Party Formation Research Articles

The Story of Czech Anarchism: Ideas and Practices of Czech Libertarians, 1883‐1930

The rich history of Czech anarchism is not well-known internationally. The movement was comprised of thousands of proletarians (especially Northern Bohemian miners) and some important poets. It ended in a surprising and original way with the formation of an anarchist political party in 1914. This led to participation in national governments between 1918 and 1922. To explain the dynamics, the article narrates five separate stories of the Czech anarchism. After a summary recounting the development of the Czech anarchist movement from a temporal and spatial point of view, it examines ideas about the individual and society, organisational forms and organisations, and, finally, the national question, gender, and direct action.

THE EVOLUTION OF MULTIPARTY POLITICS IN UZBEKISTAN: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

This article examines the development of the multiparty system in Uzbekistan, highlighting the key stages and milestones since independence. It outlines the role of political parties in fostering democratic governance and representing the interests of diverse social groups in society. The paper explores the historical formation of political parties in Uzbekistan, from the cessation of the one-party system to the establishment of legal frameworks that empower political parties in shaping state power. The emergence of the Ecological Party of Uzbekistan is discussed as a significant event in the country’s evolving political landscape. Furthermore, the article addresses the current challenges faced by political parties, including the lack of political ideology, limited public awareness of political rights, and the need for improved competition among parties. The author argues that enhancing the legal foundation of parties and increasing their involvement in governance is essential for deepening democratic reforms. The article concludes with recommendations to strengthen political party participation, foster public trust, and promote active competition in Uzbekistan’s political system.

A citizen-candidate model of party formation

There are multiple models of party formation in the political economy literature. However, most of these works consider individuals as parties and do not model parties as a group of candidates. In this paper, we follow the latter approach and assume that parties form as a result of mutually agreeable links between candidates. We consider a citizen-candidate model of electoral competition where candidates decide whether they want to participate in election alone or offer links to adjacently placed candidates on a one-dimensional policy space. We characterize one-party and two-party equilibrium and show that no multi-party equilibrium exists with three or more parties. We provide conditions on the rents of winning with respect to the cost of participating in election which also depend on the number of candidates. We provide new insights which explain party formation from the perspective of group formation. Our results confirm the Duverger’s law and are consistent with empirical evidence on plurality voting systems.

Democratization, Local Government and Political Parties during the Allied Occupation of Southern Italy after 1943

The article seeks to cast doubt on the prevailing notion that regards the Allied occupation of (Southern) Italy as a harbinger of democracy by examining it from a local, decidedly bottom-up analytical perspective. I argue that the Allies disfavored the formation of political parties and the expression of political thought, even though ‘you can't have a democracy without political parties’, as the Italian-American Charles Poletti, one of the principal American civil affairs officers (CAO) organizing the occupation on-site, phrased it. This was particularly true during the first phase of the occupation, when military priorities reigned supreme. However, even at a later point, after the CAOs had theoretically assumed the role of an external supervising authority, a deep distrust of the country's political parties informed much of the Allies’ attitudes. Rather than serving as a foundational layer for democracy, the Allies perceived the country's political parties as a threat to democratization insofar as these were believed to obstruct the former's political and economic agendas. Such antagonisms between occupier and occupied, of course, especially applied to Italy's largest and most well-organized party during the period of the Allied occupation – the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI).

The Leadership of Behice Boran in the Turkish Workers’ Party (October 1, 1970 - October 10, 1987) (A Historical Study)

Behice boran was the first Turkish woman to lead a political party in Turkey. Throughout her political career, she witnessed three military coups in Turkey and had different reactions to each. The year 1960 marked the actual beginning of Boran’s political journey and was also a pivotal point in Turkish history as it saw the first military coup, which allowed the formation of parties and labor unions. This led to her becoming the leader of the Turkish Workers’ Party in 1970. However, the party faced a setback following the second military coup in 1971, which differed politically from the first due to the presence of the right-wing on the political scene, restricting the leftist movement. Boran was arrested for the third time during the period (1971-1974), and she criticized this coup. She was released from prison in 1974 and managed to re-establish the party in 1975, but it was closed again following the third military coup in 1980, leading to her fourth arrest. Due to her deteriorating health, she was released and decided to leave Turkey, seeking political asylum in Belgium, where she remained in exile until her death in 1987 after spending seven years in exile.

ADMINISTRATIVE-LEGAL STATUS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN: STATE AND ISSUES

Abstract. This article explores theoretical and practical aspects of administrative-legal regulation of the status of political parties in the Republic of Kazakhstan in the contemporary era. It notes that the norms of the Constitution, which establish general principles of relations between the state and societal institutions and citizens' right to freedom of association, participation in political life, and governance, serve as a guideline for regulating the status of political parties in the current legislation of the country. Based on a critical analysis of the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan "On Political Parties" and other laws regulating the activities of parties and their relationships with state bodies, as well as the practice of their implementation, inconsistencies of certain provisions are identified in terms of compliance with the Constitution and norms of international law, along with other shortcomings. The authors examine the experience of legal regulation of the functioning of political parties in developed democratic states and through a comparative analysis with Kazakhstan's legislation, identify its main positive aspects. The article formulates recommendations for improving the national Law of the Republic "On Political Parties." Suggestions include increasing funding for parties that have not received parliamentary mandates in Majilis Parliament elections and maslikhats, transitioning from a permission-based system of state party registration to a notification-based system, and others.The main conclusion of the study is the necessity for a fundamental liberalization of administrative-legal regulation of the formation, functioning, and activities of political parties to shape a democratic, pluralistic, competitive political system, ensuring constitutional freedom of citizens' associations, including political parties.

Паттерны трансформации партийных систем стран ЕС: направление перемен и причины различий

The article presents an original classification of patterns of transformation of party systems in EU countries under the influence of the institutionalization of a new post-industrial cleavage. Drawing on theories of cleavage and spatial competition and using party positioning databases, electoral indices and statistics, the author attempts to identify the main trajectories of the transformation of the European party systems between 1990 and 2023 and identify factors that explain the differences between them. The study identified five patterns associated with the effects of two key parameters. The first one is the structural specificity of the conditions of party competition in post-communist and other EU countries, associated with the difference between the old structured and new volatile party systems. The second parameter is the type of a country’s party-political system in accordance with Arend Lijphart’s classification — either majoritarian-polarized or coalition-consensus. While under majoritarian system the institutionalization of a new cleavage often gave rise to a radical breakdown of the old configuration of parties with the emergence of powerful populist forces, under consensus system — a smooth increase in fragmentation with the outflow of votes in favor of various new parties and the complication of the process of forming coalitions. For a number of countries other factors, such as the level of socio-economic development, ethnocentricity of politics, the type of electoral system and the stability of the welfare state appeared relatively important. In contrast, hypotheses about the significance of the initial configuration of party systems, the timing of formation of new parties and the geographical proximity of countries were not confirmed.

The Paucity of Female Educational Leadership in Politically Volatile Context of Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe is one country that experienced deep political turmoil soon after attaining independence in 1980. This study explored the intertwining of violent politics, the politics of fieldwork and the paucity of female educational leadership research by examining the volatile contexts within which the process of knowledge construction takes place. The researcher reviewed related literature to gain insights into the impact of volatile context on research. The study provides a review of literature on issues and concepts related to the studies put forward by other scholars within which the study was discussed and analysed. The review of related literature was conducted mainly to analyse three interweaving factors: the visibility of studies on educational leadership and management publications in 2008, migration and political violence in Zimbabwe. The study established that the terror operation (Gukurahundi) waged in Midlands, Matebeleland South and Matebeleland North provinces from 1982 to 1987, the formation of the political opposition party - Movement for Democratic (MDC) and commercial farm invasions in 1999, operation Murambatsvina in 2005 and elections in 2008 are enough evidence that the Mugabe regime developed a tradition of using violence and intolerance as a tool of consolidating political power. These events formed a complex multi-layered volatility that silenced not only academic research but other forms of documentation.

Building of Brazilian Party System

The main objective of this paper is to analyze the phenomenon of the formation and success of new parties in the period of redemocratization and the return of Brazilian multipartyism (1979-2018). Although the phenomenon is recurrent in Brazil, few studies have looked more directly at the subject in Brazil. What are the determinants of the ongoing formation of new parties? Our hypotheses are that the permissiveness of the electoral system loses effect when actors adapt to it and that factors endogenous to political competition increase the likelihood of new parties emerging. We use previous methodologies and conceptualize new parties as those that are organizationally new (obtain a new registration) and win at least one seat in the Chamber of Deputies. We divided the parties into contestation or coaptation parties to assess the impact of institutional and economic variables on them. Our results indicate that parties that are totally "outside the system" (those of contestation) have more difficulty in becoming competitive, demonstrating that the phenomenon of the appearance of new acronyms is more linked to a strategic reorganization of the elites than to a demand from voters.

MODEL OF CABINET RELATIONSHIP WITH REGIONAL GOVERNMENT IN THE ERA OF REGIONAL AUTONOMY

Purpose: To propose a new model of relations between the central cabinet and local governments in the context of regional autonomy. Measures such as the formation of a linear presidential coalition party with coalition parties supporting regional heads, simplification of political parties, and improvement of the political system aim to create a more harmonious and effective relationship between the two entities in the implementation of public policies in the era of regional autonomy. Method: The method used in this research is a normative research method using a statutory approach Results and Conclusion: The relationship between the central cabinet and local governments in Indonesia is influenced by the suitability of supporting political parties. Nonconformity can lead to disharmony. Therefore, a new model of relations is needed that involves a coalition of political parties that are more in line between the cabinet and local governments. Measures such as increasing electoral thresholds, simplifying political parties, and institutional strengthening of political parties are proposed. This is expected to create clarity and enhance cooperation between the two entities for more effective implementation of public policies. Implications of research: The need for the establishment of a new model of relations between the central cabinet and local governments involving a more conformed coalition of political parties, simplification of political parties in every election, institutional strengthening of political parties, and a shift towards an ideology-based coalition. These measures are expected to enhance harmonization in relations between the two entities, strengthen the political system, and bring clarity in policy formation.

Radical movement-parties, political change and the epistemology of elections: evidence from Lebanon

ABSTRACT A growing literature seeks to bring agency into the study of movement-parties (M-Ps). Yet studies pay little attention to radical M-Ps which confront acute dilemmas when deciding to contest parliamentary elections in systems they deem illegitimate. This article problematizes radical M-Ps’ entry in elections and the meaning they attribute to the role and function of elections – their epistemology of elections. We examine three M-Ps – Beirut Madinati, LiHaqqi, and Muwatinun wa Muwatinat fi Dawla. We demonstrate that radical M-Ps with a coherent strategy for political change, one that includes an epistemology of elections, are more likely to mitigate and survive electoral dilemmas when entering elections. Radical M-Ps lacking such a strategy risk fragmentation and potential dissolution. Methodologically, we chose Lebanon because 1) during the period under study, it is a democracy and, consequently, a relevant case study for theories of party formation; and 2) it offers a controlled comparison of M-Ps in elections. Moreover, all three M-Ps emerged during a similar time-period, with similar social bases, and, at least originally, radical positions. Research is based on participation in, and observation of, protests and elections between 2011 and 2022, as well as primary and secondary sources.

НАМ, НАМЫН СИСТЕМИЙН ТӨЛӨВШИЛД СОНГУУЛИЙН ТОГТОЛЦООНЫ ЭРХ ЗҮЙН ОРЧИН НӨЛӨӨЛӨХ НЬ

In the academic article "Influence of the legal framework of the electoral system on the formation of parties and party systems", apart from the scientific study of what the electoral system is, the legal framework of the electoral system, and how the electoral system is classified, the party is the most important part of the political system. As an important institution, it has been emphasized how it has developed and matured due to changes in the electoral system. The 8 parliamentary elections held in Mongolia in 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020 are characterized by the unique features of the times, economic conditions, political party and state policy decisions, and social times depending on the situation and legal changes in the electoral system, it had its own characteristics and effectiveness. Elections in Mongolia have been conducted by multi-mandate enlarged constituencies and single-mandate majoritarian system, which has created the opportunity for two political forces to hold the power in turn. The fact that the majority or two major parties alternately rule the government is related to the electoral system.

Urban Election System in Russia at End of 19th Century: Criticism in Provincial Periodicals

The article provides a first-time examination of the evaluations of the urban election system in the Russian Empire during the period of 1890-1892, when the preparation and implementation of the new City Regulations were taking place. The study is based on materials from private provincial periodicals. The author highlights the essence and content of the criticism of the provincial press towards the institution of urban elections. The article presents the attitudes towards the issue of social composition of urban self-government bodies as revealed in the periodical press. Positions on the issue of suffrage and proposals for its expansion through tax and educational qualifications are identified. The analysis includes assessments of the national composition of city councils and urban administrations on the outskirts and within Jewish settlements. It demonstrates how the formation of parties based on national identity in urban self-government bodies was covered in the periodicals. Discussions on the merger of powers between the heads of administrative and executive bodies of urban self-government are examined. Satirical poems, which characterize the recorded attitude towards council members and provincial assemblies in pre-revolutionary Russia, who dishonestly perform their duties and disrupt city council meetings, are introduced into scholarly circulation. Satire targeting corrupt intentions of council members is also discussed.

Razvoj ekoloških partija i zelenih političkih pokreta u Republici Srbiji

The following work aims to provide an analytical overview of the development of environmental political parties in Serbia. By relying on the methods of process tracing, as well as on Lipset and Rokkan's and other relevant theories of sociopolitical cleavages, the work examines how political events that occurred in Serbia over the last three decades led to the formation of eco-activist movements and parties, especially within the last several years. More specifically, the fulfillment of the primary aim requires - but is not limited to - an analysis of how green parties and environmental movements formed, shaped, and changed their strategies over time, especially when it comes to their activity planning, decision-making, support-mobilizing, and networking (including participation in broader political coalitions). The study not only includes genuine eco-activist organizations but also focuses on how (and why) decoy and phantom green parties developed and evolved in relation to the activities of their authentic counterparts. The paper concludes that environmental issues became increasingly more important in Serbia during the previous decade, with a more prominent arrival of foreign industry and foreign investors, which consequentially caused a noticeable deterioration of the environment (quality of air in particular). This opened a window of opportunity for opposing movements and parties to attract widespread support - and develop their strategies - based on and in relation to this previously less important topic.

«Союз Сары Вагенкнехт – благоразумие и справедливость» и раскол левой партийной оппозиции в ФРГ: кризис или обновление?

The paper is devoted to the emergence of a new German political party “Sarah Wagenknecht Union – Reason and Justice” (party “SWU”). The relevance of the study lies in the fact that the stated scientific problematic is of particular interest in the context of the current geopolitical situation, which dictates the need to take into account the positions of new groups through the prism of Russian national and foreign policy interests. The object of this study is the political party “SWU”. The aim of the research is to view the new party and the political consequences of its emergence for the left-wing party opposition. To attain the goal comparative and structural-genetic methods were used, allowing us to trace the dynamics of formation and development of left-wing groups in united Germany. The research tasks include the analysis of the political and ideological prerequisites for the SWA emergence; a study of the organizational and structural features of its formation; the identification of the political consequences of a new grouping both for the left-wing party opposition and the party system as a whole. The research results embrace the reasons for the emergence of the party “SWU”; the origins of the internal conflict in the Left party which led to the formation of a new political grouping; the program settings of the SWA and its electoral prospects; the consequences of the formation of a new party both for left-wing political forces and the party system as a whole. The research conclusions underline the following ideas. The emergence of a new party on the German political scene such as the party “SWU” marks a new stage in the development of both the left movement and its party system as a whole. For the Left, this means that the phase of their consolidation has been replaced by a phase of disintegration, which has taken the form of a party split. For the German party system, the creation of the party “SWU” can have two consequences. On the one hand, the emergence of a new left-wing party indicates further fragmentation and pluralization of the political system. On the other hand, it is becoming obvious that the impact of existing parties, primarily the “Alternative for Germany” and the “Left” is decreasing. For the “Left”, the activity of the party “SWU” is an existential threat and may lead to its disappearance as a pan-German parliamentary grouping. The prospects for the influence of the party “SWU” is related to the relevance of the political agenda that the new party will offer to voters as well as to its organizational stability.

The State of Political Ethnic Mobilisation among Kenyan Communities in Postcolonial Era, 1963 to 2007 A Case Study of Bukusu People

There is a growing body of scholarly work on political behaviour in Africa that accords much credence to the salience of ethnicity as a rallying point during electoral processes. Yet at the country level, we still understand very little about the interactions between ethnicity and voting behaviour and what demographic groups are more likely or less likely to be susceptible to the effects of ethnic cues, if at all, when voting or expressing support in other ways for political parties. Such features are dominant in Kenyan politics and are characterized majorly through ethnic-based politics where the formation of political parties and coalitions are motivated ethnically. Taking Bukusu as a case example, it is clearly seen how political game and electoral mobilisation is largely contested ethnic terrain. This explains why the majority of the leaders in Bungoma are Bukusu who have had a defining moment and significant effect on political leadership and electoral politics since independence. This paper focused on the state of political ethnic mobilisation among Kenyan communities in postcolonial era, 1963 to 2007with reference to Bukusu people of Bungoma District. The study examines ethnic politics as an instrument for political mileage among the Bukusu people. It is noted herein that since the migration and eventual inception of imperialism, the Bukusu people just like other communities in the country resisted colonisation which eventually cemented them together up to date. Karly Popper’s instrumentalism theory and AchilleMbembe’s postcolonial theory were the two theories used in the study. This study relied heavily on archival materials, oral interviews, and a review of linked secondary literature. Convergence and divergence were produced after thoroughly reviewing, analysing, and compiling all the data. Ex-post facto as a research design was used with purposive and snowball as sampling techniques. Elderly men and women were target population and the sampling size was guided by historical principle of not less than twenty eight participants. It is argued that this data will be useful to policymakers in formulating and comprehending the factors that affect political patterns and behaviour both at the national and local levels. The study should be of importance to historian scholars and more specifically on those who have an interest in state of political ethnic mobilisation among Kenyan Communities.

Formation of the Tuva People's Revolutionary Party in the Initial Period of the TPR

Based on archival materials, the history of the formation and development of the Tuva People's Revolutionary Party (TPRP) in the initial period (19211927) in terms of its performance, role and significance in the formation and development of the Tuva People's Republic, as well as the leading role of the USSR is considered. The work applied historical-genetic, historical-systemic methods to study the history of the formation of the TPR and the TPRP, historical-comparative and historical-typological methods to analyze the activities of the TPRP in different years.
 As a result of the study the archival materials of the National Archive of the Republic of Tuva (NA RT) (fond 1), The Russian State Archive of SocioPolitical History (RGASPI) (Fond 495) were introduced into scientific circulation, which testify that the comprehensive assistance and leadership role of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (b) allowed the TPRP to play a special role in strengthening the Tuvan State. Conclusions: the elite of Tuva played a huge role in the creation and functioning of the first party, but at the same time without the help and actually daily leading and guiding role of the USSR it was impossible not only the formation of the first Tuvan State, but also the development of statehood, the creation of institutions of power, social institutions, including the TPRP.

CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL RESPONSIBILITY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE CONTEXT OF TODAY'S CHALLENGES

The article examines the actual problems of constitutional and legal responsibility of political parties in the context of today's challenges. The author analyzes the normative grounds for applying such constitutional and legal sanctions as a ban on the formation and activities of a political party or cancellation of a political party's registration in case of unlawful acts. A retrospective analysis of the practice of banning political parties and canceling their registration in Ukraine generally indicates a positive trend in the development of national legislation on political parties and their responsibility in recent years. During this period, the grounds for banning political parties were significantly expanded and specified, and the mechanism for their realization was improved in accordance with the concept of “democracy that can defend itself”. The challenges of the Russian-Ukrainian war have objectively demonstrated and convincingly proved that the activities of any political parties that encroach on the territorial integrity, security and constitutional order of Ukraine, support the aggressor state can and should be banned in court. At the same time, the national judicial practice confirmed the relevant European experience and showed that the decision to apply such a constitutional and legal sanction as a ban on a political party must be appropriately justified, based on a proper evidence base, not taken in a hurry, and comply with international standards to prevent further appeals against the state's actions to the European Court of Human Rights, etc.

Energy, Ecology, and the Remaking of West German Politics in the 1970s and 1980s

Abstract This article traces the transformation of West Germany's political system during the 1970s and 1980s, when an extra-parliamentary ecological opposition emerged to challenge the governing Social Democratic Party (SPD). Demographic, economic, and structural features in West Germany's political system created the space for this opposition, eventually leading to the formation of the Green Party. This article argues that ideas about energy were crucial to the movement's success, providing a focal point for reform that aimed to spur an energy transition. This movement of experts and activists pulled West Germany's political system in an ecological direction, forcing the SPD to become green itself. The transformation of West Germany's political system, in turn, set the Federal Republic on a different energy trajectory than the United States, Great Britain, and France.

The Formation Of Islamic Parties In Post-Independence Indonesia

This study aims to explain the formation of Islamic parties that were formed after independence, and to look at the political reality of Islamic parties from the Old Order to the New Order. Islamic political position in that period was relatively weak. Islamic parties at that time it was a minority political group in state institutions. As a minority group, they only play a driving role in giving an Islamic style to political developments in Indonesia as a logical consequence that must be accepted in the reality of political history. Only adapting to the new political system and order under one command. By using the literature study method, this study shows that; (1) Islamic parties that were established after independence (2) Dynamics of post-independence socio-cultural conditions (3) Post-independence government systems (4) Da'wah strategies carried out by Islamic parties (5) Challenges faced by Islamic parties when post-independence (6) Figures and Ulama' who influenced the post-independence period. This study is important to add to sources of study of Islamic history in Indonesia, especially the scarcity of themes regarding the formation of post-independence Islamic parties.