Democratic Party Research Articles

Tea Party of the Left? Progressive Insurgent Influence in the Democratic Party, 2018-2022

Tea Party of the Left? Progressive Insurgent Influence in the Democratic Party, 2018-2022

Artificial Intelligence for the Internal Democracy of Political Parties

Artificial Intelligence for the Internal Democracy of Political Parties

INFLUENCE OF PEACEBUILDING STRATEGIES ON INTERNAL DEMOCRACY OF ALL PROGRESSIVES CONGRESS IN NIGERIA

This research looked at the relationship between the All-Progressive Congress's internal democracy in Lagos State, Nigeria, and peacebuilding strategies. To provide direction for the investigation, two hypotheses (tested at the 0.05 level of significance) were established. All political players in the state were included in the population, which was stratified into senatorial districts to provide a sample size of 289 using correlational and descriptive research techniques. Pearson's Product-Moment Correlation Analysis was used to evaluate the data. Findings indicate that there is no significant relationship between peacebuilding strategies in terms of conflict transformation and internal democracy of All Progressives Congress in Lagos State (r = .004, ρ>0.05), and the study also further found that that there is a positive, moderate and significant relationship between peacebuilding strategies in terms of conflict-sensitive policies and internal democracy of All Progressives Congress in Lagos State (r = .537, ρ < 0.05). It is found that internal democracy in political parties has had favourable results in Lagos State.

The many lives of writer Jef Last (1898-1972) Anti-fascist, socialist, humanist and gay rights activist

Writer, poet, painter, journalist, translator and compelling speaker: Jef Last roamed the globe, fought in the Spanish Civil War, joined the Dutch resistance during the Nazi occupation, and became an outspoken gay rights activist during and after World War II. His political journey started in 1917 when he joined the Social Democratic Workers Party. From there he had brief yet tumultuous stints in the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Henk Sneevliet and the Dutch Communist Party. Disappointed with socialism and the Soviet Union, he identified as a humanist in later life. Last was controversial yet appealing, and both selfish and selfless. Difficult to categorise, Last insisted on the indivisibility of his identity and experiences as an antifas- cist fighter and a gay man. This biographical article explores the many social identities of Jef Last.

Военные поставки Украине как поляризирующий фактор в президентской избирательной кампании США

The foreign policy agenda in the American presidential campaign, unlike how it was throughout almost the entire U.S. history, turned into a hot topic during the election campaign of 2023–2024. Military assistance to Ukraine became an important part of this pre-election period. The positions of Democratic and Republican parties continued to grow apart on this issue, this split on a foreign policy topic also being quite unpreceded until recently. Though during the current election campaign, almost all presidential candidates, with very rare exceptions, came out in favor of military assistance to Ukraine, yet the majority of the Republican contenders alleged that this conflict ought not be a primary focus, and called upon the administration to identify its strategic goals in Ukraine and limit the weapons deliveries to the realization of these goals. They saw China, not Russia, as the major challenge. Meanwhile, Joe Biden and other Democratic contenders increasingly voiced the argument that the weapons deliveries to Ukraine were important not only for this country, but for the United States itself and for the whole world, and if they did not come in time or in sufficient quantities, Russia would present a threat to its neighboring countries, and Europe could be facing a major war. After the Hamas’s attack on Israel, the resistance of the Republican fraction in Congress to voting in favor of allocating means for military assistance to Ukraine increased, while the White House found itself in a position where it had to distribute its foreign aid between the Ukrainian conflict and the Middle East crisis. Although during the two years of the election campaign, Donald Trump’s popularity grew, and his control over the Republican party expanded, there were some Republicans, and presidential candidates in particular, who criticized Biden not for excessive, but for insufficient support to Ukraine. Yet the political forecasts for a possible second term for Trump were commonly associated with a decrease in U.S. weapons supplies to Ukraine.

Foreign economic policy as a priority for ensuring US national security

Giving US foreign trade policy the importance of one of the basic elements of the modern national security strategy of the United States has objectively determined a significant coincidence of the positions of the Democratic and Republican parties on the most fundamental issues of building trade and economic ties with foreign counterparties. The fact that there is no alternative to such a bipartisan consensus is a natural reaction to the ongoing profound transformations in the world economy under the influence of the processes of formation of a new architecture of the global multipolar world order and is aimed at ensuring economic stability and the national interests of the United States. Both parties are based on the destruction of the boundaries between domestic and foreign policy while defending the interests of the country's national security and the end of the era of globalization and neoliberal economic policies.

Resisting fascism: The Argentine Junta de la Victoria and its president, 1941-1955

Created in 1941, the Junta de la Victoria (Victory Board, JV) was a Popular Front movement that supplied the Allies. It attracted about 45,000 diverse women throughout Argentina. The JV challenged local fascism by modelling a genuine democracy based on pluralism, intersectional solidarity, freedom, and women's political incorporation. Members created ties across social differences. The JV's promotion of multiculturalism facilitated a shift from the Argentine ideal of a melting pot to one of ethnic diversity. Its president, Ana Rosa Schlieper, seemed an unlikely resistance fighter. Initially her main identities were those of wife, philanthropist, and upper-class socialite. Her whiteness, beauty, and charm enhanced her prestige. In the mid-1930s Schlieper added antifascist and feminist to her intertwined identities. Seizing power in 1943, military officers suppressed the JV, seeing it as a communist organisation. Some Argentine and U. S. officials accused Schlieper of being a communist dupe, although she was loyal to the democratic centrist Radical party. Under populist president Juan Perón (1946-1955), her class and political identities became liabilities. Peronist hegemony and fear of being identified with an anti-Peronist and leftist group obliterated the public memory of Schlieper and the JV until recently.

The Power Struggle Between the Military Junta and Democracy in Myanmar

Ever since the first coup by the military forces in 1962, Myanmar has stood out among the Southeast Asian nations due to the prolonged political turmoil between the ever-powerful junta and the rising forces of the people, assisted by the National League for Democracy (NLD) party who demanded democracy. These clashes have profoundly affected the country’s socio-economic and politics for decades. Hence, to find the root of this long-ongoing conflict, this paper examines the historical timeline of the friction between the two factions, the military junta (Tatmadaw), and the general population from the post-independent years until now. The study analyses various aspects, including the ethnic tension, the formation of Tatmadaw, the events leading to three military coups, and the people with their multiple uprisings. This paper also sheds light on the leading party, NLD, especially on the central figure, Aung San Suu Kyi, who became the voice of democracy. Overall, this study mainly used the library research method and a content-analysis approach to gather information and assess the dynamic relations between the two forces and how the power struggle remains well into the 21st century.

Party preferences of the Latino voters on the eve of the 2024 presidential election

The article gives a portrait of Latino voters on the eve of the 2024 presidential elections. It identifies main trends of their electorate. The article assesses the prospects of D. Trump and K. Harris, the most likely candidate for the Democratic Party nomination, in the upcoming election through the lens of the Hispanic electorate. Moreover, it identifies the categories of Latino voters who are the most loyal supporters of Democrats, as well as those among whom the popularity of Republicans is growing.

Who Shapes Environmental Policy? Power and Politics in the Renewable Portfolio Standards of U.S. States, 1997–2020

Climate change has been a contentious political issue in the United States for many years. Although research at the national level has documented how fossil fuel interests have inhibited the United States from adopting a serious climate policy agenda, the situation among states is more heterogeneous. Using an original data set of 48 U.S. states from 1997 to 2020, I examine how qualitative variations in state energy policies are the product of conflicts between environmental groups, fossil fuel producers, utility providers, and political parties as they vie for power and influence. I show that Democratic party power, higher political spending from environmental organizations, lower investor-owned utility market share, higher publicly owned utility market share, and lower levels of fossil fuel production and political spending lead to more stringent policies. In contrast, weaker policies are more likely in states where the prototypical opponents of climate policy, Republican politicians and oil and gas interests, have greater power.

Let Us Build for Ourselves a City: A Biblical Look at the Correlation Between Secularism, Liberalism, and Urbanization in America

A map of the 2022 U.S. mid-term election results per House district shows a vastness of ‘Republican red’ engulfing most of the country’s landmass in comparison to small pockets of ‘Democrat blue’ that is concentrated upon the most urbanized metropolitan population centers. Such a unique phenomenon begs the following question: ‘What has happened within the most urbanized metropolitan populations to cause them to overwhelmingly vote for the politically liberal Democratic party, a party whose platform is antithetical in many ways to what is expressly taught in the Bible?’ This question also spawns another: ‘Why have the most populous areas in the country also become bastions of paganism, hedonism, and liberalism?’ This paper demonstrates that past human behavior detailed in biblical narratives is being replicated in today’s modern urbanized culture. As is seen in Scripture, for a large city or metropolitan area to obtain and maintain a consistent and achievable level of peace and prosperity, a compromising layer of tolerance towards immorality and evil must materialize. Subsequently, the sustained tolerance of evil and violence will eventually lead to the approval, propagation, and adoption of evil and violence. Then and now, to the degree an urban population ‘goes along to get along’, the further it drifts from the Lord and plunges downward into paganism, hedonism, and idolatry. Thus, when a society consciously usurps the sovereignty of God and thinks it possesses the highest level of authority, then it has arrived at the point where it believes it has the freedom to redefine societal rules according to what it determines to be “right in its own eyes” (Judg. 21:25). By dismissing God’s existence or discounting His holiness, justice, and power, a population cognitively thinks it has effectively shaken off the yoke of sin, guilt, and shame, and has achieved the human right to “call evil good and good evil” (Isa. 5:20).

Dependent Adult Abuse Trends in Iowa, 1984 to 2023.

Little is known about trends in the incidence of dependent adult abuse (DAA). To determine the annual incidence of DAA in Iowa from 1984 to 2023. Trends in abuse rates were evaluated for their associations with calendar year, number of caseworkers and abuse laws, political party, and unemployment. Iowa Department of Health and Human Services DAA reports, investigations, and substantiations were analyzed. Report data were available for 10 years. Investigation and substantiation data were available for 40 years. Long-term trends over time were described and associations between abuse rates and number of caseworkers and abuse laws, political party, and unemployment were explored. Both investigations and substantiations increased from 50 to 182 per 100 000 adults and 17 to 38 per 100 000 adults between 1984 and 2023, respectively. Increasing calendar year and Democratic party majority in the Iowa legislature were positively and independently associated with investigated and substantiated abuse rates. An inverse correlation between the proportion of reports that were investigated and the proportion of investigations that were substantiated (Spearman's rho = -.81; P < .01) was found. During the 40-year study period, investigated and substantiated cases of DAA in Iowa have been steadily increasing.

DYNAMICS OF THE CLIMATE POLICY OF THE USA AT THE END OF THE XX – BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY

The article notes that American climate policy, starting from the end of the 20th century. is characterized by cyclicality, which is caused by the opposition of republican and democratic party forces. In the opinion of the author, the greatest contrast appeared during the presidency of D. Trump, whose climate policy was a departure from the political priorities and goals of the previous administration of B. Obama. While President Obama's environmental agenda prioritized reducing carbon emissions through the use of renewable energy to preserve the environment for future generations, the Trump administration's policies envisioned achieving US energy independence based on the use of fossil fuels, for which many environmental regulations were repealed . Trump's climate policy has been defined by denying the consensus of the majority of scientists that climate change is caused by anthropogenic factors and will have catastrophic consequences, and that carbon dioxide is the main driver of climate change, and the decisions made have slowed down or deprioritized climate action. After the victory of Democrat D. Biden, adaptation and mitigation of the consequences of global climate change became one of the main components of his foreign and domestic policy. The author shows that despite the different views of Republicans and Democrats regarding the goals and tools of climate policy implementation at the national and regional levels, both political forces appealed to the protection of the country's national interests.

Причины, ход и результаты государственного переворота Сидониу Паиша (5–8 декабря 1917 г.) в Первой Португальской республике в документах Военного кабинета Великобритании

This article examines the coup d’état in the First Portuguese Republic, staged on 5–8 December 1917 by Major Sidónio Pais against the Government of Afonso da Costa and President Bernardino Machado. The author aims to uncover the causes, dynamics of events development and results of this coup d’état. The source base is the War Cabinet of Great Britain’s documents stored in the National Archive of the United Kingdom, which are being introduced into scientific discourse for the first time in the domestic historiography. The retrospective, systemic and narrative research methods were mainly used in the article. When using the retrospective method, it was established that the Sidónio Pais’s coup d’état was a logical result of the development of the First Portuguese Republic’s crisis. The systematic method revealed the constituent elements of this crisis: its political and socio-economic aspects, the consequence of which was mainly the coup d’état of Sidónio Pais. Since British documents had not been previously described in the domestic historiography, a narrative method was used in order to reflect fuller its content and character. The December 1917 coup d’état was the result of unsolved actual tasks after the establishment of the Republic in early October 1910 and accumulated problems after the Portugal’s entry into the First World War in March 1916. In peacetime, due to the radical anti-church policy, electoral restrictions, inter-party confrontation, changes of prime ministers and government compositions, it was difficult for the Republican leadership to solve consistently the urgent tasks in the country. In wartime, the internal situation had worsened and radicalized by December 1917 alone. The inability of the Republican leadership to solve the problems in the country and the short-sighted measures taken to improve the situation turned the majority of the civilian population and part of the military against it. In these conditions Artillery Major Sidónio Pais organized the coup d’état on 5 December 1917 with the aim of overthrowing the prime minister, leader of the Democratic Party Afonso da Costa and his fellow party member President Bernardino Machado. The coup d’état was accompanied by fierce fighting, especially in Lisbon. It ended on 8 December 1917 with the success of Sidónio Pais’s forces. Its results were the arrests of some members of the government, including the prime minister, and the president; the dissolution of the Portuguese Parliament – the Congress; the establishment of the Revolutionary Junta headed by Sidónio Pais, followed by the formation of a new government of the Republic. Thus, the December 1917 coup d’état was a response to the deep internal political crisis in Portugal. The documents of the British War Cabinet used in the study neither in general nor in detail contradict the facts set out in the historiography. However, they make it possible to expand possibilities for a further study of this coup d’état and related processes and events.

ТРАНСФОРМАЦИЯ ВЛИЯНИЯ ЭТНИЧЕСКОГО ФАКТОРА НА ИТОГИ ФЕДЕРАЛЬНЫХ ВЫБОРОВ (2003–2021) В ВОСТОЧНОЙ СИБИРИ4

Eastern Siberia, which is considered by the author as comprising the republics of Buryatia, Sakha (Yakutia), Tyvaand Khakassia, the Transbaikal and Krasnoyarsk territories, the Irkutsk region, is characterized by a mosaic ethnic composition. Thereare distinguished large nations, living mainly in the republics, and small nations, residing in small areas in different territories of themacro region. The former, due to their large numbers, are able to influence election results, which is expressed in high turnout andpolitical preferences oriented toward support for the ‘party in power’ and its leader – the current president. However, in the last presidential election (2018) and State Duma election (2021), we noted a decrease in the close relationship between the share of indigenouspeoples and turnout as well as voting for the United Russia and Vladimir Putin. This article aims to analyze the dynamics of turnout in general elections to the State Duma from 2003 to 2016 in comparisonwith the last election campaign of 2021 and presidential elections in 2012–2018 as well as the dynamics of the number of votes for theparties and the presidential candidates (Vladimir Putin and Vladimir Zhirinovsky). The research materials included the 2020 AllRussian Population Census, actually conducted in 2021, and the GAS-Elections database of the Central Election Commission of theRussian Federation. The study applied cartographic and statistical methods; a special method of correlation analysis was used to establish the closeness of the relationship between the indicators.An analysis of turnout dynamics showed a decrease in turnout at the 2021 elections to the State Duma compared to the 2003–2016 average, as well as at the 2018 presidential elections compared to the 2004–2012 level. The latest election campaign to the StateDuma demonstrated an increase in support for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and a decrease in the ratings of theUnited Russia and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia in Eastern Siberia. In the presidential elections, there is noted a positivetrend in votes for Vladimir Putin in constituent entities of the Russian Federation with predominantly Russian population and its declinein some constituent entities created according to the national-ethnic principle (the Republic of Sakha) as well as territories formedbased on this principle (Aginsky Buryatsky District of the Transbaikal Territory), etc.

A comparative study of the electoral rhetoric of extreme right-wing parties in Germany and Russia

This article compares the electoral rhetoric of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) parties through the prism of the level of antagonization and the parties’ point of view on topical social issues. Discourse analysis is conducted using discourse frames and blocks, allowing formalizing the comparison between texts in different languages. The sample is based on party videos published online in April — May 2021 in the run-up to the upcoming federal elections in both countries. The LDPR uses more antagonistic rhetoric, especially against Western countries and Ukraine. The AfD uses we to unite its electorate, seeing the German and European establishment as its opponents, as well as organizations with an international agenda, including the Greens and the Antifa movement. Both parties raise important social issues such as immigration, digitalization, political freedoms, and national identity, but differences in emphasis emerge. The AfD is more likely to raise issues of economic freedom for business and the defense of German burgher culture against the leftist agenda, while the LDPR is focused on supporting Russian foreign policy and Russian culture against Western globalism. The authors also emphasize that modern far-right parties support democratic principles. Nationalism remains central to far-right ideology, but it is drifting towards democracy under the influence of sociocultural processes. The study aims to improve understanding of the dynamics of far-right political discourse in Germany and Russia. The theoretical developments allow us to expand the application of discourse analysis of political rhetoric.

Die AfD im 20. Bundestag: noch immer nur bedingt parlamentsfähig

The right-wing party AfD was successful in being re-elected to the German Bundestag in the year 2021, even though – compared with the previous parliamentary elections (2017) – with a smaller vote share (10 .3 percent instead of 12 .6 percent) and a loss of seats (83 instead of 94) . The AfD parliamentary party in the 19th Bundestag (2017-2021) was sur- prisingly stable in spite of the fundamental changes of the political positions of the AfD . At the end of the election period, only 10 MPs had left the parliamentary party, were excluded or had died . And nearly most of the remaining representatives – more than the 58 re- elected MPs (nearly 70 percent of AfD-MPs in the 20th Bundestag) – were interested in renewing their mandates . That is remarkable, because nearly 85 percent of the 2017 elected MPs became a party member in the founding years (2013/2014) of the AfD . The – here analysed – (political) social profile of AfD-MPs changed from the 19th Bundestag to the 20th because of the 36 MPs leaving the parliament at the end of the election period and the 25 newly elected ones . In particular, the AfD parliamentary party lost some politically and parliamentary experienced MPs who previously had been members of democratic parties and were elected into councils of local self-government before joining the AfD . To compen- sate it, the 2021 newly elected representatives did not gain enough political experience before joining the AfD . Very few had been members of an established party and even fewer held a mandate in a municipal council . The AfD parliamentary party is characterised by the internal process of self-recruitment and political professionalization of the AfD . Nearly 50 percent of the newly elected parliamentarians had been AfD-MPs in state parliaments or had been in the staff of the party, the parliamentary party or a single MP . But nevertheless, the lack of political and parliamentary experience before becoming AfD member reduces and concentrates political experience and activities on the AfD (as arena of political experience) and encourages a “movement” orientation of parliamentary activities . Therefore, a constructive cooperation in the Bundestag by the parliamentary party and most MPs of the AfD could not be expected .

Modernization as the Basis for Democracy in Indonesia

The role of Islamic modernization as the basis of democracy in Indonesia. Against the backdrop of sensitive ethnic, linguistic, religious and geographic diversity, this country requires a wise approach to maintain unity and integrity. The author links democracy with the modernization of Islam, discusses the history of democracy in Islam, especially during the time of the Prophet Muhammad SAW, and links it to the concept of the caliphate. In the context of Indonesian democracy, research highlights restrictions on government action, tolerance, equality before the law, free elections, freedom of political parties, respect for people's rights, and respect for minority rights. This research criticizes the view that democracy only succeeds after an era of authoritarianism, while trying to raise public awareness about their role in maintaining democracy. The research discusses the risks of political Islamization in the democratic party in Indonesia. This is highlighted as a challenge to the modernization of Islam, where Islamic political parties are often misunderstood as sources of radicalism. However, research emphasizes that the modernization of Islam as a pillar of democracy must be directed at tolerance, social justice, and a positive relationship between Islamic religion and politics, without ignoring the risk of political Islamization which could damage democracy. This research concludes that Indonesia needs a democratic approach based on Islamic modernization to achieve unity, tolerance and social justice. However, it is necessary to avoid the politicization of Islam which has the potential to damage stability and democracy.

Optimalisasi Partisipasi Pemilih Pemula Pada Pemilu 2024 Di Desa Kadidia Kecamatan Nokilalaki Kabupaten Sigi

The service activities were carried out in Kadidia Village, Nokilalaki sub-district, Sigi Regency. This community service activity was carried out in September 2023. The number of participants was 31 people. This service is focused on the younger generation as Beginner Voters who have an important role in the general election (Pemilu) process. The results of this socialization and service aim to provide understanding to novice voters to be actively involved in the democratic party (election) and novice voters can have the knowledge to make choices and know the importance of elections in this nation's democratic journey. And secondly, you can make choices according to your conscience and can see the candidate's track record

Social Democratic Reflections on Women’s Activism in the Labor Movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina During the First World War

This article seeks to provide an insight into the perception of female activism, the symbolic role of women and their future in the labor movement during the First World War, i.e. to show the imagined space that party and trade union bodies intended for women. The newspaper of the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDP BiH), Glas slobode (Voice of Freedom), will be used to analyze the category of gender and its representation in one of the sections of the international social democratic movement.