Party Formation Research Articles

ETHNOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN SLOVAKIA (1989-1995)

This article provides the first overview in Ukrainian historiography of the preconditions, emergencу, establishment and initiation of the activities of a political entity representing the Ukrainian population of the Slovak Republic – the Podduklianske Democratic Community (hereinafter referred to as the PDC, original name: Podduklianske Civic Forum). The PDC collaborated with the Regional Government in Prešov, primarily in the socio-economic sphere, and outlined the party’s objectives. The PDC is aimed to address political, economic, social, and national-cultural issues of the Ukrainian population in the Prešov region. At the same time, there is a recognition of the increased political activity of representatives of the Hungarian national minority in Slovakia, resulting in the formation of Hungarian political parties in Slovakia, which emerged immediately after the collapse of the communist regime. It is noted that Hungarian political entities in Slovakia had their representatives in Parliament as a result of the elections in 1990, 1992, and 1994, which allowed them to actively participate in the political life of the state. The positive aspect of the activities of Hungarian political parties in Slovakia was that different party platforms did not prevent them from creating an electoral coalition. It is mentioned that the Roma community was also represented at the level of the Slovak national and regional political arena. However, Roma political parties failed to gain significant electoral support and representation in the Slovak Parliament.

Catalysts for Oxygen Reduction on a Vulcan XC-72 Carbon Substrate Modified with Transition Metals

This paper presents the results of a study of the catalytic activity of bimetallic materials synthesized based on Vulcan XC-72 carbon black modified with nickel, cobalt, and molybdenum in the electrochemical oxygen reduction reaction. The studies of the synthesized catalysts by adsorption–desorption of nitrogen in vacuum show that they are mesoporous and possess low porosity and surface area. After modification with metals, the surface area of the catalyst and pore volume decrease. The Raman spectra of the samples evidence probable formation of intermetallics or mixed molybdenum oxides on the surface of the MoCo/C and NiMo/C catalysts, which is in agreement with the published data. Scanning electron microscopy shows the formation of spherical metal parties on amorphous Vulcan XC-72. All the studied bimetallic catalysts possess similar kinetic characteristics of the electrochemical oxygen reduction reaction; nevertheless, NiMo/C and NiNi/C catalysts manifest a higher activity. The verification of the robustness of operation of the synthesized catalysts shows their high corrosion resistance.

An Analysis of Music and Politics: The Ghanaian Instance

This piece aimed to analyze the use of music and its related activities in politics, particularly Ghanaian politics to effectively impact the organization of activities in the areas of party formation, rallies and electioneering campaigns. The authors opined that through music, leaders and organizers of political parties are able to better communicate to the public to attract winning sympathy. The authors employed participatory observation and unstructured interviews to gather primary data from five political parties including the two main parties (National Democratic Congress and New Patriotic Party). The findings indicate that music and related performances are instrumental in bringing party members together, attracting new members to fold, and forming formidable parties. The authors recommend that the leadership of political parties should organize and encourage regular musical activities between members and the party as a whole. Keywords: Political Anthems, Electioneering Campaigns, Political Parties, Party Politics, Music Related Activities.

Building a “party building + political thinking” model for grassroots mass organizations in China in the era of big data

Abstract Although research into big data technologies is advancing quickly, it has not yet been used for the “party building + political thinking” paradigm of grassroots mass organizations. The structure, purpose, and method of clustering analysis in data mining technology, as well as the various data types involved in clustering analysis technology, are studied in this paper after first analyzing the development status of data mining technology and the issues in the process of data mining. Secondly, we investigate the advantages of big data mining for “Party formation + Civic Affairs” at the local level, including four points, the management of grassroots party members, the education of party members, the ideological dynamics of party members and cadres, and the development of the relationship between party groups and teachers and students. Moreover, the “task assessment quantification table” from the “party building + thinking and politics” model was utilized as the data source, and cluster analysis was carried out using the k-mean technique. The percentages of the three categories of grades in the cluster assessment, which were 30%, 62%, and 8%, were found to be compatible with the percentages of the three categories of scores, which were 21%, 68%, and 11%. This study brings some reference significance to both party building and thinking and the government work of college counselors; this contributes to raising the bar for political thinking, party organization, and governance.

Anti-defection rules and party switching in the Italian Parliament

Despite considerable progress in the study of party switching, scholarly interest in institutional constraints explicitly designed to limit or penalise inter-party mobility remains limited in the literature. This paper contributes to the emerging scholarship on party switching and legal institutional constrains by assessing the effectiveness of the new anti-defection regulations introduced in the Italian Senate starting from 2018. To evaluate the impact of this intervention, we develop two quasi-experimental research approaches that take advantage of the bicameral structure of the Italian Parliament and the fact that the anti-defection regulations were only implemented in the Senate and not in the Chamber of Deputies. Our results indicate that anti-defection regulations failed both to limit inter-party mobility and the formation of new legislative parties. However, they results effective in influencing the timing of party switching, concentrating it in the phases of government formation and dissolution.

Analysis of the effectiveness of electoral technologies as mechanisms for regulating and manipulating electoral behaviour (using Ukraine and Kazakhstan as examples)

This study conducts a comparative analysis of Ukraine and the Republic of Kazakhstan, two post-Soviet states facing ongoing contradictions and challenges in mutual understanding. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, these states embarked on their own paths of national development, influenced by various political, economic, socio-cultural, and ethnic factors. This study examines the formation of political parties, the development of political and electoral culture, and the legal approaches to organizing the electoral process in Ukraine and Kazakhstan. Additionally, it explores the manipulation of electoral behavior through a specific case study. The study employs standard political research methods such as comparative analysis, anthropological and structural-functional approaches, content analysis, and a systematic approach. The findings of this study serve as valuable information for experts involved in organizing electoral processes, researchers in comparative political science, and readers interested in the subject matter.

Revisiting Zoning in Nigerian Politics

From 1999 to 2022, ethnic affiliation, religiousity and geo-political zones has been the unofficial pre-election criteria for selecting candidates for the presidential and governorship positions in Nigeria. The selection process created unnecessary tension in the polity. To stem the tide of political volatility, there has been intensification in calls for zoning principal offices between the north and the south, and between the various senatorial zones at the state level. In revisiting the politics surrounding zoning, and the questions about its constitutionality, the paper examines its historical antecedent, as well as Article 72(C), 2009 of People's Democratic Party's Constitution. Adopting Elites theoretical framework, and for methodology, qualitative descriptive data and content analysis was utilized. The paper found that intra-elite rivalries and the 'do or die' politics during the process of selection and election of candidates, has marred the development of democratic ethos in the country. It concluded that due to the above anomalies, democracy has faced some dysfunctionality, giving rise to the quest to zone principal offices. Considering Nigeria's multi-ethnic diversity, the study recommends that before its adoption, the National Assembly should constitutionally spell out the modalities for its operation, as it stands out to be a more peaceful means for achieving equity and inclusiveness in governance.

THE FORMATION OF ISLAMIC PARTIES IN POST-INDEPENDENCE INDONESIA

This study aims to explain the formation of Islamic parties that were formed after independence, and to look at the political reality of Islamic parties from the Old Order to the New Order. Islamic political position in that period was relatively weak. Islamic parties at that time it was a minority political group in state institutions. As a minority group, they only play a driving role in giving an Islamic style to political developments in Indonesia as a logical consequence that must be accepted in the reality of political history. Only adapting to the new political system and order under one command. By using the literature study method, this study shows that; (1) Islamic parties that were established after independence (2) Dynamics of post-independence socio-cultural conditions (3) Post-independence government systems (4) Da'wah strategies carried out by Islamic parties (5) Challenges faced by Islamic parties when post-independence (6) Figures and Ulama' who influenced the post-independence period. This study is important to add to sources of study of Islamic history in Indonesia, especially the scarcity of themes regarding the formation of post-independence Islamic parties

The inequality roots of weak partisan attachment: Evidence from Denmark

Partisan attachment among the electorate is important for the stability of national party systems. This article argues that the level of inequality during a period of early party formation can have profound impact on political parties’ initial mobilization strategies and thus later levels of partisan attachment and electoral support among the population. An unequal distribution of agricultural land under a limited franchise decreases the incentive of parties representing rural interests to build strong local party organizations and partisan loyalty. Consequently, areas with high land inequality should show less electoral support for these parties after extension of the franchise. This theory is tested using data from early 20th century Denmark. In accordance with the theory, the Liberal Party, which represented rural interests, did poorer electorally in areas with historical high land inequality. The beneficiaries of the Liberal Party’s weakness were both centrist and far-left parties as well as the extreme right.

Social media and democracy: The Fiji 2022 National Election

Since the 2014 Fiji General Election, social media political campaigning has continued to be a consistent feature in the country’s politics. This was evident in the 2022 National Election with many more political parties engaging in creative and innovative ways to campaign and engage voters. Since the 2018 elections, there have been a number of developments that led to the formation of new parties and declining popularity of the ruling FijiFirst party. This has provided a new context for social media political campaigning. Building on reviewed work around social media political campaigning from the 2014 and 2018 national elections, this article examines social media use in the 2022 General Election. It discusses some of the emergent trends and patterns of campaigning that are likely to prevail in social media use and Fiji elections.

State Violence, Party Formation, and Electoral Accountability: The Political Legacy of the Marikana Massacre

Democratic governments sometimes use violence against their people, yet little is known about the electoral consequences of these events. Studying South Africa’s Marikana massacre, we document how a new opposition party formed as a direct result of violence, quantify significant electoral losses for the incumbent, and show that those losses were driven by voters switching from the incumbent to the new party. Three lessons emerge. First, incumbents who preside over state violence may be held electorally accountable by voters. Second, such accountability seemingly depends on the existence of credible opposition parties that can serve as a vector for disaffected voters. Where such parties do not exist, violence may create political cleavages that facilitate the formalization of opposition movements. Third, immediate proximity to violence is correlated with holding incumbents accountable.

정치팬덤과 디지털윤리규범

This article examines the institutional efforts centered on political parties to offset the negative effects of political fandom that are frequently discussed in the current society. Based on overseas cases, it proposes ‘social media code of ethics’ for political parties in Korea as a way to reduce the negative effects of digital democracy. The Netherlands have already set up an agreement between political parties and online platform users according to IDEA's recommendation, and British political parties are making efforts to prevent the side effects of affective polarization by including social media-related policies in their own rules. Unlike the situation in other countries, there is no content to reduce the political harm of social media in our party constitution, party rules, and ethics regulations. The code of ethics proposed in this article consists of active opposition to hate speech and reckless digital attacks by individual political parties, compliance with responsible digital ethics, and voluntary disciplinary action and punishment in case of non-compliance. The code of ethics, declared in the form of an agreement between political parties, can be a starting point for political parties and politicians to adapt with a responsible attitude in the new change of daily life in political fandom.

정치팬덤과 디지털윤리규범

This article examines the institutional efforts centered on political parties to offset the negative effects of political fandom that are frequently discussed in the current society. Based on overseas cases, it proposes ‘social media code of ethics’ for political parties in Korea as a way to reduce the negative effects of digital democracy. The Netherlands have already set up an agreement between political parties and online platform users according to IDEA's recommendation, and British political parties are making efforts to prevent the side effects of affective polarization by including social media-related policies in their own rules. Unlike the situation in other countries, there is no content to reduce the political harm of social media in our party constitution, party rules, and ethics regulations. The code of ethics proposed in this article consists of active opposition to hate speech and reckless digital attacks by individual political parties, compliance with responsible digital ethics, and voluntary disciplinary action and punishment in case of non-compliance. The code of ethics, declared in the form of an agreement between political parties, can be a starting point for political parties and politicians to adapt with a responsible attitude in the new change of daily life in political fandom.

Reflections of the Political Organization of the Bosniaks of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Bosniaks of Sanjak and the Diaspora 1990-1991.

The political organization of Bosniaks dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century, more precisely in 1906, when a group of Bosniak intellectuals formed the first political party called the Muslim People's Organization. As a result of the global political upheavals that affected most of Europe, certain decisions of international officials (primarily the Congress of Berlin in 1878) from the end of the nineteenth century complicated the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the Bosniaks. Realizing that through political activism they can defend their own interests in the newly emerging constellation of relations, Bosniak dignitaries led by Ali-beg Firdus and other dignitaries began a demanding political struggle. The scope of Bosniak politics at that time was extremely limited, as were the political organizations and representatives of Bosniaks in the years after, in contrast to the end of the twentieth century when politically organized Bosniaks managed to restore their national name Bosniak, the Bosnian language, but also democratically fight for an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. Namely, during the twentieth century, the political development of Bosniaks can be traced, which at the beginning of the nineties experienced a kind of culmination in the context of the achieved results. In that process, two years can be considered extremely important in the context of the political organization of Bosniaks in the period of the beginning of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. and those are definitely 1990 and 1991. The first year (1990) is important because of the officialization of political pluralism in the country at that time, while during 1991 processes took place that would not only change the everyday life of Bosniaks, but also the whole of Yugoslavia. The Bosniaks saw the introduction of democratic principles into daily life in Yugoslavia as an opportunity for renewed political organization, which was imposed as a logical sequence of the circumstances of a nation in the post-communist period. The formation of the first Bosniak political party during the nineties - the Party of Democratic Action - SDA, started the Bosniak struggle for equality, but also the preservation of the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Yugoslavia, and later as an independent state. The aim of the paper is to present the way of the initial political organization of Bosniaks due to the new political reality in Yugoslavia, with a focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, with an overview of organizing throughout the Bosniak diaspora. In historiography, the role of the Bosniak diaspora in the context of the original political organization during the nineties has often been unfairly neglected. The Bosniak diaspora carefully followed all events in Yugoslavia, and tried to be a part of them in all available ways. The beginning of political organizing among Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak was followed with great attention, and Bosniak political activists from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sanjak often went together on tours throughout the diaspora, with the aim of including Bosniaks outside their homeland in important processes that then took place in Yugoslavia. The political struggle of Bosniaks in Sanjak, about which the Bosnian public knows very little, took place almost parallel to the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The political representatives of Bosniaks from Sanjak experienced various forms of segregation by the Great Serbian regime from Belgrade, as evidenced by various official documents and other sources, which were used in the preparation of this work. According to the above, there is a need to research such a topic, which has the task of encouraging other authors to investigate this period in more detail. In the context of the methodology of the work, it is worth noting that the work will primarily contain the thematic and chronological methods, with the use of other methods for which the need arises, for the purpose of improving the quality of the work. The paper before you is not the final letter on the mentioned topic, but an attempt to answer some important and unavoidable questions from the beginning of the nineties of the last century, in the context of the political history of Bosniaks.

Politično delovanje Slovencev na Tržaškem, Goriškem in Videmskem po podpisu Pariške mirovne pogodbe leta 1947

For Slovenians, who became a national minority in Italy, the new border demarcation resulting from the Paris Peace Treaty in 1947 opened a new chapter of political engagement, with the formation of new political parties with clear ideological and national profiles. There were significant differences in the political field among Slovenians who lived in the provinces of Trieste, Gorizia and Udine, stemming from different historical, social as well as national contexts. Ideological differentiation was also prominent in 1947, further “enriched” in 1948 by the dispute between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union following the Cominform resolution. Ever since the pre-war times, a dividing line had been based on two concepts of political action: independent Slovenian political engagement on the one hand and integration into Italian parties on the other.

PENGARUH ETNIK DALAM PEMBENTUKAN PARTI-PARTI POLITIK AWAL DI SARAWAK, 1959-1963

This paper discusses the influence of ethnicity in the formation of early political parties in Sarawak. The cession of Sarawak to the British government has led to the emergence of the people’s nationalism awareness leading to the formation of political parties in Sarawak. Discussion is done through the library method by analysing books, dissertation and articles by previous researchers. The results of this study found that the plurality of races in Sarawak played a significant role in shaping the political pattern in Sarawak. The evidence can be seen in the formation of political parties that are heavily influenced by racial elements. Thus, ethnic factors have become the main factor in the formation of political parties in Sarawak. This considering that the purpose of establishing the parties is to safeguard the interests of their respective races. Therefore, the influence of ethnicity in a party can be seen according to the composition of party membership which is dominated by certain races. However, there are also several other factors that influence the formation of early political parties in Sarawak. Among them are, differences in idealism, the effects of the 1956 municipal elections, the desire for independence, regional sentiments and the influence of a party's ideology. Overall, this study can disclose to the public that the racial nature has been rooted in political parties in Sarawak since the beginning. Therefore, it is suggested for the future studies, the researcher can analyse whether this race-based party has an impact on the political development in Sarawak.

The Decline of Local Political Parties in Post-Conflict Aceh: A Qualitative Study

The Aceh peace process has been ongoing for nearly two decades. Some studies note that an essential aspect contributing to the Aceh peace context is the presence of local political parties in the post-peace era. This article aims to describe the declining existence of local political parties in the political life of Aceh society. This study employs a qualitative method, with primary data obtained from interviews and secondary data gathered from relevant literature reviews. The study reveals that local political parties in post-conflict Aceh have essentially gone through three of the four phases and are beginning to enter the fourth. The first phase is the formation of local political parties, the second is their rise, and the third is their victory in Aceh's political contestation. The fourth phase is decline or reduction, characterized by local parties being abandoned by their supporters. This research identifies several factors indicating the current existence of local political parties in the decline phase: 1) Loss of public trust; 2) Pessimism among political actors; 3) Weak party integrity and human resources; 4) Unprofessional organizational management; and 5) Internal conflicts within the party. These factors are not independent but are interconnected with one another.

Monetizing Politics in Nigeria's Democratic Fourth Republic: Delegates as a Commercialized Political Tool and a Flawed Candidate/Leadership Selection Process against the 2023 Election

The paper seeks to examine the extent to which the Nigerian democratic Fourth Republic has been bastardized by money politics. There were widespread expectations that the arrival of democracy in Nigeria on May 29, 1999, would usher in an era of free and fair elections, tolerance, respect for human rights, and the strengthening of all democratic edifices (courts, civil society, a corrupt-free and independent judiciary, people-oriented development, and so on). Unfortunately, the fourth republic became ensnared in a web of protracted political, economic, and social maladies. One of these has been the pernicious issue of undemocratic methods of leadership selection and election, which have been rife with anomalies such as rigging, thugs, vote-buying, assassination, and so on. This has manifested itself in the current 2022 primary elections in Nigeria in preparation for the 2023 general election. The situation gets worse and more deplorable as the delegates who are vested with the constitutional powers to select those to run for the presidency in 2023 have been transformed into a political nightmare as huge amounts of foreign currency flood the entire process of the primary election. Based on this, the study interrogated the delegate system and how it aided the flourishing of flawed electoral processes for leadership selection, considering the overbearing tenets of money politics. The paper used a qualitative research methodology because the data was primarily obtained from secondary sources: textbooks, journal publications, internet materials, and magazines. Content analysis was used to analyze secondary data. The study discusses some technical and constitutional provisions concerning party formation, the place of the delegate in Nigeria's electoral processes, party primaries, and candidates who contested the primaries of the two major political parties, etc., before discussing issues of money politics and how delegates became a thorn in the country's electoral processes and candidate selection. The investment theory of politics and party competition was explored. The study discovered that the delegate system continues to be anathema to quality and visionary leadership, leading to its abolition and the adoption of a more inclusive and concessional approach.

Recadoration of Political Parties Preparation of General Elections in the Perspective of Caderization Theory

Examine the cadre formation of political parties in preparation for general elections in the perspective of cadre theory.This study aims to how is the dynamics of cadre formation of political parties in Indonesia and what is the effect of cadre formation of political parties on the progress of the country through elections in the perspective of cadre formation. This research is a type of qualitative research, the nature of prescriptive research. The results of this study indicate that improving the quality of regeneration is a must in solving various problems within the organization. The need to increase the cadre mechanism in accommodating the cadre of existing political parties in Indonesia for political parties as a forum for cadres and forerunners of power holders in the executive and legislative.

Re-examining the rise of left in India

This review paper offers a concise overview of the evolution of India's Leftist movement. It contends that the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia spurred neighbouring countries to break free from the tyranny of imperialism. To address this, the review identifies Satyabrata Rai Chowdhuri's ‘Leftism in India 1917–1947’ a remarkable work to comprehend Indian leftism at its initial Phase. In addition, other fundamental sources have been located to determine the opportunities and obstacles of leftism in India. Furthermore, it engages and recognises those (individuals) who were motivated by left ideals and orientations. Eventually, they played a significant role in the formation of left-wing parties in India.