (electoral) and programmatic (policy) goals, they disagree about the relative importance of those goals. How parties weight these goals has implications for the effect of party involvement on legislative behavior. We argue that parties emphasize these goals differently based on whether they are in the majority or minority. We examine links between party support in primary elections for the US Congress and subsequent legislative behaviors, finding that candidates who received more party support during the primary election were more likely to engage in partisan efforts in the next Congress. Further, party support of incoming legislators is linked to increased partisan behavior through leapfrog representation. We find that these relationships are stronger for majority party candidates, suggesting that parties put a greater emphasis on winning majorities when in the minority but a greater emphasis on policy congruence when in the majority.

A Rigged Game? How Candidate, Partisan, and Electoral Factors Shape Elite Support for the Party Nomination Process

The 2016 presidential nominations revealed deep, yet distinct, divisions within each major party. These divisions persisted and permeated the general election campaign and were reflected in voters’ dissatisfaction with the candidates. Movements such as the “Bernie or Bust” supporters and the “Never-Trumpers” indicated that vocal portions of the parties were dissatisfied with the party nominees or the processes that selected those candidates. There were also indications that many party elites were not pleased with the nomination processes or the outcome; yet, we lack a comprehensive understanding of the extent to which party elites support the nomination process and their party’s nominee and what explains this support. By combining the 2016 Convention Delegate Study and an original dataset of the nomination electoral rules utilized by the states, we assess how candidate, partisan, and electoral factors shape delegate support for the nomination process and nominee. Our analysis reveals that candidate and party-centric explanations better explain delegate views toward the nomination process and nominee than factors related to the electoral context.

A New Electorate? Explaining the Party Preferences of Immigrant-Origin Voters at the 2017 Bundestag Election

AbstractImmigrants now constitute a sizeable and rapidly growing group among many Western countries' electorates, but analyses of their party preferences remain limited. Theoretically, immigrants' party preferences might be explained with both standard electoral theories and immigrant-specific approaches. In this article, we rigorously test both perspectives against each other using the most recent data from Germany. Applying the Michigan model, with its three central explanatory variables – party identification, issue orientations and candidate evaluations – to the party preferences of immigrant-origin and native voters, we find that this standard model can explain both groups well. In contrast, we find no direct effects of the most prominent immigrant-specific variables, and neither do these meaningfully moderate the Michigan variables. However, we find strong formative effects on the presence of political attitudes and beliefs: immigrants with a longer time spent in Germany, a stronger German identity and less experience of discrimination report significantly fewer item non-responses for the Michigan model's main explanatory variables.

STRATEGI PEMENANGAN CALEG PARTAI GERINDRA DALAM PEMILU LEGISLATIF 2019: STUDI KASUS BAMBANG PUJIANTO DAPIL 2 SIDOARJO

The present study discusses the strategy of winning the Gerindra party candidates in Sidoarjo. In this case the problem that occurs is the struggle for the seat of Si- doarjo regency DPRD. In this thesis the researcher will explain the winning strat- egies, challenges and obstacles during the campaign process of the Gerindra party candidates. Seeing within the framework of the theory of Firmanzah which states that political marketing is divided into 4 programs (4P) namely: Product, Promo- tion, Price, Place. In this research, it will be seen how the winning strategy carried out by the Gerindra party candidates (Bambang Pudjianto) in electoral districts 2 of Sidoarjo regency, where he is an incumbent candidate who has advanced as a people's representative. His strategy is to rely on 3 products of political jargon; # win us, the medical check-up program and aspiration stalls that reap the enthusias- tic response of citizens. With the strategy carried out by Bambang Pudjianto, he succeeded in attracting the sympathy of the people so that he was re-elected as the sidoarjo district parliament.

Party nominee or independent candidate? Examining Electoral Reforms and the Use of Digital Technologies for Voter Participation in South Africa

This article discusses electoral reforms and the use of digital technologies for voter participation in South Africa. The study employed focus group discussions and in-depth interviews through semi-structured questions to engage with voters and politicians. Informed by theories on politics and technology, the articles notes that the current electoral system has advantages and disadvantages, though it can be enhanced by the inclusion of a mixed proportional or constituency-based electoral system whereby voters elect political party candidates or independent candidates to represent their constituencies. The article argues that digital technologies alone cannot enhance voter participation without electoral policies that promote voter participation in the candidate selection processes for provincial and national elections. The article further highlights the fact that the use of digital technologies and a mixed electoral system are desirable for maximum citizen participation in national and provincial elections. However, some political parties enjoying dominance in the multi-party democracy might perceive reform as unfavourable. The article concludes that consensus and political will are fundamental to harness all progressive electoral reforms and digital tools for sustainable democracy.

Voters’ Motivation for Selecting the Party Leader: The Case of the Italian Democratic Party

Political parties suffer from a lasting, consolidated and, probably, irreversible crisis. However, they have begun a laborious process of adaptation which, among other things, has led to the spread of some new organizational practices. In general terms, looking at the party on the ground, we have seen a significant spread of inclusive procedures in party decision-making, which, in other words, has meant a strengthening of intra-party democracy. In particular, the inclusion of party members and, sometimes, sympathizers concerns not only the formulation of a policy position, but also the selection of party candidates and leadership. This article focuses on the inclusive process of leadership selection of the Italian Democratic Party (DP) occurred in 2013, 2017 and 2019. Since its inception, the Democratic Party has introduced the figure of the supporter, i.e. a voter not formally enrolled in the party but authorized to participate in a number of internal decision-making processes, including the selection of the party leader. Using the survey data from the research group Candidate and Leader Selection (CLS), the article explores the relationship between selectors and the primaries, looking particularly to the motivations behind the choice of vote. The analysis is based on over 8,000 interviews conducted through the exit poll technique and collected from 2013 to 2019. The article shows that voters self-positioning on the left-right axis and their strategic orientation are, in all three cases of primaries, the most relevant variables for explaining the selectors’ motivations.

Congressional nominations and party emergence, 1788–1808

AbstractObjectiveWe study the development of nomination procedures for congressional elections by the Democratic‐Republican and Federalist parties in the first party era (1788–1808).MethodsOur study rests on primary source evidence from congressional elections contested in Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New Jersey.ResultsWe demonstrate that in these states, party nominations drew popular involvement, a wide pool of potential nominees, selected among them according to well‐understood rules and norms, and subsequently focused electoral supporters on the nominated candidates.ConclusionThe existence of structured nominations has significant implications for U.S. party development. Most importantly, it suggests the Democratic‐Republican and Federalist parties were more institutionalized than previously thought. To the extent that organization capacity is a key marker in party development, this suggests that the early American parties were more developed than is generally recognized.

Did Gary Johnson and Jill Stein Cost Hillary Clinton the Presidency? A Counterfactual Analysis of Minor Party Voting in the 2016 US Presidential Election

Abstract Hillary Clinton won the national popular vote for president in 2016, but lost to Donald Trump in the Electoral College. Trump’s margin of victory in several decisive battleground states was smaller than the combined vote for the two leading minor party candidates: Gary Johnson, of the Libertarian Party, and Jill Stein, of the Green Party. The perception that Johnson and Stein “stole” the 2016 presidential election from Clinton is widespread, and potentially consequential for future minor party candidacies, but it has not yet been rigorously tested. In this article, we extend the analysis of minor party voting in the 1992 election from Lacy, D., and B. C. Burden. 1999. “The Vote-Stealing and Turnout Effects of Ross Perot in the 1992 U.S. Presidential Election.” American Journal of Political Science 43 (1): 233–55, by using data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to estimate a multinomial probit model of voting behavior—including outcomes for vote choice and abstention—and calculate the predicted probabilities that Johnson and Stein voters would have voted for another candidate or abstained from voting, had one or both of these candidates been excluded from the ballot. We then reallocate Johnson’s and Stein’s votes accordingly, to estimate Clinton’s and Trump’s counterfactual vote shares nationally and within key battleground states. Our analysis indicates that Johnson and Stein did not deprive Clinton of an Electoral College majority, nor Trump the legitimacy of winning the national popular vote. We estimate that most Johnson and Stein voters would have abstained from voting if denied the choice to vote for their preferred candidate, and that most of Johnson’s remaining voters would have supported Trump.

Democracy within parties: Electoral consequences of candidate selection methods in Tanzania

A large body of literature exists around the study of elections. What often goes unnoticed, however, is that elections take place between and within parties. While the former has received significant attention, the latter has not. This is true of African elections generally, and Tanzanian elections specifically. This study examines one important aspect of intra-party democracy – the process of candidate selection. Particular attention is paid to the electoral outcomes of selection methods in two purposively selected political parties in Tanzania, the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the opposition Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA). Based on an examination of party nomination rules, electoral observation reports, the media, and stakeholder interviews, I argue that candidate selection methods in both parties are, by design, undemocratic. Non-restrictive candidacy requirements, exclusive selectorates, centralised selection and appointment, rather than democratic voting procedures, dominate selection processes. Undemocratic candidate selection has affected the share of votes and seats received by both parties in elections.

When the Big House Freaked Out: The Rise and Fall of Industrial Brazil in a Single Lifetime

When the Big House Freaked Out: The Rise and Fall of Industrial Brazil in a Single Lifetime

Authors’ Response

Authors’ Response