Parties In Turkey Research Articles

From ‘dankgevingsdag' to 'turkey party’: Historical sociolinguistic perspectives on loan strategies in Flemish-American heritage newspapers

Within the domain of historical sociolinguistics, attention for heritage languages has been on the rise in the last decade (see e.g., Brown 2019; Litty 2019). The goal of this paper is to contribute to that growing body of research studying the role of sociolinguistic factors in heritage language use in the past, by looking at the lexical output of Belgian emigrants in the United States using heritage newspapers. We will investigate the borrowing patterns in three Flemish-American newspapers that were published in the 19th and 20th centuries and circulated widely within the Flemish-American communities. We focus on (1) borrowing rate (how many English-origin lexemes are transferred?), and (2) borrowing type (which loan processes are involved?). The findings are interpreted in terms of the social variables time and space to chart diachronic as well as regional differences, besides looking at differences between the newspapers more generally.

The Stability of Party Power in Turkey after President Erdogan's Victory in the 2023 Elections

The present research aims to identify the impact of Erdogan's victory on the basic budgets in Turkey and its impact on the opposition parties and the strength of the opposition, as well as on the Turkish economy, as the economic factor played a significant and influential role in the results of the Turkish elections, which led to the rise of the Justice and Development Party with Erdogan's victory. This party has an effect on the political and democratic process in the country. Thus, the investigation includes two axes: the first, political parties in Turkey, and the second, the Turkish elections in 2023 AD.

The Leadership of Behice Boran in the Turkish Workers’ Party (October 1, 1970 - October 10, 1987) (A Historical Study)

Behice boran was the first Turkish woman to lead a political party in Turkey. Throughout her political career, she witnessed three military coups in Turkey and had different reactions to each. The year 1960 marked the actual beginning of Boran’s political journey and was also a pivotal point in Turkish history as it saw the first military coup, which allowed the formation of parties and labor unions. This led to her becoming the leader of the Turkish Workers’ Party in 1970. However, the party faced a setback following the second military coup in 1971, which differed politically from the first due to the presence of the right-wing on the political scene, restricting the leftist movement. Boran was arrested for the third time during the period (1971-1974), and she criticized this coup. She was released from prison in 1974 and managed to re-establish the party in 1975, but it was closed again following the third military coup in 1980, leading to her fourth arrest. Due to her deteriorating health, she was released and decided to leave Turkey, seeking political asylum in Belgium, where she remained in exile until her death in 1987 after spending seven years in exile.

Do Turkey's 2024 Local Elections Signal the End of Erdoğan's Reign?

AbstractThe unexpected victory of the opposition Republican People's Party in Turkey's March 31 municipal elections raises intriguing questions about the future of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan after more than two decades of his rule. Just 10 months after Erdoğan won a new term, a significant portion of the electorate voted against him and his Justice and Development Party, marking his largest defeat ever. The president acknowledged the significance of the defeat, describing the results as “not only a loss of votes but also a loss of soul and blood.” This article analyzes the factors that drove the outcome and contends that this was more a protest of the Turkish strongman than an approval of opposition policies. The people voted against Erdoğan's arrogance and authoritarian style, as well as the poor quality of his party's candidates; the worsening economy, especially for retirees; and perceptions of a deteriorating justice system. The main opposition party also benefited from skillful leadership less than a year after its defeat in the presidential election. While the outcome of the 2024 vote signals a desire for democratic governance and accountability, it remains uncertain at this early stage whether this is a temporary deviation.

Mekanisme Pembubaran Partai Politik: Perbandingan Indonesia dan Turki

Political parties are not sacred, so they can be dissolved according to the provisions of the applicable laws. The mechanism for dissolving political parties in each country is certainly different. So this research aims to examine the differences in mechanisms for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia and Turkey. This research is legal research with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of this research show that the mechanism for dissolving political parties in Indonesia and Turkey is both submitted to the Constitutional Court. Still, specifically for Turkey, it must go through the Court of Cassation first. The applicant who can apply for the dissolution of a political party in Indonesia is the Government which can be represented by the Attorney General and/or the Minister assigned by the President while in Turkey the person who can apply is the Chief Public Prosecutor. The reasons for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia are because (i) the ideology, principles, objectives, and programs of political parties conflict with the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia; (ii) carrying out activities that endanger the integrity and safety of the Republic of Indonesia; and (iii) adhere to, develop and spread the teachings or understanding of communism/Marxism-Leninism. Meanwhile, the reasons for the dissolution of political parties in Turkey are: (i) the statutes and programs, as well as the activities of political parties be contrary to the independence of the State, its indivisible integrity with its territory and nation, human rights, the principles of equality and rule of law, sovereignty of the nation, the principles of the democratic and secular republic; (ii) aim to promote or establish class or group dictatorship or dictatorship of any kind, nor shall they incite citizens to crime; and (iii) receive financial assistance from abroad.

Turkey’s Political Parties’ Asia Policies: Visions, Contacts, Issues

ABSTRACT Traditionally, Turkey has been an ally of the transatlantic bloc. As a NATO member, with a majority Muslim population and a free market economy, it was even hailed by Western powers as a model country in the 2000s. However, due to its acquisition of the S-400 missile defence system from Russia, its desire to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and its military presence in Syria and Libya, many analysts have argued that Turkey’s foreign policy has experienced a pivot to Asia recently. This article systematically examines the current positions of various political parties in Turkey in this context using first-hand data. Through semi-structured interviews with 14 political party representatives, and by analysing their party programmes, the vision of different political parties in respect of Asia, their relations with Asian actors, their stance on Asian foreign direct investments and its environmental impacts, the Uyghur issue, and their thoughts on the period that will follow the Ukraine-Russia war are studied.

Rewriting history: directorate of communications and neo-Ottoman ideological recasting of Turkey’s history

ABSTRACT This study presents a multimodal discourse analysis of three historical videos produced by the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye Directorate of Communications. The Directorate, chiefly operating as a partisan bureaucratic-cum-political apparatus of the ruling political party in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party, produces videos to recast the history of Turkey in line with the ruling party’s neo-Ottomanist, nationalist, militarist, and Islamist agenda. These three videos reviewed refer to the discursive building blocks of the AKP’s so-called Islamic populist worldview in recent years: the glorious Ottoman past, accumulation and glorification of military power, and a holy cause. The historical repository used in the videos reasserts the loneliness of Turkey, the utmost belief in and dedication to the nation’s leader, Turkey’s emergence as a regional power, and the primacy of the nation’s will. The article discusses the authoritarian and exclusionary implications of the misuse of history by official agencies.

Party Change in the Post-Secular Age: The Case of Republican People’s Party in Turkey

The Republican People's Party (RPP) of Turkey is currently the main opposition party against the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP). While the RPP has usually been identified with a “rigid” understanding of secularism, the party has been experiencing a process of ideational change for more than a decade under the leadership of Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. This study aims to describe and explain the party’s shift to a “softer” version of secularism. Under the light of party change literature, one internal and two external factors are identified. The impact of leadership change, the internal factor, is examined with reference to major strategic and ideational changes initiated by Kılıçdaroğlu. The first major external stimulus is the global and local hegemony of post-secularism, which refers to the idea and practice of a new balance between citizenship and difference, allowing a greater space for religious arguments and images in the public sphere. The second is the transition to presidential system in Turkey, which both forced and facilitated the RPP’s search for electoral alliances with conservative parties in a personalized winner-takes-all game. It is claimed that these factors have made the RPP reassess the effectiveness of its commitment to classical secularism in meeting the renewed party goal of vote maximization. Reverse pressures on the party will also be examined in the article, with an aim of foreseeing the RPP’s leaning in the near future.
 Key Words: Republican People’s Party, Secularism, Post-Secular Society, Party Change
 JEL Classification: Z1, D72, Y80

Polarisation over the meaning of democracy: The case of political parties in Turkey

As the primary means of political organisation, political parties remain vital to contemporary democracies, making it important to investigate their understanding of democracy. This study explores the themes with which five largest political parties in Turkey associate democracy. We studied tweets posted by official accounts of these parties’ headquarters and branches, as well as by other Twitter accounts that are institutionally linked to these parties. We found significant differences between the government bloc and the opposition bloc as well as between People Alliance and Nation Alliance in terms of the themes with which they associate democracy. The government bloc and People Alliance use themes such as national will and military coups while referring to democracy. The opposition bloc and Nation Alliance emphasise themes such as equality, freedom of the press, and justice. We conclude that parties’ and blocs’ different attitudes towards democracy are indicators of political polarisation in Turkey.

Gerakan Islam Politik Milli Gorus dan Perempuan

This article discusses the views of Milli Gorus, anIslamic political movement from Turkey, on women, familyand gender, and the position of women in the movement. TheMilli Gorus Movement is the umbrella, or parent organization,of a number of Islamic parties in Turkey. A number of Islamicparties were born out of the Milli Gorus Movement. One ofthese Islamic parties is the AKP. Since 2002 this party has wonthe elections. After years of controlling the Turkish statebureaucracy, the AKP has succeeded in reorganizing theIslamic aspects of the Republic of Turkey in the face ofmodernity, secularism, and neoliberalism. Another aspect thatneeds to be studied is issue on women. After so many years ofpolitical Islam controlling Turkey, a question arise whether theirperspective on women, family and gender changed. What is theMilli Gorus movement's view on the matters? To answer it, Ipresent an overview of the emergence of the women'smovement in Turkey, then discusses the views of the MilliGorus movement regarding this matter. I assume that the viewsof the Milli Gorus movement remain conservative andunchanged, although in some cases they are flexible.

Populism of Religious Conservative Parties in Turkey: A Psychoanalytical Approach

Despite the growing number of works attempting to understand and explain the Justice and Development Party’s (JDP) populism, we possess limited insight into the longue durée of Islamic populism in Turkey and its pyscho-political origins. Therefore, this article highlights the lines of continuity and change in the populist strategy of Islamist parties with reference to the discourse of their leaders who managed to present their changing, growing, but partial support base as the totality of the people. Since social, economic, and political crises played a significant role in the rise of these Islamist parties in Turkey, this study relies on Laclau’s logic of populism blended with a Lacanian psychoanalysis, underlining the significance of crises in the formulation and articulation of populist demands. This study will thereby offer a new understanding of the rise of Islamist parties that successfully defined, redefined, and then redefined “the people” they claim to represent through a populist discourse and strategy in Turkey.

Two waves of Kurdish politicians in exile: a comparative analysis

ABSTRACT This article provides a tour d’horizon of the recent emigration of the Kurdish political elite from Turkey and contextualizes it in its historical course. Specifically, the article discusses the similarities and differences of the exilic waves at the two ends of the chain of pro-Kurdish political parties in Turkey, i.e., the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) and the Democracy Party (DEP). Based on semi-structured elite interviews, a comparison of the patterns of integration with and differentiation from the Kurdish diaspora organizations in Europe, in particular, reveals significant variation between these two exilic waves despite their common root cause. Such variation, coupled with tensions derived mainly from the hierarchal structure of the Kurdish diaspora organizations, fuels a rivalry that may alter the composition of Kurdish political elites in Europe.

The Transformation of Neo-Ottomanism Under Justice and Development Party (JDP) Rule in Turkey (2002–2022): The Central Asian Vector

Introduction. The paper describes aspects of the transformation of neo-Ottomanism under Justice and Development Party (JDP) rule in Turkey (2002–2022), with a focus on the situation in Central Asia. Methods and materials. The article employs the case study method and examines the Central Asian vector of Turkish foreign policy from 2002 to 2022. Analysis. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, filling the political power void in Central Asia has been one of Turkey’s key foreign policy interests. This interest was reinvigorated by the domestic political transformation in light of the accession of the Justice and Development Party in 2002. The neo-Ottomanism that formed the basis of JDP’s foreign policy, on the one hand, elaborated on the Ottomanism of the last century and, on the other hand, mirrored the changes in the political system of the country after 2013, such as the authoritarianization of the ruling regime and the rise of Islam as a tool for public support consolidation. Results. As a result, the conclusion was drawn that over the past twenty years, neo-Ottomanism has come to represent a broadly circumscribed liberal economic approach combined with an appeal not only to the common Ottoman past and pan-Turkic sentiments but also to the Muslim present. Meanwhile, Turkey’s cultural and religious rapprochement with the region is driven by its strategic economic interests, for which Central Asia is an integral component of Turkey’s new international role. Thus, Turkey’s policy towards Central Asian states reverberates the outcome of the transformation of the neo-Ottoman discourse as a product of the country’s changing domestic political landscape while shedding light on the strategic priorities it encompasses: becoming a regional hub and a proactive regional power. Authors’ contributions. T.V. Marmontova – preparation of the structure of the article, methodology, and review of literature, M.B. Zhiyenbayev – “Regionalization” of foreign policy of Turkey and the place of Central Asia in the pan-Turkic picture of the world, E.A. Vaseneva – assessment of the policy of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey in 2002–2022.

Secular authoritarian regimes and their Islamist rivals in the Middle East and North Africa: Emerging trends in Turkey's party system

Secular nationalism grew over 50 years to become a compelling force for political, social, and cultural change in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), but it was Islamism that rose to be its chief rival and, in many Middle East countries, eventually replaced it. The question is: why? And how did Islam gain political momentum? Since independence, the diktat of most single-party countries in MENA has been to implement modernization and secularization. Unlike the secular elites, which sought to overthrow colonialism and the monarchies, the early Islamic reformers sought to establish an Islamic state. MENA's secular regimes led to the massive institutionalization of national identity by nationalizing economies and education, to create a unified ideology from which people could draw a common identity. While eliminating competing ideologies, governments ignored the conservative right in the form of Islamism, which was not expected to pose a serious challenge to them. However, since MENA regimes were mostly authoritarian and forestalled a viable opposition, a social cleavage from below grew as an Islamic movement and eventually presented a serious challenge to them. This article provides an empirical analysis to support the argument that social cleavages in MENA have cultural implications that relate to identity rather than to territory. Hence, latent political cleavages, such as Islamism and ethnic nationalism, served as opportunities to reinforce or reactivate cleavages.

BAHIJA BOURAN AND HER INTELLECTUAL AND POLITICAL ROLE IN TÜRKIYE (1910-1987)

It is noted that Boran is the first sociologist and the first woman president of a political party in Turkey. Boran's life went through struggles and difficulties in academic and political life, especially because she was a socialist. In this study, it is an illustration of Bahija Bouran's experience as a woman in the intellectual and political field, which made her speeches about women and women's rights. The main point of the study is whether an academic and a politician like Buran, the first woman leader of a political party in Turkey who has spoken out about the problem of women.

Turks versus the West: Civilizational Populism in Turkey’s Ruling Coalition

Civilizational populism is readily observable in Turkish politics. This study analyzes how the ruling political parties in Turkey (Islamist JDP and ultra-nationalist NAP) reframe extant civilizational ideas into a populist format to reproduce civilizational populism for ideological and pragmatic reasons. The research implements a two-level analysis of civilizational populism. On the first level, the article reveals the intellectual origins of the ideas on civilizations. On the second level, it analyses how these ideas are used by political actors in constructing populist civilizational discourse in daily politics. This methodological approach to civilizational populism shows that politicians use old ideas that are well-known by their supporters while framing them as their populist narrative. Thus, civilizational populism occurs in Turkey as a continuity. This study finds out that (i) Civilizational populism is a salient phenomenon proving how Islam and nationalism are socially and politically coded as friendly categories in Turkey; (ii) Political actors are the agents of populism but not the inventors of the many ideas they instrumentalize; (iii) Civilizational populism in Turkey is constructed on an anti-Western narrative which is essentialist and culturalist. Consequently, the article reveals that the culturist and essentialist critique levelled by other civilizations at Western political actors can be levelled similarly at the Muslim political elite.

Turkish parliamentary debates about the international recognition of the Armenian genocide: development and variations in the official denialism

ABSTRACT The main source of animosity in modern Turkish – Armenian relations is the debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide. To provide an evidence-based and thorough perspective on the Turkish political stance in this discussion, this article explores all the relevant speeches in Turkish parliamentary records. It pays particular attention to political parties’ stances, the historical evolution of the debate, and the significance of the individual profiles of parliamentarians who contributed to the discussion. The findings show that most political parties in Turkey articulated versions of denial, except for a few marginal anti-denial voices. The study concludes that while political parties’ ideological orientations predominantly shape the Turkish debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide, historical contexts, local memories, and the individual backgrounds of parliamentarians seem to inspire minor variations in their tones.

The Rise of the Right-Wing Good Party (İYİP) in Turkey: Authoritarian Turn, Anomie, and Regulatory Nostalgia

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the rise of a newly established nationalist right-wing political party in Turkey—namely the Good Party (İYİP)—with respect to the concept of anomie. In contrast to the mainstream literature, which exclusively concentrates on the concept of populism in its analysis of the rise of right-wing political parties, this study explains the İYİP’s advancement using Institutional Anomie Theory, along with the fall of the ‘Turkish Dream’, wherein the democratic and economic aspirations of the 2000s were hindered in the 2010s by the authoritarian turn and the entrenchment of the neoliberal economic order. In other words, a contradiction between historically embedded goals (democratization and wealth) and the political means exercised (authoritarian turn and neoliberalism) led to anomie in Turkey, which created a window of opportunity to be exploited by a right-wing political party. The article concludes, based on İYİP rhetoric, that the backlash against the authoritarian turn may surface in the form of regulatory nostalgia for the parliamentary system and exclusionary attitudes towards Syrians living in Turkey.

From “permanent opposition” to “power”: Anti-systemic parties in Turkey

This study aims to explain why some anti-systemic parties come to power while others remain as permanent opposition or disappear over time. The evidence is sought from the comparative analysis of the socialist Workers’ Party of Turkey (Türkiye İşçi Partisi, 1961-1971, permanent opposition) and the pro-Islamic Welfare Party (Refah Partisi, 1983-1998, in power). In particular, the parties are compared and contrasted in terms of their organizational style, leadership structure, and linkage with the voters. The paper argues that while the TIP built a loose and vertical local organization, the RP had a strong grassroots organization cemented through Islamic ideology. Second, while the RP had an unchallenged leadership of Necmettin Erbakan, the TIP had a fragmented leadership resulting from multiple ideological conflicts which undermined the efficiency of the decision-making process and its implementation. Finally, while the TIP was a textbook example of a programmatic party under the guidance of socialist ideology, the RP heavily relied on the distribution of clientelist resources – mostly emanating from its control in the municipalities and central government – to address voters. Overall, the RP took advantage of these strategies to rapidly extend its voter base beyond core voters, particularly in metropolitan areas, while the TIP largely remained restricted to narrow constituencies.

WHO FEELS MORE DEPRIVED: THE EFFECT OF AGE AND EDUCATION ON PERCEPTION OF DEPRIVATION

Who feels more deprived in Turkey? What is the role of demographic factors in this perception of deprivation? This study is a search for an answer to these questions. Accordingly, we first examined four models of relative deprivation perception. We considered Davis's, Runciman's, Gurr's, and Crosby's models of explaining relative deprivation. The common point addressed by all four models is that the perception of relative deprivation is based on social comparisons that occur at the individual or group level. Therefore, the perception of deprivation refers to a state of mind and occurs when a person is at a disadvantage when comparing himself/herself to a reference point. In Turkey, one of the most important reference points in social comparisons is the type of political party supported. Secondly, we examined the effect of age and education level on the perception of individual-based relative deprivation, which varies according to the type of political party in Turkey. The results obtained in the present analyses show that the perception of relative deprivation varies according to the age level but does not differ depending on educational level. Participants aged 18-24 who did not experience the 2002 crisis feel more deprived and unhappy. However, older respondents who experienced the 2002 crisis and the preceding 80s and 90s feel less deprivation and discontent than younger people.