Party Family Research Articles

Voting Patterns in Western European Countries. Class-Party Family Alignments and Their Mediation by Political Values

This article investigates voters' preferences for party families in Western European countries' general elections in the 2000s. According to the realignment literature, “traditional” class voting patterns have been replaced by new class-party alignments: upper-middle employee classes joined the electoral bases of left parties, whereas radical right actors introduced in the electoral competition of the most deprived strata of the population, labeled “left behind”. This article aims to answer to the research questions: do social class and political values affect voting behavior in Western European general elections? Which direction are these variables associated with the preference of party families? The first section outlines the theoretical framework, accounting for the “societal modernization” processes, which have been affecting Western societies since the late 1960s. Among the “traditional” cleavages, the literature assumes the realignment of class voting patterns, as well as alignments between value orientations and political preferences. Indeed, class-party alignments are mediated by the political supply's mobilization of voters according to their value orientations. Such appeals differ among party families, partly explaining why specific classes constitute their electoral bases or contested stronghold. The theoretical framework hypothesizes political values as clustered in three ideologies (social and economic conservatism-liberalism, and authoritarianism-libertarianism). Those political values, which do not assimilate in ideologies, constitute more proximal factors, i.e., evaluations of specific political issues close to elections (attitudes). Having defined class voting realignment and a theoretical account of value voting, the paper empirically investigates their associations with vote choices in Western Europe. The analyses ground onEuropean Social Surveydata, aggregating the responses concerning the 12 Western European countries for which data are available in all waves. The dependent variable clusters the parties, which competed in the general elections occurred in the time span considered, in party families. Fixed effects multinomial logistic regression models are performed to detect which social classes constitute party families' bases or contested stronghold and how more proximal variables based on values account for class voting patterns. The results clearly show whose social classes are more likely to have voted for radical left, center-left, center-right, and radical right party families. Political ideologies account for a portion of these preferences for mainstream political actors, whereas political attitudes partly explain the introduction of radical right parties in the competition for working classes with left families.

Penerapan Restoratif Justice Terhadap Pelaku Tindak Pidana Penganiayaan Anak

In accordance with the problems mentioned earlier, this research is a normative study of the application of restorative justice to perpetrators of criminal acts of child abuse through a conceptual approach, a statutory approach, prioritizing the use of legal materials through normative and empirical studies and various findings regarding the application of restorative justice against Perpetrators of Crime of Child Abuse, then from the results of this description conclusions and suggestions can be drawn. The results of the research and analysis use the concept of legal protection, which is an initial framework for thinking about the implementation of restorative justice for perpetrators of child abuse crimes. The results of the study show that the perpetrators and/or suspects of child abuse can be submitted to restorative justice by fulfilling various formal requirements for the victim by involving the families of both parties and related elements in society, namely resolving problems amicably by prioritizing applicable customary law and binding for the purpose of terminating an investigation based on restorative justice.

A policy like no other? The populist radical right challenge in the field of democracy reform

The literature on the populist radical right has underlined the party family’s influence on a variety of issues, such as immigration, welfare, and the EU. However, scholars have hardly studied its influence in the field of democracy reform, even though populist radical right parties strongly criticize how democratic systems currently function. In an exploratory and qualitative study of four cases, we analyze the adaptation (or lack thereof) of mainstream parties to populist radical right parties’ challenge in the field of democracy reform in Austria, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, focusing on direct democracy. In contrast to other policy issues, we find limited adaptation of mainstream parties in the field of democracy reform: Instead of being a driver on democracy reform, the populist radical right is merely a fellow passenger. Where it has an effect, that effect is mostly negative, turning mainstream parties away from direct democracy.

The bottom-up spillover effect for radical right parties

AbstractPrevious literature suggests a party’s electoral result can shape its vote share and calculus of voting in a subsequent election. Less is known about whether this information-updating process helps explain the success of radical right parties (RRPs) in a multi-level system. To answer this question, I use the case of Germany to test whether a bottom-up spillover effect exists for RRPs. Through a regression discontinuity design, I first find that crossing regional electoral hurdles can substantially improve RRPs’ electoral performance in a subsequent general election. Yet, this positive spillover effect cannot be found for other party families. Next, I use a panel to ascertain which mechanisms drive this effect for RRPs. The analysis suggests the legitimation mechanism is more dominant than the viability mechanism and exposure mechanism. These findings enrich our understanding of both the second-order election framework and RRP studies.

Political party families and student social rights

The article conceptualizes student funding systems in order to investigate their ideological and political underpinnings. Using different long-term measures of cumulative power of four-party families and their combinations, and the newly created Student Support and Fees Dataset, it shows that the variety of student social rights in 32 high-income democracies in 2015 can be linked to past partisan politics. Decommodification, understood as making higher education study unconditional on labour income of students and their families, was positively associated with the rule of pro-welfare parties and negatively with the rule of Conservative parties, in the preceding two decades. Individualization, that is the state support for student transition to independent adulthood, was positively associated with the rule of left-wing parties. This, however, applies only to their long-term impact in older democracies and is to a large extent conditional on a country’s wealth. Third, social rights distribution characterized by a low degree of targeting and large recipiency rate was similarly related to the Left rule, while the Conservatives ruling in the last two decades contributed to increasing inequalities in student social rights.

Peran Penyuluh Bidang Keluarga Sakinah dalam Menganlisis Kesiapan Psikologis Calon Pengantin Melalui Pembekalan Catin di KUA Kecamatan Kanigaran Kota Probolinggo

The divorce rate in Indonesia is still high, so the impact is not only between husband and wife, but also has an impact on the children and families of both parties. Divorce usually begins with an ongoing conflict in the household. Lack of psychological readiness by each partner that can trigger the conflict. The purpose of this study is to see if there is a role for the sakinah family extension worker in analyzing the psychological readiness of the prospective bride and groom through catin debriefing at the KUA, Kanigaran District, Probolinggo City. The research method uses a qualitative method with data collection techniques in the form of observation and interviews. The results of the research obtained were that the KUA extensionist in Kanigaran Subdistrict had a very important role in analyzing the psychological readiness of the prospective substitute. The supply of catin done by KUA Kanigaran sub-district is a form of effort to provide assistance to the bride and groom in order to achieve stability to understand each other and accept each other.

From Protest to Pragmatism: Stabilisation of the Green League into Finnish Political Culture and Party System during the 1990s

Though not the forefathers of the Green party family, the Finnish Greens are an avantgarde when it comes to adapting to existing political culture and making their way from political margins to mainstream. The examination of the intra-party reasons and reasonings regarding adaptation and conformation reveals that it is never a question of either/or but a testament of conflicting interests. Although the compromise and consensus-seeking Finnish political culture and party system created external pressures on the Green League, forcing the party to conform with the existing procedures and traditions, the growing intra-party willingness to adapt was expressed in streamlining of the organisation and ideology as well as in the increasing office-seeking tendencies and accentuation of stability and credibility as preconditions of incumbency. Instead of pursuing radical changes to the existing political system, transforming growing adherence into incumbency required adaptation and conformation

Understanding the Emergence of Extreme Right Parties in Portugal in the Late 2010s

Abstract After more than four decades of immunity to the extreme-right party family, this Portuguese exceptionalism came to an end after the electoral breakthrough of the Chega party in the 2019 general elections. Drawing on a case study approach, this article discusses different explanations for the timing of Chega’s emergence in Portuguese mainstream politics in the late 2010s. Considering this late success, Portugal can be seen as a crucial case study to assess the available theories. This investigation employs a popular schema that implies the distinction between explanations focused on ‘demand-side’ factors (the protest voting thesis and the public salience of immigration) from those concerned with ‘supply-side’ factors (the spatial competition theory and internal supply factors). Through the employment of the congruence method, this article highlights the interaction between party-centric factors as a more appropriate explanation for understanding the timing of Chega’s electoral breakthrough than demand-side approaches.

Where is the party? Explaining positions on same-sex marriage in Europe among would-be members of parliament

The rapid adoption of marriage equality legislation for non-heterosexual individuals in Europe is attributed to many factors, including dramatic shifts in public opinion, the work of transnational activists and changing international norms. Usually, these factors must be filtered through the halls of parliaments where most policy change happens. Given the importance of parliamentarians’ attitudes, it is surprising that we know so little about how attitudes towards same-sex marriage are distributed across political candidates in Europe and what factors shape them. This article fills that gap by using an underutilised dataset on the political preferences of candidates for parliamentary office. We find that beyond attachment to party families, a candidate’s religiosity and practice has a greater effect on a would-be Member of Parliament’s attitudes towards same-sex marriage. The findings suggest that the success of parliamentary action on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights depends not on the partisan composition of the legislature, but rather on the representation of secular candidates.

A New Chapter in the Evolution of Right-wing Populist Electoral Winning Formulas. The Implementation and Impact of Portfolio Diversification in Austria

Right-wing populist parties (RPPs) have been exceptionally successful in Austria since the mid-1980s. Since the mid-2000s, the Freedom Party (FPÖ) has faced challengers from within its own party family despite its continuing effort to adapt to shifting electoral markets. We argue that the exceptionally high vote shares secured by competing RPPs in multiple rounds of general elections can be attributed to a new winning formula of portfolio diversification. Supply-side data show that the FPÖ and its rivals varied widely in their policy-based and non-programmatic efforts of linkage building with voters. Using ESS data, we find evidence in the class basis of party electorates that suggests patterns of diversified linkage efforts expanded the joint voter base of RPPs by gaining support among groups of voters hitherto not resonating with RPPs while holding on to the vote of their core constituency. In addition, portfolio diversification plausibly allows RPPs to moderate some of their specific electoral vulnerabilities (e.g. cross-class appeal, repercussions of participation in government).

Typology of Polish Parliamentary Parties According to the Religious Criterion (2001–2021)

The present article provides an original typology of Polish parliamentary parties according to the religious criterion, i.e., the attitude towards the Catholic Church and its postulates (prohibition of abortion, legalising IVF and civil partnerships). The analysis covers the parties which have had at least 10 seats in the Sejm since 2001. First, the parties were classified according to the program criterion (membership in party families), then their views in the axiological sphere were analysed, and finally, the party typology was determined. The following types of parties were distinguished: quasi-religious, referring only to Christian values, axiologically moderate, secular.

Ilościowa i jakościowa analiza równości w programach zwycięskich ugrupowań w wyborach do Sejmu RP w 2019 roku

The object of this article is to analyse the presence of the metavalue of equality in the agendas of the political parties that brought representatives to the Polish Parliament as a result of the 2019 elections. The aim is to determine the attitude of these groupings towards equality. The article has a parallel methodological aim, which is to demonstrate the possibility (and, at the same time, the necessity) of studying political values both quantitatively and qualitatively. This seems important in political science analysis, as establishing the attitudes of a given party towards values facilitates the positioning of that entity within party families or existing ideologies. The theoretical basis of the article is the circular metavalue model, supporting the analysis of the axiological layer in politics.

Parties and their environmental problem perceptions\u2014Towards a\xa0more fundamental understanding of party positions in environmental politics

Research on party differences in environmental policy, so far, has developed ambiguous results. While we, generally, assume parties to make a difference in policy-making, some scholars point to party indifferences in environmental issues. Thus, whether and how parties take different positions on the issue and whether their positions impact environmental policy output and outcome is still up for debate. To further our knowledge of party positions in this area, we propose to include parties’ perceptions of environmental problems when analysing their general stances. Based on pertinent policy analysis literature, we differentiate seven dimensions of environmental problems and develop an approach that we apply to party manifestos. By analysing the platforms of 20 parties from three European countries, we illustrate its potential contributions to established measurements based on CHES and CMP data. The analysis indicates that parties differ considerably concerning their problem perception ranging from simple to holistic views on environmental policy. Importantly, we can highlight some differences between parties otherwise omitted in existing measurements. Overall, our inquiry shows that some parties, e.g., Green parties, coherently show a holistic problem perception while others, e.g., Liberals, differ considerably, casting doubt on the assumption of clear-cut party family positions.

The use of emotions in 2019 European Elections campaign materials

This research analyses three fundamental questions to determine how, when and by whom emotions are used in campaign materials (political propaganda). Focusing on the 2019 European elections we carry out a three-phase analysis. Firstly, we check the use of rational content against content that appeals to voters’ emotions. Secondly, we observe which of these emo tions are channelled towards the use of negative strategies and, therefore, identifying who is the object of this attack. And lastly, we determine which party families make the most use of humorous content since this resource is believed to be part of an appeal to voter’s feelings and, therefore, it is essential to know if there are differences between political groups. Considering this analytical strategy, the structure of the work begins with the contextualisation of the 2019 European elections to focus, later, on highlighting the importance of electoral campaigns as a given time when communicative activity intensifies. Once the importance of electoral campaigns has been defined the article analyses how campaign materials, in a general context of political propaganda, are one of the most powerful tools. In this sense, the analytical strategy of political parties’ campaign materials can be said to focus on the use of emotions. Data from the European Elections Monitoring Center (EEMC) has been used not only for theoretical contextualization, but throughout the whole paper.

Penyebab dan Resistensi Kegalauan pada Remaja Pacaran (Studi Kasus di Desa Pandan Indah Kabupaten Lombok Tengah)

Dating has become a part of social phenomena in society. Dating is indeed a way to strengthen the closeness between men and women. But in dating, it is not always smooth, but someone can experience breakups, fights, and so on. Therefore. This study examines the causes and resistance of anxiety in dating adolescents who experience a breakup or fight with their partners. This research was conducted in Pandan Indah Village, Praya Barat Daya District, Central Lombok Regency, using a qualitative approach or field research. The data collection methods used in this study were interviews, documentation and observation, with the aim of knowing the causes and resistance of anxiety in dating adolescents in Pandan Indah Village, Praya Barat Daya District, Central Lombok Regency. The results and discussion in this study are. First, the phenomenon of the teenage dating culture in Pandan Indah Village which is still thick or fanatical with their dating culture, namely midang, where midang is the arrival of a man to his girlfriend's house which is only carried out at night with certain purposes such as strengthening his relationship, building solidarity or closeness. the families of both parties, then to discuss their future wedding day. Second, the causes of turmoil in dating relationships in Pandan Indah Village include dishonest couples, lack of communication and cheating partners. Third, the resistance of turmoil in dating relationships in Pandan Indah Village, namely such as calming down in the room, doing spirituality such as reciting and praying, and calming their gala feelings by listening to music.

Party families and greenhouse gas emissions: a\xa0new perspective on an old concept

Partisan theory is not easy to apply to environmental issues. One reason for this is that party families are usually structured according to the left-right dimension. However, such a perspective ignores the fact that the concept of party families stems from a multi-dimensional historical analysis. In order to determine the relevance of the influence of party families on greenhouse gas emissions (GHGEs), we use a new data set that differentiates between ten party families. An organization theoretical analysis shows that the participation of green parties in government reduces GHGEs. Left parties have much less impact. In contrast, non-Christian center parties have a negative effect on GHGEs. Methodologically, we show that the party effect does not appear in the short term, but only takes effect after more than two years

Diligent or just smart students? Small governmental parties’ approach to the European Semester in Poland

Abstract All governments in Poland formed after the introduction of the European Semester were coalitional ones. All these governments contained junior coalition partners representing all party families. Irrespective of their affiliation, all these junior parties adopted policies that appeared to comply with the European Semester. Hence, junior coalition parties might be recognised as very diligent European students, even if two out of three represented quite extreme views and were undeniably more Eurosceptic than their respective senior partners. However, it can be argued that their strategy was mixed: even if these two more Eurosceptic parties might be regarded as being so in their rhetoric, they accepted all recommendations from the European Semester, except for the farmers’ insurance privileges reduction. The salience of their approach to this latter issue was seen even after a few years in government, making these parties clearly different from their senior coalition partners.

‘SYRIZA and Podemos, we shall overcome’? Left transnational cooperation in times of crisis

The Eurozone crisis and its austerity-centred management opened up a fertile ground for the so-called ‘radical left parties’ (RLPs) and their anti-austerity agenda. Moreover, it provided a unique opportunity for this party family to enhance its rather underdeveloped transnational cooperation. Sharing several objective and subjective features, SYRIZA (Greece) and Podemos (Spain) – arguably the two most prominent European RLPs today – seemed particularly well-placed to develop a strong transnational cooperation. However, the current literature has hardly addressed whether such expectations have been borne out. Indeed, despite a recently increased interest in the radical left, there are still very few studies focusing on the transnational cooperation among RLPs. Building on documentary research and qualitative elite interviews covering the 2014–2017 period, the article has two main objectives: first, to map the cooperation between SYRIZA and Podemos by identifying the key channels and actors of this process; second, to assess their cooperation over said period, with a focus on the factors fuelling and obstructing it. The article argues that the relationship between the two parties reached its peak around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015 but declined following its deal with the ‘Troika’ 6 months later, which blatantly contradicted SYRIZA’s anti-austerity programme. It is shown that while the main incentives behind their cooperation have been their shared opposition to neoliberalism, the European Union’s (EU) reaction to the crisis, and the similarities in their countries’ economic situations, the main obstacles hindering that cooperation have been the primacy of national politics and the diverging views on the EU. The findings arguably provide useful insights for the wider left transnational cooperation today, in a time of renewed global capitalist crisis, when such cooperation is perhaps more relevant than ever.

No Strong Leaders Needed? AfD Party Organisation Between Collective Leadership, Internal Democracy, and “Movement-Party” Strategy

This article analyses the formal and lived organisation of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany). We show that the party is exceptional among what is usually understood as the populist radical right (PRR) party family, at least from an organisational perspective: The AfD sharply contradicts the “standard model” of PRR party organisation, which emphasises “charismatic” leadership and the centralisation of power as key features. Instead, studying the AfD’s efforts to adopt some elements of a mass-party organisation and its relatively decentralised decision-making underlines the importance of “movement-party” strategy, collective leadership, and internal democracy—concepts that are usually associated with Green and left-wing parties. Our analysis shows how the party’s organisation is essential for understanding its development more broadly as it reflects and reinforces sharp intra-party conflict. From this perspective, the case of the AfD sheds new light on the relationship between PRR party organisation and electoral success, indicating the importance of strong ties to parts of society over effective internal management as long as demand for anti-immigration parties is high. We conclude that even though AfD quickly built up a relatively inclusive organisational structure, the role of both its leadership and its rank-and-file is still a matter of controversy.

Political and ideological normalization: quality of government, mainstream-right ideological positions and extreme-right support

AbstractThis article aims to explain the variation in the electoral support for extreme-right parties (ERPs) in Europe. The extant literature on the far-right party family does not answer this question specifically with regard to the extreme-right variants for two main reasons. Firstly, theories did not expect the electoral success of these parties in post-war Europe due to their anti-democratic profiles and association with fascism. Secondly, despite the fact that they acknowledge the differences between the parties under the far-right umbrella – namely, the extreme and the radical – they normally do not take these differences into account, and if so, they focus on the radical-right parties. This article shows that electoral support for ERPs is associated with low quality of government and highly conservative mainstream-right parties. The former creates political legitimization for anti-democratic parties and the latter ideological normalization of extreme right.