Electoral Party Research Articles

STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI POLITIK PARTAI KEBANGKITAN BANGSA (PKB) KABUPATEN JEMBER MENJELANG PEMILUKADA JAWA TIMUR 2018

is one of the countries that embraces the system of democratic government. In a democratic state the people have sovereignty, this is done to ascertain who deserves to be a leader. The Party is an organization that represents the people and means of public participation to participate. Electoral parties compete for leadership seats (power) by strategizing to win them. Elections (elections) is the process of electing people to fill positions within government. The positions are diverse, ranging from the President, People's Representatives at various levels of government, to the Village Head. Elections as a means to participate in the people persuasively (not forced) to the government, so as to realize the principles of democracy in the implementation. Election is a means for political parties to place their cadres in strategic positions in government either executive (President, Governor, Regent, Mayor, etc.) or legislative (Regency, Provincial and Central DPRD) to seize power, not to mention Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) Jember district in the face of elections East Java area. various pilitical communication strategies are used to hook as many constituens for the achievment of goals. The formulation of the problem in this Thesis is: How is the communication strategy of the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the election of General Head of Region (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018. The purpose of this research is to describe the communication strategy used by the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the elections of Regional Head (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018 to get the constituents from Jember society which is quite diverse. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. With data collection method of observation and documentation. The research concludes that the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency divides its political communication strategy according to age ie political communication among young people and political communication among parents. Political communication among youth is done through the program of open together, coffee with PKB Jember, and halal bihalal. Whereas political communication among parents is implemented through the program of maintaining and maintaining the intensity of communication with leaders of both structural figures such as senior officials of an institution or mass organization or culture such as public figure.

Democracy and Political Violence in Nigeria Since Multi -Party Politics in 1999: A Critical Appraisal

Abstract The return to democracy in Nigeria in 1999 ushered in some form of political reforms, particularly in the conduct of multi- party elections however political violence appears perverse. The objective of this study is to explore how the prevalence of political violence has undermined Nigeria’s democracy. The analysis follows survey data to address the questions regarding democracy and political violence. The study draws from the frustration-aggression and group violence theories and provides a deepened analytic exploration. Based on some of the assumptions of democracy understood as freedom, equality, accountability, rule of law etc, the study argues that these assumptions obviously constitute a ‘universal pattern’ in democratic practice, which makes a critical evaluation of the Nigerian experience important. Consequently, our findings suggest that the prevalence of political violence is fundamentally an attribute of vested interests of the political elite. Some policy recommendations follow.

Faithful accounting in MMP-elections

In MMP-elections for legislatures, political parties compete for a voter’s support in two ways: for a first vote to the party’s candidate in a single-seat constituency and for a second vote to the party’s list of candidates. To obtain party representation proportional to the second votes, a nationwide second vote tally compensates with list seats to parties with a sub-proportional number of constituency seats. The German Bundestag has 299 constituency seats, and 299 list seats is the legal norm, but it got 410 list seats in the 2017 election. This deviation also violates a principle, stated by the federal constitutional court, that voters have equal influence. First and second vote may support different parties, but in the same ballot. The ballots’ combinations of first and second vote are essential for approximation of both proportionality and the legal norm. Unfortunately, the combinations are ignored: The result would have been the same if first and second votes had been collected in separate ballot boxes. Compensation based on “faithful accounting” uses the combinations to represent the set Λ(P) of voters with second vote to party P according to the set’s size, rather than representing P itself, while keeping the number of list seats close to the norm. Another seat reduction, of 42 seats with 2017 data, is obtained if CDU and CSU, working as one party in the Bundestag, also run as one party in elections.

Implementing a multi-criteria decision-making approach to a new party's election campaign – A case study

During pre-election campaigns, parties make great efforts to persuade constituents to vote for them. Usually, new parties have smaller budgets and fewer resources than veteran parties. In particular, the more heterogeneous the party's electorate, the more critical the issue of resource allocation is. This paper presents a method to allocate new party's campaign advertising resources efficiently to maximize its voters. The model developed uses Pareto principle and multi-criteria approach and integrates party's confidential data together with an official open-to-all data. The model produced clear and unbiased results, and these advantages made it effective and user-friendly for the strategic team and campaign managers. We implemented the model on a specific new party during the intensive political period before the April 2019 elections in Israel.•This paper analyses the issue of allocating new party's campaign advertising resources efficiently to maximize its voters.•Our model integrates Pareto principle with multi-criteria decision-making approach and uses the party's confidential data together with official open to all state data.•The model produced clear and unbiased results, and these advantages made it effective and user-friendly for the strategic team and campaign managers.

U.S. Republican Party and Issues of Identity

The article analyzes the current state of the US Republican Party. The study is divided into three main parts. The first focuses on the party electorate, its preferences, and changes in its structure. The second part describes the composition of main party sponsors with structural analysis by the industry. The author also describes sponsors’ influence on the approaches and party policy. The third part examines the state of the Republican establishment and the changes that have occurred after Donald Trump joined the Party. The conclusion includes a forecast. Three main scenarios were suggested: transformation, stagnation, and division.

Wer wählt „Die PARTEI“? Eine empirische Analyse am Beispiel der Europawahl 2019

The party “Die PARTEI” was founded in 2004 by editorial staff of the satirical magazine TITANIC and represents a cross-border satirical project: The PARTEI satirizes and carica­tures the existing parties and their personnel, while at the same time participating as a real party in real elections . However, it does not show any serious political aspirations . Based on data from official election statistics and on survey data, this article examines the question of who votes for the PARTEI: It shows that PARTEI voters are primarily young men up to the age of 35, who are often still studying and are somewhat more likely to come from East than West Germany . They are interested in politics, dissatisfied with the current state of German democracy, and politically left-wing . Their voting decision in favour of the PAR­TEI is primarily a vote of no confidence in the political and economic system of the Fed­eral Republic of Germany . PARTEI voters prefer voting for a satirical party instead of cast­ing an invalid vote .

Why Political Parties don’t and do Matter in Local Government Elections in Indonesia: A Manado Case

ABSTRACT Introduction: Despite decentralization devolving increasing decision-making powers to subnational governments across Asia, the subject of local-level elections has not received anywhere near the academic attention afforded to national elections. This article aims to make a contribution to filling this gap in the literature on the dynamics of local election by examining the political parties’ activities in the 2010 local executive election in Indonesia through the detailed case study of Manado City. Materials and Methods: This article used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodologies for a case study of the Manado local government election in 2010. These methods include direct observation which had been done during the election in 2010, review of relevant media articles and books, collection of statistics from relevant government organizations and interviews. The latter comprised the most important and novel aspect of the research. The interviews were of two types: First, there was a quantitative survey of 100 selected voter respondents using questionnaire with 22 closed-ended questions. Second, there were semi-structured interviews with the local leaders of political parties, the heads of campaign teams, the candidates, the members of the local electoral organization, the representatives of NGOs, mass media personnel and the survey organisations who monitored the election. The quantitative data was explored with the aid of a computer application program (SPSS) while the qualitative data was analysed through a thematic approach. Although the qualitative data collection and analysis was dominant, the quantitative methodology was still important in this article. Results: This article found a paradoxical situation in that political parties did not and did matter. They did not matter case was supported by evidence showing that voters chose candidates based on their personalities, behaviours and programs rather than on party loyalty. On the contrary, they did matter case derived from the superior organisational abilities of parties in running successful election campaigns and in aligning themselves with the candidates most likely to win. Discussion: This article had made a valuable addition to explaining the activities of political parties at local level in the context of decentralization. The implication of this research is that although voters did not choose political parties, the latter were nonetheless highly significant in determining the outcome of the local government election in Manado City. So, it is useful for future research to consider more closely the role of parties in local elections.

РЕГІОНАЛЬНІ ОСОБЛИВОСТІ МІСЦЕВИХ ВИБОРІВ 2020 РОКУ: ПОЛТАВЩИНА

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.

The Making of Social Democracy: The Economic and Electoral Consequences of Norway’s 1936 Folk School Reform

Upon assuming power for the first time in 1935, the Norwegian Labour Party delivered on its promise of a major schooling reform. The reform raised minimum instruction time in less developed rural areas and boosted the resources available to rural schools, reducing class size and increasing teacher salaries. We document that cohorts more intensively affected by the reform significantly increased their education and experienced higher labor income. Our main result is that the schooling reform also substantially increased support for the Norwegian Labour Party in subsequent elections. This additional support persisted for several decades and was pivotal in maintaining support for the social democratic coalition in Norway. These results are not driven by the direct impact of education and are not explained by higher turnout, or greater attention or resources from the Labour Party targeted towards the municipalities most affected by the reform. Rather, our evidence suggests that cohorts that benefited from the schooling reform, and their parents, rewarded the party for delivering a major reform that was beneficial to them.

The Making of Social Democracy: The Economic and Electoral Consequences of Norway's 1936 Folk School Reform

Upon assuming power for the first time in 1935, the Norwegian Labour Party delivered on its promise of a major schooling reform. The reform raised minimum instruction time in less developed rural areas and boosted the resources available to rural schools, reducing class size and increasing teacher salaries. We document that cohorts more intensively affected by the reform significantly increased their education and experienced higher labor income. Our main result is that the schooling reform also substantially increased support for the Norwegian Labour Party in subsequent elections. This additional support persisted for several decades and was pivotal in maintaining support for the social democratic coalition in Norway. These results are not driven by the direct impact of education and are not explained by higher turnout, or greater attention or resources from the Labour Party targeted towards the municipalities most affected by the reform. Rather, our evidence suggests that cohorts that benefited from the schooling reform, and their parents, rewarded the party for delivering a major reform that was beneficial to them. Institutional subscribers to the NBER working paper series, and residents of developing countries may download this paper without additional charge at www.nber.org.

Исследование совмещенных выборов: региональные и муниципальные выборы 2020 г.

The paper analyzes the results of voting at the regional and municipal elections held simultaneously on September 13, 2020 on party lists in the cities of Syktyvkar and Vorkuta of the Komi Republic, the city of Kaluga of the Kaluga Region and in 12 districts of the Novosibirsk Region. The correlation and regression analysis methods are used to study the relationship between the results of political parties that participated only in regional elections and the difference in the results of other parties in municipal and regional elections. The reasons for the choice difference in regional and municipal elections are discussed: varying set of parties in the two ballots, arrangement of parties in the ballots, and attitude of voters to the candidates included in the lists of the same party in regional and municipal elections. It is shown that in different regions and even in different districts of the same region, the losses of the main parties are associated with voting for various small parties. The place of new parties ("New People", "For Truth", "Green Alternative", "Party of Direct Democracy") in the political spectrum of Russia is also discussed. The conclusion is made about the importance of the study of combined elections for political science.

Using geoinformation tools for redistricting: Slovenian experiences

Electoral districts are an important component of the electoral system, as they have a significant impact on election results. Due to the uneven spatial distribution of electoral support political parties receive, district magnitude and the geography of electoral districts can have a decisive influence on the electoral viability of individual parties and candidates. Districting and redistricting are not a simple bureaucratic process but a politically very sensitive process with outcomes that can have far-reaching political consequences. Geoinformation tools can have a very important role in electoral district planning. In this article we aim to present the key advantages and disadvantages of their use. The presented results are derived from practical experience gained over the course of developing a new system of electoral districts in Slovenia.

Electoral Party Switching and Party Policy Competition: Analyzing the Nature of Dimensionality with a Scaling Analysis of Experts’ Judgment

Party switching is rare, but Japan is an exceptional case. The Japanese legislature has repeatedly experienced extensive party switching since the early 1990s. These party switches and splits are often considered the result of electoral- and office-seeking incentives. How does frequent party switching that is motivated by vote- and/or office-seeking incentives influence party policy competition in Japan? To answer this question, we conducted an expert survey soon after the 2017 general election in Japan and used Aldrich-McKelvey scaling and Blackbox transpose scaling to analyze the data. A different item function (DIF) analysis divided policies into those in which party positions were and were not clearly distinguished. The multi-dimensional scaling found two dimensions: a left-right ideology and one with the status-quo vs reform orientation. Before the 2017 general elections, a political party politicized foreign and defense issues to form a new party, which affected party switching that resulted in the disbandment of the major opposition. Our two dimensional scaling analyses of foreign and defense issues found the same divide along with party splits. Moreover, an environment issue, which was not politicized, distinguished party positions as clearly as but differently from foreign and defense issues, i.e., they indicated the unity rather than the disbandment of the major opposition. Our scaling analyses thus suggest that although party switching and party splitting were observed at the timing of the elections, the politicized competition of policy issues in spatial dimensions also contributed to them.

REVITALISASI KONSTITUSIONAL DALAM PENENTUAN KANDIDAT PRESIDEN MELALUI PEMILIHAN DEMOKRATIS

The purpose of this research is to explain the constitutional revitalization in determining presidential candidates through internal party elections. This research method is normative law or doctrinal legal research with a legal inventory approach. The results of the research can state that it is constitutionally determined that the state is based on the one and only Godhead. This study uses a normative approach method where the materials used are literature and library materials as well as laws. The conclusion in this research is constitutional revitalization as a process, means, to revive or reactivate according to the Indonesian constitution with the philosophical foundation of Pancasila based on the one and only God for the realization of happiness for the Indonesian people. Constitutional revitalization in determining presidential candidates is related to the requirements for presidential and democratic candidates.

ЦИФРОВАЯ МОБИЛИЗАЦИЯ ПАРТИЙНОГО ЭЛЕКТОРАТА (НА ПРИМЕРЕ ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНОЙ КАМПАНИИ В ГОСУДАРСТВЕННУЮ ДУМУ РФ 2021 ГОДА)

The purpose of the work is to determine the mechanisms of digital mobilization of the party electorate in the Internet. This problem is being updated due to the increasing popularity of the protest agenda among the population of the country, the pandemic of coronavirus infection and, as a result, the popularization of Internet resources, the change in the ways of obtaining new information among Russians in the 20s of the XXI century. As part of the study, the author conducted an expert interview of party workers, SMM-specialists, representatives of the scientific community. Also, the groups of United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were monitored in VKontakte for the tonality of information and the mechanisms of citizen mobilization presented, using content analysis. As a result of the analysis, the author came to the opinion that the feature of modern digital mobilization in 2021 is the pedaling of «covid» issues. The author identifies two modes of the tonality of mobilization: creative, based on party projects and volunteer movement, and protest, which is based on collective actions against the policies of the party in power. The paper draws conclusions according to which in 2021 the role of social media has changed, if earlier they acted more for the dissemination of information, then in modern realities within the framework of this topic they are used as tools for uniting people and motivating them to collective actions, whether it is voting or taking to the streets (rallies, marches, demonstrations).

Nepali Communist Parties in Elections: Participation and Representation

The communist parties are not gaining popularity throughout the countries of the world, as they are shrinking. The revolutionary communist forces are in a defensive position, and the reformist communists have failed to achieve good results in the elections. Communist parties are struggling just for their existence in the developed countries. They are not in a decisive position, even in developing countries as well. Nevertheless, communists of Nepal are obtaining popularity through the elections. Although the communists of Nepal are split into many factions, they have been able to win the significant number of seats of electoral offices. This article tries to analyze the position of communist parties in the general elections of Nepal. It examines seven general elections of Nepal held from 1959 to 2017. Facts, which were published by the Elections Commission of Nepal at different times, were the basic sources of information for this article. Similarly, governmental and scholarly publications were also used in the article.

GERAKAN SYARIKAT ISLAM KEMBALI KE KHITTAH TAHUN 1905

The article aims to describe the causes of Syarikat Islam which returned to khittah 1905 (original path) and the process of this organisation to return to it. This study conveys the factors which are influenced Syarikat Islam to decide to turn back to its original path: 1. The fragmentation of political Islam and the low level of competitiveness of Islamic party in legislative elections after the New Order era; 2) Internal conflict within Syarikat Islam has caused this organization fragmented and inactive for years. The idea to return to its original path is considered as a solution to reunite previously-fragmented factions within the organization. To realize that agenda, Syarikat Islam has utilized mobilizing structures that includes organizational consolidation and its members’ social networks.

Batalla de frames en la campaña electoral de abril de 2019. Engagement y promoción de mensajes de los partidos políticos en Facebook

Framing processes are one of the preferred objects of study in the area of Communication, despite the frequent criticism regarding their theoretical and methodological strength. This study follows the proposal of Matthes and Kohring (2008) of the detection of frames through statistical analysis of clusters that operationalize the components as defined by Entman (2003) using framing elements. This is applied to the study of the electoral campaign on Facebook of the main Spanish political parties in the election of 28 April 2019. All messages published on this social network during the 15 days of the electoral campaign were captured automatically. The use of four large frames by the parties was detected, corresponding to events and political questions, request for vote, the rival party, and media treatment. The parties used these frames to different degrees: from the institutional and positive campaign of the PSOE, to the campaign aimed at criticizing the ruling party of the main opposition party, the PP, through the inclination towards media treatment of Unidas Podemos, or a focus on their own events and proposals by Ciudadanos and Vox. A negative correlation was detected between the frames most used by the political formations as a whole and the level of user engagement on Facebook, although the use of frames by PSOE and Unidas Podemos showed a greater parallelism with the levels of interaction in this social network. Resumen Los procesos de enmarcado, encuadre o framing son uno de los objetos de estudio preferentes en el área de Comunicación, a pesar de las frecuentes y reputadas críticas sobre su solidez teórica y metodológica. En esta investigación se sigue la propuesta de Matthes y Kohring (2008) para la detección de frames mediante análisis estadístico de conglomerados que operacionaliza en elementos de enmarcado los componentes de la definición de Entman (1993). Se aplica al estudio de la campaña electoral que hicieron los principales partidos políticos españoles a través de Facebook en la convocatoria del 28 de abril de 2019. Se capturaron automatizadamente todos los mensajes publicados en esta red social en los quince días de campaña electoral, detectándose el uso de cuatro grandes frames por parte de los partidos: marco de eventos y cuestiones políticas, marco de petición de voto, marco del partido rival y marco del tratamiento mediático. Los partidos utilizaron en diferente medida estos marcos: desde la campaña institucional y en positivo del PSOE; a la campaña volcada en criticar al partido gobernante del principal partido de la oposición, el PP; pasando por la inclinación hacia el tratamiento mediático de Unidas Podemos, o a centrarse en sus propios actos y propuestas de Ciudadanos y Vox. Se detectó una correlación negativa entre los frames más empleados por las formaciones políticas en su conjunto y el nivel de engagement en Facebook, si bien la utilización concreta de los marcos por parte del PSOE y Unidas Podemos sí mostró cierto paralelismo con los niveles de interacción en esta red social.

The Evaluation of Regional Head Election: Developing Synergy of Regional Autonomy and Regional Head Election

The reform aims to achieve democracy, prosperity, and justice at the local level. Even though the reform process has been rolling for more than two decades, the goal of reform in realizing local democracy through an ideal regional head election is still far from expectations. This study aims to analyze the causes of the absence of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections and identify the causes. A qualitative approach is used in the literature review method. The result showed that the root of the problem is not creating a synergy between regional autonomy and regional head elections because the application of the decentralization concept in Indonesia is dominated by the administrative decentralization perspective and the lack of actualizing the political perspective decentralization. The definitions of decentralization and regional autonomy in Acts tend to preserve centralization. Besides, regional autonomy's main objective places more emphasis on the administrative objectives of government and regional development rather than the development of local democracy. The lack of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections is the gap between expectations and reality and conflicts at the ideological and technical levels. The gap between expectations and reality can be seen from the hope of realizing the acceleration of the democratization process at the local level, but technically, regional autonomy is characterized by an oligarchy of political parties and transactional politics. There are some suggestions for the Ministry of Home Affairs to revise the policy packages for decentralization and regional autonomy, especially in articles regulating the definition and objectives of regional autonomy, as well as revising Acts of Regional Head Election and Acts of Political Parties, particularly regarding the mechanism for nominating regional heads.

Election Voting and Public Library Use in the United States

Objective - This study examines whether a correlation exists between state-wide voting in federal elections and state average per capita visits to public libraries in the U.S. In so doing, it provides insight into the extent to which library patronage is affiliated with political leaning. Methods - An analysis of data from the 2010, 2012, 2014, and 2016 Public Libraries Survey and election results from the 2010, 2012, 2014, and 2016 Presidential and House of Representatives elections (by state) is performed with the assistance of Tableau, a data visualization program. Scatter plots provide a visual representation of the data, while correlation coefficients indicate the strength of relationship between voting and library visits per capita. Results - The findings reveal no significant relationship between public library use and the vote share of a political party in elections among a state's population. Conclusions - The political leaning of a state appears to have no correlation with the frequency of library usage among that state’s population.