Parties In Germany Research Articles

Obračun sa titoistima u sovjetskoj okupacionoj zoni Nemačke: Slučaj Leonard

The aim of this article is to analyze the position of the Yugoslav representatives in Berlin and Yugoslav propaganda in Germany prior to and following the Yugoslav-Soviet split, as well as the mechanisms which the leadership of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany used in dealing with the opposition within the party ranks. It follows the activities of a German communist, Wolfgang Leonhard, in the Soviet Occupation Zone of Germany, his escape to Yugoslavia in 1949, and his arrival to West Germany in 1950. The article is based on the unpublished documents from German and Serbian archives, Wolfgang Leonhard’s memoirs, and relevant literature.

Problems and prospects of evolution of the relations between Germany and Turkey

This article analyzes the concerns and prospects for the development of relations between Turkey and Germany based on the historical method and event study. The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that at the in the context of transition of the global political system from bilateral to multilateral model of world political landscape, Turkey’s political interests are focused on becoming one of the dominants in the Caucasus-Black Sea-Mediterranean region. The article discusses the complicated relations between Germany and Turkey. Special attention is given to the domestic political agenda of the two countries, their bilateral relations, as well as relations with the European Union. Various political parties in Germany, their outlook upon Germany-Turkey and EU-Turkey relations, positioning on the German Turks, and policy of the German governments are described from the perspective of historical approach to shed light on the key aspects of their attitude towards the “Turkish issue”. The article outlines the trends and prospects for the evolution of Germany-Turkey relations at the current stage of development of the world political-economic system. The conducted analysis relies on the authorial fundamental works, scientific publications, and historical documents on the history of Germany-Turkey relations. Using the three-tier analysis of bilateral visits of the representatives of both countries over the period from 2014 to 2020, the author places emphasis on the domestic political agenda of the two countries, bilateral relations between them, as well as their relations with the European Union.

The First Workers’ Government in History: Karl Marx’s Addenda to Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871

Abstract In Marxist circles it is common to refer to Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France for a theoretical analysis of the historical significance of the Paris Commune, and to Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray’s History of the Commune of 1871 for a description of the facts surrounding the insurrection of the Paris workers and its repression by the National Assembly led by Adolphe Thiers. What is less well-known is that Marx himself oversaw the German translation of Lissagaray’s book and made numerous additions to it. In this article we describe Marx’s addenda to Lissagaray’s work, showing how they contribute to concretising his analysis of the Paris Commune and how they relate to the split in the International Working Men’s Association between Marxists and anarchists that took place after the Commune’s defeat. We also show how Marx’s additions to the German version of Lissagaray’s book were linked to his involvement with the recently created Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany and to his criticism of the programme it had adopted at the congress celebrated in the city of Gotha.

Religion, Populism and Politics: The Notion of Religion in Election Manifestos of Populist and Nationalist Parties in Germany and The Netherlands

This article is about the way that the notion of religion is understood and used in election manifestos of populist and nationalist right-wing political parties in Germany and the Netherlands between 2002 and 2021. In order to pursue such enquiry, a discourse on the nature of manifestos of political parties in general and election manifestos specifically is required. Election manifestos are important socio-scientific and historical sources. The central question that this article poses is how the notion of religion is included in the election manifestos of three Dutch (LPF, PVV, and FvD) and one German (AfD) populist and nationalist parties, and what this inclusion reveals about the connection between religion and populist parties. Religious keywords in the election manifestos of said political parties are researched and discussed. It leads to the conclusion that the notion of religion is not central to these political parties, unless it is framed as a stand against Islam. Therefore, these parties defend the Jewish-Christian-humanistic nature of the country encompassing the separation of ‘church’ or faith community and state, the care for the historical and cultural heritage of church buildings, and the subordination of the freedom of religion to the freedom of expression. The election manifestos also reveal that Buddhism and Hinduism are absent in the discourses of these political parties.

Problems and prospects of evolution of the relations between Germany and Turkey

This article analyzes the concerns and prospects for the development of relations between Turkey and Germany based on the historical method and event study. The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that at the in the context of transition of the global political system from bilateral to multilateral model of world political landscape, Turkey’s political interests are focused on becoming one of the dominants in the Caucasus-Black Sea-Mediterranean region. The article discusses the complicated relations between Germany and Turkey. Special attention is given to the domestic political agenda of the two countries, their bilateral relations, as well as relations with the European Union. Various political parties in Germany, their outlook upon Germany-Turkey and EU-Turkey relations, positioning on the German Turks, and policy of the German governments are described from the perspective of historical approach to shed light on the key aspects of their attitude towards the “Turkish issue”. The article outlines the trends and prospects for the evolution of Germany-Turkey relations at the current stage of development of the world political-economic system. The conducted analysis relies on the authorial fundamental works, scientific publications, and historical documents on the history of Germany-Turkey relations. Using the three-tier analysis of bilateral visits of the representatives of both countries over the period from 2014 to 2020, the author places emphasis on the domestic political agenda of the two countries, bilateral relations between them, as well as their relations with the European Union.

Features of the formation of spiritual and moral values in the educational practice of Germany in the second half of the twentieth century

The problem of forming spiritual and moral values in the educational practice of Germany in the second half of the twentieth century is of theoretical interest and practical value for Russian teachers in terms of using the experience accumulated by foreign colleagues in the course of reforming the national school. The hypothesis of the study was that the various forms of work practiced by teachers of the two countries – the GDR and the FRG, – during this period contributed to the formation of spiritual and moral values among the youth of the two German states. The following research methods were used: literature analysis, scientific and pedagogical interpretation of information contained in sources; comparative method; axiological method that allows to identify the positive content in the scientific subject. Main results of the study. The fundamental difference in socio-political and ideological attitudes that took place in the GDR and the FRG in 1949-1989 determined to a decisive extent the choice of forms and content of educational work carried out in educational institutions in both countries. In the GDR, there was a single comprehensive public school, which was under the full ideological and administrative control of the ruling Socialist United Party of Germany. Special attention was paid to educating the younger generation in the spirit of devotion to the ideals of socialism, rejection of religion and the values of bourgeois society. The Union of Free German Youth and the children's pioneer organization named after Ernst Telman were actively used in the process of socialist education of young people. At the same time, they actually copied the forms and methods of work of the corresponding organizations that operated in the USSR, – the Komsomol and the Lenin Pioneer organization. In Germany, on the contrary, there was a significant number of types of secondary educational institutions, many of which were non-governmental: private, Waldorf, Catholic and Evangelical, etc. Ideological education, aimed, among other things, at the assimilation of spiritual and moral values, was carried out mainly at school, in accordance with the guidelines adopted in this educational institution. The study allowed us to characterize the features of the formation of spiritual and moral values in the educational practice of Germany in the second half of the twentieth century. The significance of the results obtained is that they to a certain extent factual enrich modern Russian historical and pedagogical science. The main conclusion of the study is that in the GDR, the concept of the goal of education was inextricably linked with collective interests and orientation to the socialist ideology, while the liberal-democratic ideology in the FRG gave absolute priority to the individual over the collective. A scientifically formulated study of this approach provides a perspective for further research.

Promoting the regulatory or the redistributive state? The politicisation of core state power integration in the German Bundestag, 1978-2019

ABSTRACT We analyse the party politics of core state power integration in all German Bundestag debates on EU government declarations since 1978. Our analysis shows an increasing politicisation of the costs of integration. In general, all mainstream parties have expressed a continuous preference for regulation over capacity-building. Over time, however, cross-party differences increased. Parties developed distinct, ideologically grounded profiles on core state power integration, and costly supranational capacity-building produced particularly outspoken opposition. Ultimately, core state power integration ended the general consensus on EU affairs among integrationist mainstream parties in Germany, revealing fundamentally different understandings of the EU polity. Centre-right parties regard the EU as a market-centred community of self-reliant states, championing the instruments of the regulatory state. Centre-left parties, by contrast, see the EU as a political union that also organises solidarity among its member states, increasingly embracing a European redistributive state.

Wpływ mowy nienawiści zawartej w wypowiedziach przedstawicieli partii Alternatywa dla Niemiec na zmiany zachodzące w systemie zarządzania mediami w RFN

The impact of hate speech contained in the statements of the Alternative for Germany party representatives on changes taking place in the media management system in Germany The purpose of the article is to present the introduced legal solutions regulating the functioning and management of the media system in Germany, which came into force under the influence of changes in political communication. A case study is presented examples of hate speech in the discourse of the party of the new right-wing populism –Alternative for Germany (Alternative fur Deutschland, AfD). The party uses rhetoric which until now has been marginal in the German media and since the refugee crisis it has become an increasingly common form of expression. The analysis was conducted against the backdrop of events that influenced the Bundestags to adopted Law improving law enforcement in social networks (Gesetz zur Verbesserung der Rechtsdurchsetzung in sozialen Netzwerken, Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz, NetzDG). The analysis leads to the conclusions that the new right-wing populism changed the style of communication on the German political scene, which is not without influence on the decisions making by the legislator to introduce specific legal provisions regulating the management and framework of discourse in the social media in this state.

Запобігання героїзації військових злочинців та легалізації нацизму: практичні аспекти

The content of the legal norms enshrining the concepts of Nazism, Holocaust is determined in the research via the use of hermeneutic approach and formal and legal method. Broad and narrow approaches to interpreting these concepts in scientific doctrine have been identified. Their relationship with each other and with the concepts of crimes against humanity and international crimes has been clarified. The countries where Holocaust denial is a criminal offense have been identified. It has been established that jurisdiction of these cases has is not governed in the national legislation of Ukraine. It is concluded that there is no regulatory definition of the concept of the Holocaust at either international or national level. It is proposed to consider the concept of Holocaust as a form of genocide. In order to prevent corruption-causing factors in the regulatory governance of the issue and discrimination against the rights of any racial group, it is proposed to define the concept of Holocaust via a broad approach. The need for the legislator to take into account the intention of Nazis to completely exterminate not only Jews but also Roma, Poles, to take into account the facts of abuse, inhumane medical experiments on Soviet prisoners of war, murders and slave labor of the Slavs, the intention of assimilating civilians of the USSR with German racial group or relocate them beyond the Urals or exterminate when defining the concept of the Holocaust has been substantiated. It has been established that in violation of Article 1, paragraph 1, subparagraph 20 of the Law of Ukraine “On the Legal Status and Honoring the Memory of Fighters for the Independence of Ukraine in the Twentieth Century” No. 314 dated 09.04.2015 the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine did not approve the list of organizations, structures and formations existing during the twentieth century aimed at obtaining, restoring or protecting the independence of Ukraine. It has been established that the legislation does not define specific forms of legal and illegal fighting for independence of Ukraine. There is no regulatory definition of fighters for the independence of Ukraine (specific individuals, organizations, other formations) related to the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Germany and its units (SA, SD, SS, Gestapo). A number of recommendations have been provided. In particular, to open access to information about the persecution and mass extermination of Jews, Roma and Slavs during the Second World War, to approve the list of legal and illegal forms of fighting for independence, fighters for independence in the twentieth century.

The Delegates of the Brussels Conference of the Communist Party of Germany (October 1935)

The Delegates of the Brussels Conference of the Communist Party of Germany (October 1935)

"Flucht aus Frankreich, 1940" [Fuga da França] de Marianne Loring. Memórias: entre a fuga coletiva e o percurso individual

In 1940, the leaders of the Social Democratic Party of Germany which had taken refuge in Paris after years of exile in Prague, are forced to leave again, on an escape whose route crosses France, Spain and Portugal. The group included the young Marianne Loring, daughter of a prominent party member, who describes this escape in her memoirs, which were printed 50 years later. In my article, I will focus not only on the author's memoirs of the escape of the group, but also on her personal experiences, which evoke an education novel.

Регіональні соціально-економічні асиметрії та поширення правопопулізму в Німеччині

The article is devoted to the influence of regional socio-economic asymmetries on the spread of right-wing populism in Germany using the example of the electoral preferences of the Alternative for Germany party. The division between East and West Germany is manifested in regional asymmetries that affect all major social, migration and economic indicators. The methods of cluster and graphic analysis were used to test the hypotheses. The results of the empirical study confirmed the hypotheses, firstly, regarding the direct influence on the direct influence of significant differences in socio-economic development between the western and eastern states of Germany and on manifestations in social relations, in particular, regarding the support of right-wing radical movements. Secondly, regarding the direct connection between violence, intolerance and low tolerance for other cultures and the number of votes for the right-wing populist party. The expediency of reducing regional asymmetries between the economic well-being of the eastern and western lands of Germany and the activation of policies aimed at the formation of tolerance and respect for other cultures in Eastern Germany are substantiated.

Networks of the ‘Repugnant Other’: Understanding Right-wing Political Mobilization in Germany

Political scientists and sociologists have long been hesitant in applying frameworks from social movements studies to right-wing collective action. Generally developed for left-wing, progressive, egalitarian movements, concepts like rational mobilization, network analysis and micro-mobilizations are considered an awkward fit for analysis of right-wing political and social groups. This paper argues for the importance of such cross-over analysis on two levels. Methodologically, the paper demonstrates crucial importance of ethnographic fieldwork in study of political groups in order to understand the complexity of internal dynamics of right-wing political parties. Insights are drawn from author’s original fieldwork among rank-and-file members of ‘Alternative für Deutschland’ (AfD), a right-wing party in Germany. Substantively, the paper produces a nuanced empirical account of internal dynamics of right-wing mobilization. The paper argues, using insights from the field, that far from being homogenous, irrational and predictive, the actions of right-wing political activists appear to be multi-layered, complex and indeed rational, however onerous to liberal minds.

Трансформация института гражданства Европейского Союза в законодательстве РГ

The article studies the institution of citizenship in the Federal Republic of Germany (the “FRG”) and analyzes the constitutional provisions of the FRG laws regulating the institution of citizenship. The FRG institution of citizenship is also reviewed in this article from the European law standpoint. Special attention is paid to the correlation of the following concepts: “citizen of Germany”, “German” and “citizen of the European Union”. The concept of “German” is broader than the concept of a “citizen of Germany”, and not only the belonging to the German race is of importance for referring to “Germans”, but also the effective procedure for acceptance of interested parties in Germany.

Migration Policy in the Programs of FRG’s Leading Political Parties

The presented study is devoted to the reflection of migration policy concepts in the program documents of the leading political parties in Germany. The purpose of this work is to conduct a comprehensive assessment of migration policy concepts of Germany’s leading parties, incorporated in their programs. The research methodology is based on a combination of comparative descriptive analysis and elements of case study. The empirical basis of the research is constituted by program materials of 6 parties and party blocs, whose representatives became part of the Bundestag, according to the results of the 2017 federal elections. The author believes that despite certain differences, the majority of parties hold to the consensus stance on migration policy, which may entail maintaining the current course for the foreseeable future. Significant changes in migration policy are possible only if the leadership of the CDU/CSU is able to convince the leaders of the SPD to continue tightening migration policy in terms of restricting the flow of refugees. Attempting to sustain the existing model of migration policy with the current dynamics of the socioeconomic situation can lead to an increase in the popularity of AfD. However, this course of events does not threaten the stability of German political system, provided AfD does not ally itself with another influential party.

Процесс институционализации партии зеленых в ФРГ в 1979–2019 гг.

The present research considers the problem of institutionalization of the Green Party in Germany for the period of 40 years, which was determined by a multi-stage process of the party formation, as well as the innovative approach of “The Greens” in the development of the party's political course. “The Greens” began their activities by creating small local environmental groups, which by the 1980s had formed a single political party and began to actively participate in the political life of the country, which had marked the beginning of “The Greens” institutionalization process. Initially, the party positioned itself as an “alternative” to existing traditional political forces, which was clearly reflected in their proposed initiatives. However, over time, during the institutionalization process, “The Greens” began to move towards a “systemic” integration into the political life of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the status of “marginal opposition” disappeared. During its existence, the party put forward hundreds of various initiatives aimed at improving the environmental situation and the socio-economic system of Germany. These initiatives found receptive audience among the country’s population, which in recent years has had a positive impact on the dynamics of the party's popularity and made it one of the main socio-political forces in the country, finally completing the process of institutionalizing “The Greens”.

OP509 Do They Care? Debates About Nursing And Health Technology Assessment In The German Bundestag

IntroductionOpposition parties in Germany are allowed to send formal requests to the government to control actions and pass important political debates to the parliament. These formal requests include a comprehensive analysis report issued by the scientific service of the German parliament. A systematic overview of these reports would support a deeper understanding about healthcare topics and assessments discussed by parties in the highest German decision body, particularly in the field of nursing.MethodsWe conducted a review using the German parliament “Bundestag” database for all formal requests since 1949. To systemize the formal requests we performed a quantitative category analysis using descriptive statistics.ResultsWe identified 26,197 formal requests with 146 reports related to nursing issued between 1978 and 2019. The 146 reports related to nursing accounted for 0.54 percent of all requests. Almost 30 percent of these requests were related to recruitment and qualification. The second major topic, with 15 percent, was financing of the nursing sector. Of all 146 formal requests in the history of the Bundestag, 55 percent (n = 81) were issued in the last 10 years.ConclusionsNursing is an emerging topic in the German parliament, highlighting the demographic shift in Germany and the growing pressure in the nursing care sector. Health Technology Assessment bodies should be informed and work together with the scientific services of parliamentary bodies. This would support a more transparent and evidence based healthcare system, aside from lobbyism.

Why Is the AfD so Successful in Eastern Germany? An Analysis of the Ideational Foundations of the AfD Vote in the 2017 Federal Election

The Alternative for Germany party (AfD) has been more successful electorally in eastern than in western Germany. In this paper, we look at nativism coupled with populist attitudes as possible contributors to the 2017 federal electoral outcome. We compare two alternative mechanisms for the varying election results, the first being whether individuals living in eastern Germany are, on average, more nativist and populist inclined; the second, whether nativism and populism are more salient when these voters go to the polls. The results show that there indeed exists a slightly higher level of nativist and populist sentiment among the east German citizens than among the west Germans. This difference concerns older east Germans in particular, who were politically socialised during the German separation. Furthermore, elements of nativist and populist ideas explain electoral support for the AfD in both parts of the country, but nativism appears to be more relevant in the east. Overall, the analysis of the short-term campaign panel data from the German Longitudinal Election Study suggests that the inspected ideational foundations contribute to the east–west gap in AfD support without accounting for it completely.

Discourses of the Willkommenskultur (Welcoming culture) in Germany

ABSTRACT Given the rise of populist parties in Germany and the charge that multiculturalism is dead, the present research examines how everyday Germans formulate an account of cultural diversity and multiculturalism. We employ a critical discursive psychological analysis and focus particularly on the arguments used to criticize cultural diversity and multiculturalism. Asynchronous online interviews were conducted with eighteen native-born German citizens. The data analysis shows that participants criticized cultural diversity and multiculturalism by deploying ‘Leitkultur-style’ nationalistic discourses and normalizing the hierarchical relations between immigrants and Germans. Participants also questioned multiculturalism as an ideology and everyday practice and moved back and forth between diverging accounts. These discourses reinforce dominant ideologies that place immigrants’ responsibility to assimilate and adopt German cultural norms and values. Our findings suggest that there are critical, flexible, and contradictory social markers of multiculturalism that have significant ramifications for policy and to everyday people who face the real task of living with cultural diversity.

South goes East. Zuid-Afrikaanse literatuur bij Volk & Welt

The paper analyses the transfer of South African literature to the German Democratic Republic. In its historiographic/methodological dimension it presents findings on the statistics of (South) African literature(s) translations in the Verlag Volk und Welt (the major East German publisher in the area of contemporary world literature), and on the place of literary translations in the East German foreign cultural policy, as well as in the socialist solidarity discourse of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) and the antiapartheid movement. Furthermore, findings are presented on the publisher-internal selection criteria applied to South African literature, based on the archival data from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin (i.e. applications for a print permit and internal/external reviews), on issues around the transformation and adaptation of literature translated in the realm of the East German Weltliteratur, and on the transfer of South African literature from the GDR, based on the English language series Seven Seas Books. Lastly, the function of this alternative canon, framed within the so-called ‘minor transnationalism’, is spelled out.