Party Formation Research Articles

Izbori na području opštine Novi Pazar početkom devedesetih godina XX veka

The fall of the Berlin Wall led to the collapse of socialism and initiated the process of re-parliamentarization. This period was characterized by the establishment of multi-partyism, involving the revitalization or transformation of some old parties and the formation of new parties. Additionally, multi-party elections were organized. The path of political pluralization of SR Serbia started after the adoption of the position of the LC of Serbia at the XI Congress that "the League of Communists does not claim a political monopoly". Party pluralization and political processes in the territory of the Novi Pazar municipality followed the above processes and events. During 1990, committees of the most important republican parties (Socialist Party of Serbia, SPS, Serbian Renewal Movement, SPO, Union of Reform Forces of Yugoslavia, SRSJ, and others) were founded in the municipality, along with a branch of the most significant party from the SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Party of Democratic Action, SDA. The antagonism between the peoples at the federal level was transferred to the municipal area as well. Different views of socio-political events from the past in the municipality contributed to increased divisions. Due to the political turbulence in the country, the electorate primarily turned to parties with a national program. National parties often emphasized the perceived threat and humiliation of their own national groups in the preceding period. With such statements, parties rapidly carried out national homogenization and division among the local population, also profiting politically. Trust in uni-national parties was immediately evident. During the first multi-party elections, the SDA won convincingly. Its candidates managed to secure 90% of the votes from the local Muslim population. The Serbian population allocated its votes to the SPO and SPS, with the SPO winning the parliamentary elections. The tendency of trust in national parties continued in the following period. The Party of Democratic Action managed to maintain political primacy among the Muslim population of the municipality during this period. This is evidenced by the boycotts of the elections in 1992 and 1993 by the majority of Muslims. A smaller number of Muslims supported more moderate parties, such as the SRSJ. The Serbian population of the municipality, unlike the Muslim population, actively participated in all elections. Throughout the entire period, the political pluralization of the Serbs was noticeable. The Socialist Party of Serbia managed to assert itself over time as the most significant party among the local Serbian population. The elections showed that the politics of moderate and more conciliatory currents, such as SRSJ, experienced a debacle. Despite the antagonisms and the tense political climate, he elections took place in a tolerant manner without major incidents. The election results were accepted. An enviable amount of political culture was demonstrated among the local parties. Democratic elections have shown that it is possible to discuss very delicate and latent problems from the past, even in difficult times. With the de-escalation of the situation at the level of Yugoslavia and, subsequently, with the changes on October 5th, inter-ethnic relations in political advancements began to lose their importance. Gradually, tensions subsided. Political pluralization among the Muslim population of the municipality also contributed to this. Instead of national issues, the municipality's focus shifted to the daily life concerns of the local population and the inter-party relations of the Muslim parties.

Political trends and groups in Csanád county in the 1840s

In the context of the study of political trends and groups in the Hungarian reform era, it is necessary examining the political life in the counties. In the 1840s, the nobility in Csanád county became increasingly divided into parties. In my study, I will examine conflicts between the nobles of Csanád and how the formation of the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party affected the political situation in Csanád county. In the context of the Diets, the election of deputies and the drafting of instructions also caused exciting clashes between the nobles, which greatly shades the picture of political trends.

CHAPTER 3. Formation of Ukrainian political parties in Galicia

CHAPTER 3. Formation of Ukrainian political parties in Galicia

Formation and electoral achievements of Biju Janata Dal (BJD): A brief study

India as a democracy has the multi-party system in place, which means there are several political parties competing for power. Apart from the primary political parties, each state has their own local political parties that rule and compete in their region. In the present political scenario of India, the role of regional political party is more important. The paper attempts to explore the factors that were responsible for the formation of largest regional political party of Odisha, Biju Janata Dal and its electoral achievements in Assembly and Lok Sabha elections since its formation. Within 25 years of its formation, the Biju Janata Dal achieved massive electoral success in all elections including Local Bodies, Assembly and Parliament. Naveen Patnaik, the president of Biju Janata Dal and Chief Minister of Odisha ruling the state since last twenty-three years. In Current political scenario of India, Biju Janata Dal occupies a unique place for its organizational strength in the state of Odisha.

Responses of SALAFI and Modern Islamic Boarding School Students to the Establishment of New Islamic-based Political Party

Political parties have a very strategic role and position. Political parties play a strategic role as a liaison between the government process and citizens, so that the birth of new political parties is needed. This study aims to provide a description of the responses of students from SALAFI Islamic boarding schools and modern Islamic boarding schools related to the establishment of new political parties based or based on Islam. The approach used in this research is descriptive quantitative by using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov method of hypothesis testing. Based on the comparison between the D value in the table and the calculated D value, the D value is 0.051531. This value is smaller than the D value in the table of 0.315376. This study concludes that the null hypothesis is rejected and accepts the alternative hypothesis which states that the responses given by students from SALAFI Islamic boarding schools are better than the responses given by students from modern Islamic boarding schools regarding the establishment of new Islamic-based political parties. In this condition, it can be concluded that the santri who come from SALAFI Islamic boarding schools are more enthusiastic or more receptive in accepting the formation of a new Islamic-based political party.

TRIANGLE OF POLITICAL POWER OF THE MATARAMAN COMMUNITY IN KEDIRI

The political upheaval in the early days of reform had an impact on the formation of parties which were no longer monopolized by the political elites during the New Order era. This was evidenced by the democratic principle of transparency in the election of government officials. The development of the political culture at the regional level is different from the situation at the national level. The development of political culture at the regional level is more dominated by political thoughts and behavior based on a mature political culture. The Mataraman Kediri community has social and cultural characteristics that also influence their political traditions. In the context of general elections, the Mataraman community has a special characteristic in their political choices which is reflected in the choice and support for certain political parties, that the way the people elect depends on their past historical patterns. The results of this study indicate that the people of Mataraman Kediri have a synergistic political pattern known as thearchitecture of power politics. The relationship between the religious elite, entrepreneurs, and the government has a political synergy that is able to influence political patterns and maps in the Mataraman region of Kediri.

HISTORY OF DEVELOPMENT OF TURKISH POLITICAL PARTIES

For the formation and development of parties as political institutions in the country, it is necessary to conduct a study of the path of development of political parties in other countries. This will positively contribute to the development of parties as political institutions in Kazakhstan through comparative analysis. In this article, a study was conducted on the history of the development of political parties in the state of Turkey. Turkey is a country that enters the Turkic world with a similar language, religion and mentality. Within the framework of cooperation between the Turkic states, relations between the two countries are also developing. In this regard, one of the interesting topics remains the formation of parties as political institutions in a country with a hundred-year history of development, the study of the role of parties in the political system of the state, which, on the initiative of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, aspired to European standards of development since the establishment of the state.

Skjönsberg, Max. The Persistence of Party: Ideas of Harmonious Discord in Eighteenth-Century Britain

Skjönsberg, Max. <i>The Persistence of Party: Ideas of Harmonious Discord in Eighteenth-Century Britain</i>

Ethnic politics and National Integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic

One of the contentious issues affecting national integration in Nigeria is ethnic politics. An ethnicity is a potent tool for mobilizing access to power and resources in Nigeria. It has not only affected nation-building but has also constituted security and governance challenges threatening national integration. Despite different measures adopted to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, primordial sentiments pervade the political system, festering like a malignant tumour with associated prognosis. The paper explored the implications of ethnic politics on national integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. Data elicited from secondary sources were utilized for the study. The findings showed that the dominant ethnic groups determine party formation, voting patterns and allocation of public goods. Ethnic politics is deployed by the political class to access and maintain their grip of power while other sub-ethnic groups are sidelined. Undue ethnicization of Nigeria's politics has not only encouraged prebendalised politics but affected democratic development. Electoral malpractices, political instability and crises experienced in Nigeria have their roots in ethnic politics. The study recommended, among other things, that there is a need for reorientation of Nigerian citizens on the danger ethnicized politics portends to nation-building and national integration. Furthermore, there is the need to redefine citizenship, indigene-settler syndrome and son of the soil conundrum that has been spurring ethnic politics in Nigeria.

Organisation and (Lack of) Democracy in the Chinese Communist Party: A Critical Reading of the Successive Iterations of the Party Constitution

There has always been a lack of democratic life in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Former CCP Secretary General Hu Jintao attempted in the first decade of the twenty-first century to promote reform, including a revision of the party constitution, aimed at enhancing “intra-party democracy” (党内民主, dangnei minzhu). However, Xi Jinping has put on hold this plan, fully restoring the verticality of the institution where it may have been weakened. This article has three objectives. First, it compares the successive versions or iterations of the CCP constitution in the last 100 years and analyses all the changes related to democratic centralism, elections, and democracy that have been introduced. Then, it assesses Hu's reforms and their failure. Finally, it explains why the CCP cannot reform and democratise as long as it remains a party-state and China remains a one-party system.

Martial and Ritual Arts Groups in the formation of Political Parties in Timor-Leste

Martial and ritual arts groups are a set combination of sports activities in both physical and spiritual accomplishments to protect or defend themselves. This activity was banned a few years ago and decriminalized recently in 2022. However, the existence of these two sports activities reveals a significant controversial debate. This article attempts to analyze the relationship between the presence of political parties, especially the history of parties in Timor-Leste, then continues with a critical analysis of the relations of these groups in the formation of Political Parties in Timor-Leste in the current developments. This article used a secondary data approach, collected from the report documents from the government, non-governmental organizations, and academic publications from similar research. The results of this study indicate that there is indeed an interest in political parties. However, despite the motivation that mobilized this organization’s mass into political party affiliation, the influence of martial arts and ritual groups began to be the backbone of political parties’ support.

AKUNTABILITAS PENGELOLAAN KEUANGAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL ACEH

The formation of local political parties in Aceh is an example of an asymmetrical political policy being carried out by the Indonesian government in relation to Aceh's status as a region with a special autonomy. In that situation, the concept of accountability inside national political parties needs to be discussed as well in order to figure out how local party accountability is applied in Aceh. When it comes to the presentation of data connected to outcomes that have been produced by earlier researchers, this study makes use of the documentation approach. According to the conclusions of this study of Aceh's local political parties, the level of accountability and transparency that has been maintained by Aceh's local political parties in general has been pretty satisfactory. Even though in general terms the provisions are still not as good as they should be, the Aceh Party has become the most complete in carrying out its principle of financial accountability. This is the case despite the fact that the Aceh Party has become the most comprehensive.

Features of Party Genesis in the Russian Empire Late 19th — Early 20th Centuries

The paper analyzes the primary factors that influenced the formation of political parties in the Russian Empire, determines the conditions and features of political life under which they were born, traces the dynamics of socio-political thought at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. The research presents a review of the major literature on the history of political parties at different stages of the development of social sciences. Based on the use of general historical and special historical methods, the authors analyze how the internal policy of the tsarist administration stimulated the formation and development of political views of certain segments of the population, as well as parties of a different spectrum: conservative, liberal and socialist. The study’s result has become the identification of three key features of the process of party genesis in Russia, the origins of which lay in the features of its economic, social and political development in the specified historical period.

Activities of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine under martial law: shortcomings and areas for improvement

The article shows the essence of the concept of “martial law”, the grounds on which it is introduced in various countries, including Ukraine. The role of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the imposition of martial law in Ukraine is outlined. The legal acts adopted by the parliament during martial law are analyzed. It was found that the People’s Deputies of Ukraine in the martial law of 2022 paid considerable attention to the formation of domestic and foreign policies of the state, the new content of which was by reason of the military aggression of the Russian Federation. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine has adopted important political documents, such as appeals to the world community, which deal with war crimes of the Russian Federation and the genocide of the Ukrainian people. In addition, a number of amendments to laws have been adopted. Among them: added grounds for restricting the formation and activity of political parties; the rules of procedure in cases on administrative lawsuits banning a political party have been determined. The author emphasizes that some issues should have been resolved much earlier. For example, scholars have repeatedly pointed to the statements and actions of some public figures and representatives of political parties that posed a threat to the foundations of Ukraine’s national security. Public authorities, which had to respond to such warnings and take appropriate decisions, including suspending the state registration of such organizations, justified their inaction by the lack of an appropriate prosecution mechanism. The article noted that timely response to the problems could protect the country from many bad events and facilitate increase the level of national security and defense. Analysis of the role of parliament in the imposition of martial law and its activities in these conditions proved: there is a difference between the rules approved by law and the rules that are actually applied in practice (imaginary constitutionalism); procedures provided for the adoption of laws are violated (political instrumentalization of law); socio-political problems are partially regulated (politicization of law-making); changes in laws are often made, which indicates their low quality (inflation of law). The article recommends that People’s Deputies of Ukraine strictly adhere to the procedures provided by law and pay more attention to the mechanisms of implementation of legal norms, as their absence leads to the impossibility of implementing legal acts and, consequently, to reducing the role of law in society. Key words: parliament, martial law, imaginary constitutionalism, political instrumentalization of law, politicization of law-making, inflation of law

The lexicon of consensus candidate and the Nigerian democracy: How healthy is it?

This paper discusses the issue of misused and misapplication of the term consensus in the political arena which has over the years caused disaffection, carpet-crossing among party members and the formation of new pre-matured political parties because of harmonizing out members of the same party. This misconstrue language (consensus) has also made political parties field wrong choice candidates which has further resulted to bad governance. The word consensus which ordinarily means common agreement, understanding or mutual cooperation to accepting an issue or something especially in selecting candidate(s), in Nigeria has turned a situation where two or few party chieftains connived (in their own interest) to edge out or manipulate other people in selecting a single person who happens to be their cronies, without the consent of the entire group. The forceful imposition apart from resulting to bad leadership had also cause rancour, intra-party wrangling and disunity, and political malady, which has not been too healthy for our endured democracy. As a review article, this paper, considers the consensus theory, various authors’ views about the concepts of the term was lavishly x-rayed and in the end the paper seeks to suggest that party chieftains should apply the concept properly, by consulting widely before coming out with a choice candidate(s) who will represent the party very well, so that the dividends of democracy will be felt and not be sacrificed on the altar of “puppet-godson” who will be pledging unnecessary pretentious loyalty to his godfather(s) to the detriment of the electorates, if he emerges the general winner at the general poll.

Reassessing Ethnic-based Party Formation, Proliferation and Political Instability in Nigeria: A Periscope into the Future

This paper examined the manifestations of ethnic cleavage and identity on party formation and proliferation in Nigeria’s political landscape. Nigeria is unarguably a country with multi-ethnic nationalities with each group intermingling with another in the tussle for political power. From independence until the Fourth Republic, the nation’s social structure in terms of heterogeneity has significantly influenced electoral politics. This raises germane concerns as to why the formation of political parties in the country tilts more towards ethnic attachment and is bereft of ideological leanings, unlike what is obtainable in advanced democracies. From a historical-descriptive perspective, the paper unfolded the bases for the rise of ethnic-based political parties as well as justified the contention that ethnic-based considerations in the political process have contributed to political instability in Nigeria. Moreover, the paper authenticated the fact that ethnic-based parties featured prominently in the early years of independence and afterwards, resulting in regime displacements and that ethnicity is still a foremost determinant of party formation and political contests in contemporary Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. Consequently, the paper recommended, prominently, that political party leaders should avoid actions that could heat the Nigerian polity up and eventually plunge the country into crisis with attendant political instability; rather they should focus on issues that will promote political integration and cohesion among ethnic nationalities within the country.

Political Competition with Endogenous Party Formation and Citizen Activists

This paper studies the effects of endogenous party formation on political platforms. It develops a model in which parties allow like-minded citizens to, first, share the cost of running in a public election and, second, coordinate on a policy platform. The paper characterizes the set of political equilibria with two competing parties and with one uncontested party. In two-party equilibria, the distance between both platforms is always positive but limited, in contrast to the median voter model and the citizen candidate model. In one-party equilibria, the median voter can be worse off than in all equilibria with two competing parties. (JEL D71, D72)

KEKALAHAN PETAHANA PADA PEMILIHAN UMUM 2019: STUDI KASUS CALON LEGISLATIF PARTAI KEBANGKITAN BANGSA

This article examines the factors that led to Agus Sulistiyono's defeat in the 2019 Legislative Elections in the DIY electoral district. These factors are seen with three-dimensional indicators of the power cube theory: visible power, hidden power, and invisible power. Methodologically, this article is the result of qualitative research with a case study approach. In data collection, the results of interviews are the main source to determine the factors that influence the defeat of candidates. This finding shows that there are three indicators. First, visible power which includes the campaign strategy carried out by Agus Sulistiyono using the party constitution route spreads throughout Yogyakarta and synergizes with DPRD candidates from the same party. Second, on the hidden power indicator, by obtaining support from the supporting political parties, as well as money politics practices. Third, there is support from religious leaders. Of the three indicators, visible and hidden power is the most dominant indicator that led to the defeat of Agus Sulistiyono in the 2019 Legislative Election in the DIY Electoral District.

Party Formation and Coalitional Bargaining in a Model of Proportional Representation

We study a game theoretic model of a parliamentary democracy under proportional representation where ideologically motivated citizen groups form parties, voting occurs and governments are formed. We study the coalition governments that emerge as functions of the parties’ seat shares, the size of the rents from holding office and their ideologies. We show that governments may be minimal winning, minority or surplus. Moreover, coalitions may be ‘disconnected’. We then look at how the coalition formation game affects the incentives for party formation. In particular, we show that when the rents from office are low, the median citizen stands unopposed, and when rents are high, there is more political entry. For intermediate rents, we show that strategic dropouts can happen to influence the final policy. We show that the incentives for strategic dropout can be higher under proportional representation than plurality voting, contrary to Duverger’s law. Our model explains the diverse electoral outcomes seen under proportional representation and integrates models of political entry with models of coalitional bargaining.

A career like no one else can offer: On the conditions for two-party dominance

The determinants of the number of parties competing in any given first-past-the-post election have been widely studied. Much less clear are the conditions required for two parties to dominate all elections across separate districts and at different levels of government. In this paper, I propose a novel model of party formation and show that two parties can only dominate all elections if they provide sufficient opportunities for members while limiting the success of defectors. More specifically, I establish three conditions for two-parties dominance: (i) parties must be divided into a left-wing and a right-wing camp in any two-party equilibrium, (ii) voters at the national level cannot be too concentrated in the centre relative to the most radical districts, and (iii) politicians need to be sufficiently motivated by the desire to win elections at higher levels of government. Furthermore, I establish the existence of a specific two-party equilibrium featuring a centre-left and a centre-right party. I use this equilibrium to illustrate that primaries can reduce the likelihood of entry of third parties. An extension that introduces regionalism shows that high salience of this second dimension of policy is by itself not enough to rule out two-party equilibria.