Party Officials Research Articles

Peter’s Life-Work

Peter I started in Russia in fact a specific type of caesaristic democracy based on the direct connection of the nation-wide and military leader who had mass support of lower social classes. And he established the so-called “spirit of Peter” – the tradition of projected breaking through that denies the external determinacy of transcendent and religious principles, and is ready to accept the challenge of “accomplishing the impossible”. It became the institution of tradition, a component part of culture and spiritual heritage. A military officer in the long run was always more respected in society than a clergyman or even a party functionary. The army became a kind of a patrimonial relic, a sort of family talisman. The favorite toy of the country and the people. The favorite toy of the American people is a carefully kept Winchester. Even if it is never put to use. Our people prefer the country army as the favorite toy, – even if it is rarely put to use. The army was largely viewed not only as defender from enemy without, but also as defender from the country government arbitrariness. A well-known saying “Those who don’t want to provide for the country army, will have to provide for the enemy one”, – has its analogue. Those who don’t want to accept the personal power limitations imposed by the constitutionally elected parliament, will have to accept the limitations enforced by the soldiers of the Guards regiments.

Party functions and party education in the political landscape of Sweden

ABSTRACT Political parties are widely recognised as indispensable actors in democratic systems. One way to illustrate the actions and role of political parties is to explicate various party functions that may be carried out in a political system. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationships between the organisation of party education and five specific party functions in Sweden. The empirical material consists of interviews with party officials from all eight parties that were represented in the national parliament during 2018–2022 as well as a mapping of educational content, structure, and activities from various parties. This material has been analysed in relation to five concrete party functions and a theoretical approach that highlights interactions and relationships occurring on different levels in apolitical system. The results demonstrate that there are different relationships between party education and party functions which may generate implications that are important both for the agency of a party but also to the broader political landscape. It is also possible to discern one specific function related to the provision of party education, namely an affirmation function.

On the Character and Causes of Inequality in Latin America

On the Character and Causes of Inequality in Latin America

Threats and euphemisms: the antisemitic propaganda of Nasjonal Samling during the summer and autumn of 1942

ABSTRACT This article analyses the antisemitic propaganda disseminated by the Norwegian National Socialist Party, Nasjonal Samling (NS), from July to the end of December 1942. At that time, the anti-Jewish policy in Nazi-occupied Norway reached its culmination point, with mass arrests and deportations to Auschwitz–Birkenau. This article analyses how the image of ‘the Jew’ was constructed and communicated by the NS leadership and in the party press. Furthermore, it explores the extent to which the propaganda contained general and specific threats against the Jewish minority in Norway. A general conclusion is that the NS, at this stage, promoted an intense and aggressive antisemitism. ‘The Jew’ was represented as the incarnation of evil and the wire-puller behind all enemies of the Axis. The party also transmitted a clear message to the German occupation authority that they wanted – and were willing to participate in – radical anti-Jewish actions. Moreover, after 26 November 1942, the NS leadership and official party publications also defended the deportations as necessary for Norwegians’ self-protection. Consequently, this article emphasizes the co-responsibility of the party in the Holocaust.

Volk and Family: National Socialist Legacies and Gender Concepts in the Rhetoric of the Alternative for Germany

The article analyses how the Alternative for Germany (AfD) conflated images of the traditional family with the nation and a racially-defined notion of ‘ Volk’, consciously repackaging terms from the 1930s for current political use. Taking a comparative and historical perspective, the article situates the family rhetoric and policies of the AfD in the historical debates on family, reproduction, and women that characterized Germany from the post-war period to the early 21st century. Exploring how the AfD sought to portray and regulate women's roles and reproductive decision-making, the article argues that the party sought to produce an authentic take on family and gender politics, the racism of which went practically unchallenged. It presents four analytical dimensions to grasp the specific biologist family-centrism and anti-gender approach of the AfD in comparison to National Socialism family rhetoric and policies. Sources come from official party platforms, less formal speeches and social media content of party representatives, newspaper coverage and reports by the German Intelligence Service, Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz .

Swimming in the Dark

Swimming in the Dark

War against Prohibition: Italians and Booze in New York City, 1920–1933

War against Prohibition: Italians and Booze in New York City, 1920–1933

북한 김정은 시대 인간상과 부패 억제에 관한 연구

This study examines how North Korea in the Kim Jong-un era responds to the corruption problem prevalent in society. In particular, we would like to analyze the approach to the corruption problem by paying attention to the newly presented human type in the Kim Jong-un era. What is unique about the presentation of the human form during the Kim Jong-un era is that there is a fundamental difference in the human form presented to the people's public and party executives. While the people are trying to curb the corruption issue by emphasizing morality like the Chinese Leifeng type, party officials are emphasizing the role of dedication and the provision of incentives by presenting the Soviet Stahanov type. It can be interpreted that the dual form of human form presentation in the Kim Jong-un era have been unfold. One is aimed at suppressing corruption by providing incentives to the North Korean power elite to gain interest by providing loyalty to Kim Jong-un and compensation through achievements. On the other hand, for the people's public, they try to suppress corruption that is prevalent in everyday life by cultivating the moral character of everyday life. Based on this awareness of the problem, this study aims to analyze the current status and degree of corruption in North Korea's bribery economy and to compare and analyze the characteristics of communist human figures to determine whether the presentation of human figures in the Kim Jong-un era is effectively working to curb corruption in North Korea.

Churches, Memory and Justice in Post-Communism

Churches, Memory and Justice in Post-Communism

Metode Persuasif Kantor Camat Labuhanhaji Barat Dalam Mensosialisasikan Vaksinasi Kepada Masyarakat

Study this background by enhancement total number vaccine to population districts LabuhanHaji west, hal this is feedback after existence socialization applied vaccines by subdistrict head LabuhanHaji west. Before existence activity socialization by party office subdistrict head many once pro and counter to vaccine. Study this aim for explain method what is applied office subdistrict head so that public interested for do vaccination. Method research used is method descriptive qualitative for explain research, get in- depth data from results interview with a number of informant. Study this use theory communication persuasive that is Theory Change attitude. Results study pointing that , the socialization carried out to public LabuhanHaji West get positive feedback , method applied persuasion by office subdistrict head on socialization vaccine succeed give understanding about importance vaccination for society and follow rule which set government center , use for eradicate the Covid-19 virus exist in Indonesia.

Crisis in Mexico

This paper analyzes the relationship between the Mexican President’s discourse on COVID-19 and the use of Twitter by state officials at the start of the pandemic, through content analysis and supervised machine learning. Analyzing all tweets by state-level agencies during the first 6 months of the pandemic, we found that accounts belonging to the ruling party tweeted consistently less about COVID, compared to the opposition. Furthermore, the social-distancing hashtags endorsed by the Health Department were underused by the party’s own officials. We hypothesized that the president’s skeptical discourse on COVID-19 had a chilling effect on party officials’ use of Twitter during this period. Two random forest machine learning models were trained using the president’s words as predictors not only of the officials’ political alignment, but also of the amount of COVID tweets they posted. The models proved reliable, and the words most significant for prediction are markedly indicative of populist rhetoric. This illustrates how populist discourse from heads of government can undermine communication between institutions and citizens.

Communication in The Perspective of The Country

The aim of this study was to determine the forms of political communication through the mass media. Political communication is very important in determining democratization. With competition in politics, there will also be communication competition that occurs to influence, acquire, maintain, and expand power. The phenomenon of political communication is very influential in the real world, including political communication in the mass media. This research is qualitative research with a descriptive approach using three data collection techniques, namely interviews, observation, and documentation. From the three data collection techniques, it was found that political communication through mass media was often carried out by party officials in order to increase credibility and legitimacy both personally and institutionally.

Interpersonal Resources and Insider/Outsider Dynamics in Party Office

While the multiple barriers women face to attain public office have been vastly documented, the operation of insider/outsider dynamics within political parties’ top decision-making bodies remains largely under-researched. This article provides new theoretical and empirical insights on how interpersonal resources create ingroups and outgroups in parties’ national executive committees—the body that manages the day-to-day functioning of the extra-parliamentary party organization. Our comparative analysis of Spanish political parties in the period 1975–2020 documents that interpersonal resources are unevenly distributed across gender. Most crucially, we show that these resources play out differently for women and men members, with embeddedness in party networks only helping the latter attain positional power and extend their tenure in party office. These heterogeneous effects suggest that top decision-making party bodies do not just reflect existing gender inequalities but reinforce them in significant ways, rendering women member outsiders on the inside.

THIRD PARTY RESISTANCE (DERDEN VERZET) AS AN EFFORT TO SUSPEND THE EXECUTION (Case Study on Case Decision Number 118/Pdt.G/2020/PA.Kds)

<p><em>Third party resistance (derden verzet) as an extraordinary legal effort given to parties outside the litigation who feel deprived of their rights by the execution of the Court, in the civil justice system in Indonesia is still a recognized means to provide protection for third parties in office as a true opponent to suspend executions. The author conducted a study on Decision Number 118/Pdt.G/2020/PA.Kds of the Holy Religious Court regarding the derden verzet related to the execution confiscation. This study aims to find out the reasons for the resistance, to know the judge's judgment in rejecting the resistance and to know the legal protection provided for the auction winner in the presence of third party resistance. The authors examine this case using juridical-sociological research methods. Based on the research, the Author obtained the result that the Council of Judges accepted some of the lawsuits and suspended some with the consideration that the opponent was the right opponent, but in this case opponent I who confiscated the bail that had previously sold the land to the opponent by Opponent II and this is not known. by Pelawan.</em></p>

Knowledge Is Power: The Staffing Advantage of Parliamentary and Ministerial Offices

AbstractThis article analyses the distribution of staff resources between party offices. While earlier studies have compared central and parliamentary offices, this study also includes ministerial offices. To capture fully the differences in staffing, I examine both the quantity (staff size) and quality (education, experience, tasks) of their staffs. The empirical section is based on a cross-sectional analysis of original survey data collected among political staffers in Belgium and the Netherlands (N= 1,009). While the Belgian cabinet system includes extensive ministerial offices, ministerial staff is limited in the Dutch non-cabinet system. The results show how this institutional difference shapes parties' internal distribution of resources. While the party in parliament does not have a clear staffing advantage over the party in central office in Belgium, they are both eclipsed by the large, highly qualified party in the executive. In the Netherlands, the impact of ministerial offices is negligible and the staff of the party in parliament is both larger and more qualified than the staff of the party in central office.

Vietnamese Patterns of Corruption and Accumulation: Research Puzzles

This article explores ways to better understand corruption in Vietnam and the nature of Vietnamese capitalism. Given the current state of research, its arguments are not conclusive and focus upon empirics and issues in existing research. Regarding empirics, good data imply that corrupt payments by firms to Party officials are now so large – perhaps a quarter of gross domestic product – that their macro-systemic impacts must be, whilst still unclear, substantial. At such levels they likely have been allowing their recipients rapidly to build large asset-holdings. But the Party’s generalised protection of demands for corrupt payments remains muted. Importantly, 2007 Party Directive #15 has been protecting Party members from corruption investigations, so that in effect they are not illegal. The research available, however, commonly treats Vietnamese corruption mainly as an indicator of state dysfunctionality, which fails to embrace the possibility that it is central to contemporary accumulation processes. The speculative argument is that at some point “pirates become businessmen” and the Vietnamese state will then shift, historically, from protecting corruption to protecting capital. In this framing, the decentralised nature of asset accumulation conditions political change.

Selling sex under socialism: prostitution in the post-war USSR

ABSTRACT The existence of prostitution was embarrassing for the Soviet government. This was especially true after the end of the Second World War and the death of Josef Stalin, when the Cold War and global processes of decolonization were in full swing and the USSR competed for the supremacy of its version of state socialism on the world stage. Soviet officials claimed that social ills that plagued capitalist countries, like prostitution, did not exist in the USSR. Despite these confident declarations, Party officials at the central and regional level, law enforcement and medical workers, as well as ordinary Soviet citizens, were well aware that these statements were false, as prostitution was a permanent feature in Soviet cities in the long post-war period. This article examines Soviet state policies towards women engaged in sex work from the mid-1950s until the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. The article also explores how policing actually functioned in practice in major cities, paying particular attention to the Baltic capitals of Riga and Tallinn. This ‘top down’ and ‘bottom up’ approach reveals how prostitution was entangled with the spatial politics of the long post-war era, and examines how Soviet citizens aided and resisted policing, motivated by ideological commitment, indifference or concern for their own financial gain.

A Brief Review of the History of Reforms to the Legal Regulations of Political Parties in Mexico

This article studies the major reforms in the history of the legal regulation of political parties in Mexico based on the political context in which they took place. The objective is to explain their origin and characteristics. I argue that: 1) The 1946 reform increased requirements for the recognition of political parties; it was passed to prevent the electoral participation of threats to the official party. 2) The 1977 reform loosened requirements for the recognition of political parties; it intended to open the party system to incorporate the extra-institutional opposition. 3) The 1996 reform increased public funding for political parties; it aimed to benefit the PRI in the case of losing the power. 4) The 2007 reform consisting of regulation of intra-party processes was passed to harmonize the constitution with the electoral court’s jurisprudence, establishing procedures and conditions. 5) The 2014 reform —standardization of federal and local legislation on political parties—, intended to transfer the characteristics of the federal electoral process to the states. Finally, 6) the most recent reform proposal, reduction of public funding for political parties, is based on the discredit of these organizations and on the exorbitant amount of money they receive. The study shows that the reforms approved during the era of a hegemonic party system (1946, 1977, and 1996) were aimed at benefiting the official party, while the subsequent reforms reflect a pluralistic context and emerged from the judicial power (2007), the opposition political parties (2014), and the civil society (last reform proposal).

The Birthday of the Party Leader: Klement Gottwald’s Image on the Pages of the “Rudé Právo” Newspaper

The process of constructing the image of Klement Gottwald on the basis of materials presented in the newspaper Rudé parvo on the occasion of the birthday of the leader of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia is analysed in the article. The mechanisms of formation of the personality cult, which were used by party functionaries and newspaper journalists, are shown. The role of language and its use in creating the image of Klement Gottwald, the chairman of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, in the minds of citizens and in maintaining their sympathy to him was revealed. The evolution of the strategies utilised to influence public opinion was determined by the changes which took place in the state between 1945 and 1953. The set of practices developed in the media space which ensured the exaltation of Klement Gottwald and asserted his exceptional and sacral status are also shown.

Formation of Philosophical Views of Anatoly Lunacharsky. Nietzschean Empirio-criticism

The article is devoted to an integral part of Russian philosophy - Russian positivism, and first of all to empirio-criticism - a philosophical trend that captured the minds of the Russian left-wing intelligentsia at the beginning of the 20th century. One of the brightest representatives of this trend in Russian philosophy was Anatoly Vasilyevich Lunacharsky, who made the path of Marxism to empirio-criticism. This distinguishes him from many other revolutionary philosophers. He also took part in the creation and work of the Vperyod group, organizing together with other Vperyodists party schools for Russian workers in Capri and Bologna. But unlike his Vperyod friends Bogdanov and Bazarov, he did his best to maintain normal relations with V.I. Lenin, therefore, did not fall under the blow of "Materialism and Empirio-Criticism". It is important that Lunacharsky's empirio-criticism differed from Bogdanov's empirio-monism. The direction of Russian philosophy, of which he was a supporter, was called Nietzsche's empirio-criticism. Despite his non-participation in the intra-party struggle and the traditional support of the winners, he, according to Trotsky, remained a foreign figure in the ranks of the Bolsheviks to the end. Lunacharsky was not only a kind of philosopher and party functionary (he held the position of People's Commissar of Education for a long time), but also a very interesting writer and playwright. The role of Lunacharsky in Russian philosophy and culture cannot be overestimated; part of his intellectual heritage is analyzed in this article.