Parties In Finland Research Articles

Challenging the Nordic model? The cultural policies of populist parties in Finland and Sweden

ABSTRACT Cultural policy is increasingly re-politicised by populism amid shifting political discourse in Europe and beyond. This article investigates the re-politicisation of cultural policy in Sweden and Finland, set against the backdrop of rising populism, which is potentially reshaping the traditionally stable Nordic cultural policy landscape. It focuses on the cultural policies of two populist parties: the Finns Party in Finland and the Sweden Democrats in Sweden. Employing qualitative analysis of party programs, this study reveals both parties’ opposition to several aspects of the Nordic cultural policy model. The parties advocate for ‘regular people’ as opposed to the ‘elite’ and emphasise national identity over economy-driven policies, marking a shift from the neoliberal tendencies of the past decades. Our analysis highlights the role of these parties in politicising culture and challenging the long-standing consensus in Nordic cultural policies. These findings shed light on the evolving dynamics of Nordic cultural policy under growing populist influence.

Results of the Finnish parliamentary elections and their possible impact on Russian-Finnish relations

The article examines the results of the next parliamentary elections in Finland, which took place on April 2, 2023. The author assesses the performance of the main political parties in the period since the previous elections and considers the key positions of the election campaigns of the parties that passed to parliament in 2023. In order to identify the dynamics of changes in the political situation, the author conducts a comparative analysis of the results of the leading political parties in Finland in the elections of 2019 and 2023, and characterizes the parties that were represented in the parliament in the period from 2019 to 2023. The author considers the results of the government formed in December 2019 headed by the leader of the Social Democratic Party S.Marin, the possible reasons for the preservation of the high rating of the head of this government among the population and its impact on the course of the election campaign in 2023. Special attention is paid to the position of the Finnish leadership and leading political parties regarding Russia's special military operation in Ukraine. Finland's support of anti-Russian measures and NATO membership has destroyed many years of trade and economic ties between the countries. The forecast for the further development of Russian-Finnish relations cannot be called optimistic: the mutual cooling of recent years is likely to continue. There is a chance to build new ties between Russia and Finland, but it requires certain efforts and counter steps from both countries.

Gender equality or employment promotion? The politicization of parental leave policy in Finland

ABSTRACTIn 2022, a new parental leave system with equal leave rights for parents saw daylight in Finland. The road towards this reform was not entirely uncontroversial, and one stumbling block was different interpretations of the meaning of gender equality. This article contributes to the literature by analysing how seven political parties in Finland politicised the idea of gender equality and leave quotas during the 2010s. We argue that ideological factors delayed a reform of the leave system in a more gender-equal way, since left-wing parties not only put more emphasis on gender equality and state-regulated leave quotas for fathers than conservatives, they also did so for somewhat different reasons connected with the Social Investment paradigm. Moreover, although the conservatives did warm up to the idea of gender equality on a general level during this period, and some of them started to support the use of leave quotas, providing some of the consensus needed for the 2021 reform, this did not alter their traditional views on the family and gender roles. Instead, the policy idea of leave quotas was reframed as an instrumental tool to achieve higher (maternal) employment, and only secondarily as a tool for gender equality.

The imperative of expertise: Why and how the professionalisation of policymaking transforms political parties?

This study analyses professional policy experts in political parties. While recent studies have described the characteristics of ‘unelected politicians’, the drivers for their emergence and impact on democracy have not yet been fully elaborated. We examine these aspects via Finnish party elite interviews (n=79). We challenge the traditional party professionalization narrative where parties’ increasing publicity management efforts diminish intra-party democracy (IPD) and parties’ political ambitions. We find that in addition to campaign, media, and democratic needs, political parties in Finland are concerned especially by their policymaking capacity that has shifted to experts of public administration and lobbyists, and which parties seek to strengthen with the recruitment of more political employees. This elevates the role of partisan policy professionals within political parties, a perspective that has been downplayed in party organisation literature. We call this the imperative of expertise and conclude that while it likely limits traditional IPD, it can improve representative democracy by enhancing parties’ policy control against the technocratic tendencies of contemporary democracy.

Политический террор Партии активного сопротивления Финляндии и леворадикальных организаций в Великом княжестве Финляндском в 1903-1907 гг.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the terrorist activities of the Active Resistance Party of Finland («activists») and left-wing radical organizations in the Grand Duchy of Finland in 1903–1907. The article used such methods of scientific research as descriptive, historical, retrospective and comparative method. The article examines in detail the terrorist activities of the militants of the Active Resistance Party of Finland against the highest officials of state bodies of the Grand Duchy of Finland, namely, the plot describes the assassination attempt on Governor-Generals N.I. Bobrikov and I.M. Obolensky, on the governor of the Tavastgus province A.A. Papkov, on other high-ranking officials of the principality, and also tells about the murder of the prosecutor of the Finnish Senate E. Soisalon-Soininen (Johnsson) and the reaction to this murder of the Finnish society. In addition to the terrorist activities of the militants of the radical bourgeois Active Resistance Party of Finland, terror, as a method of combating the existing government, in the period considered in the article, was also carried out by left-wing radical organizations, which at the stage of their formation had the closest connection with the Active Resistance Party of Finland. The article analyzes the terrorist acts committed by such radical left organizations as «workers' activists», the Force of the Karelian people, «Bloody Dogs», as well as anarchists, including an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Nicholas II by militants from the «Bloody Dogs» organization, during while the emperor was hunting in Björkö. The article provides information about the close military and revolutionary cooperation of the Active Resistance Party of Finland and radical left organizations with the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party, including in the preparation (making of bombs) and carrying out terrorist acts. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the analysis and definition of the place and role of terror as a political practice and method of struggle of various political forces of the Grand Duchy of Finland in 1903-1907, starting with the bourgeois-separatist Active Resistance Party of Finland and ending with small anarchist groups. The terror of the Finnish radicals, despite their declared politically "noble" goals of the struggle for the independence of Finland and the struggle for the liberation of labor from the yoke of capital, did not find mass support from the Finnish society, moreover, caused rejection in it, which became one of the reasons for the political collapse Active resistance parties in Finland and the collapse of left-wing organizations that relied on terror as a means to achieve their goals.

Hyvinvointivaltiokansalaisuusdiskurssit neljän suurimman puolueen eduskuntavaaliohjelmissa 1991–2019

Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on tehdä näkyväksi millaisia ideologisia valintoja Suomen neljä suurinta puoluetta ovat tehneet eduskuntavaaliohjelmissaan suhteessa hyvinvointivaltiokansalaisuusdiskursseihin 1991 vuodesta alkaen. Tarkastelemme erityisesti vaaliohjelmissa tuotettuja kansalaisen poliittisia ja sosiaalisia oikeuksia ja velvollisuuksia sekä kansalaisen ja valtion välistä oikeudellinen sidettä ja sen legitimointia. Tarkastelemme puolueiden hyvinvointivaltiokansalaisuusdiskursseja pohjoismaisesta hyvinvointivaltiomallista käytävän kamppailun viitekehyksessä. Kansalaisuustulkinnat ohjaavat yhteiskuntapolitiikkaa ja esimerkiksi määritelmät kansalaisten tarpeista vaikuttavat palvelurakenteeseen. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu Kansallinen Kokoomus r.p.:n, Perussuomalaiset r.p.:n, Suomen Keskusta r.p.:n ja Suomen Sosialidemokraattinen Puolue r.p.:n eduskuntavaaliohjelmista vuosilta 1991–2019. Perussuomalaiset r.p.:n osalta aineisto kattaa vaalivuodet 1999–2019. Tutkimuksen menetelmällinen lähestymistapa on kriittinen diskurssianalyysi ja sen avulla pyritään erityisesti löytämään argumentaatiota ja keinoja, joilla vaaliohjelmissa perustellaan kansalaisuustulkintoja. Kansalaisen poliittisiin ja sosiaalisiin oikeuksiin ja velvollisuuksiin liittyen tunnistimme kaksi diskurssia: palveluiden kohteena olevan kansalaisen ja omatoimisen kansalaisen diskurssit. Kansalaisen ja valtion oikeudelliseen siteeseen ja legitimiteettiin liittyen tunnistimme kansanvallan diskurssin. Puolueiden diskurssien välillä ei ollut löydettävissä perustavanlaatuisia näkemyseroja, vaan erot liittyivät enemmänkin painotuksiin.

From autonomy to independence: The Provisional government and Finland in 1917

The article is dedicated to the history of Russian-Finnish relations in the period between the February and October revolutions 1917 in Russia. It was the period where the idea of secession from the Russian state finally formed in the Finnish society, which was embodied in the Declaration of Independence on December 6, 1917. This paper examines the Finnish policy of the Provisional Government, the relationship between the Provisional Government, the ruling elite and political parties in Finland, reasons for the radicalization of the national requirements of the Finns. The author tries to clarify why Russian liberals and democrats in 1917 were unsuccessful in “domesticating” Finnish nationalism.

Constructing a new tool for assessing environmental worldviews of individuals and organizations – case environmental worldview analysis of seven political parties in Finland

Environmental disputes often encompass both a conflict over the practical issue itself and, more fundamentally, a conflict over environmental worldviews (EWVs). In this study, a new two-dimensional tool has been created for measuring prevailing EWVs in individuals and organizations. Respondent’s place on the horizontal axis shows preference on an institutional scale where environmental issues should be handled. Therefore, the x-axis shows the relationship between social greens (highlighting local communities) and institutionalists (believing in strong global cooperation and institutions). The vertical axis describes focus on sustainability/nature vs. market/economy, thus showing preference between bioenvironmentalists and market liberals. EWVs were measured in Finnish political parties, actors in environmental administration, many non-environmental organizations and public innovation funders. Principal component analysis showed that the two-dimensional analysis fits well to the EWV analysis. Data (n = 1637) approximates symmetrically the bell curve of a normal distribution in both the axes, with neglible linear relation between the axes. A case study of seven Finnish political parties revealed remarkable EWV differences, logically compared to the existing research. Moreover, the respondent’s views on globalization were found to follow a very different logic from the environmental concern. An analytical tool of EWVs fosters harmonious decision-making, facilitating constructive solutions in environmental debate.

The Life Cycle Model and Press Coverage of Nordic Populist Parties

The article traces the life cycles of the Nordic populist parties by exploring the relationship between media coverage and contemporary populist parties in Finland (Finns Party), Sweden (Sweden Democrats), Norway (Norwegian Progress Party) and Denmark (Danish People's Party). Empirically the study is based on a content analysis of 3337 journalistic articles published in the leading quality and popular newspapers of Finland, Sweden, Norway and Denmark during the first parliamentary elections of the 2010s. The analysis confirms the life cycle model introduced in The Media and Neo-Populism. A Contemporary Comparative Analysis edited by Gianpietro Mazzoleni, Julianne Stewart, and Bruce Horsfield (2003, Praeger, Westport, CT), which found that parties in their insurgent phase gained more media attention than parties in their established phase. This study found populism currently a more important topic in Finland and Sweden, where populist movements were entering parliament, whereas in Norway and in Denmark, after long-term success, the domestic populist parties had become more mainstream and their media attention normalized. The popular newspapers tended to be more positive about populist parties than quality papers. However, these results can be explained partly by journalistic routines and by country-specific political conditions. Thus, further research is needed to prove the life cycle model.

Electoral Reform and Party System Change: An Analysis of Nordic Elections with Two Different Electoral Systems

Electoral system reforms are frequently discussed in various parts of the world, although major electoral system changes have been quite rare in established democracies. This article aims at predicting how the party systems in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden would change if elections were conducted under a plurality system or a mixed‐member majoritarian system. To this end, results of the last parliamentary elections are recalculated. The analyses show that the Nordic party systems would be subjected to drastic change. In Denmark, plurality elections would create a two‐party system; in Finland, Norway and Sweden, one party would be much larger than the others. Keskusta and Arbeiderpartiet would be superior to the other parties in Finland and Norway, respectively, whereas Socialdemokratiska Arbetarepartiet would almost take complete control over the Swedish legislature. In practice, smaller parties would have to team up with larger ideologically similar parties. Under a mixed electoral system, several small and medium‐sized parties would survive, but in most countries, the main competition would take place between two basic political alternatives. Smaller parties are well‐advised to go against electoral system reforms that involve single‐member districts.

Open list, open mandate? Links between MEPs and parties in Finland

Using a principal-agent framework, this paper argues that the level of contacts or control between parties and their MEPs depends on the costs and benefits of such control for national parties. Based on interviews of party officials carried out in 2004 – 2005, the paper shows how in Finland the electoral system impacts on relations between parties and MEPs. The open-list system works against active control of MEPs, as the party leadership has – despite centralized candidate selection procedures – fairly limited incentives to influence MEPs' work.

Hesitant Voters, Committed Elite: Explaining the Lack of Eurosceptic Parties in Finland

Considering the relatively narrow majority in favour of joining the European Union in the referendum held in 1994, the traditionally state–centric political culture, and low public support for the EU, Finland would seem to have all the key preconditions for adopting a more intergovernmental approach to European integration. Yet, paradoxically, the situation is very much the opposite, with successive Finnish governments consistently in favour of both deeper policy integration and of increasing the powers of supranational institutions. This article examines the lack of elite–level opposition to European integration in Finland, arguing that elite commitment to deeper integration is explained by three factors: the consensual style of politics and bargaining involved in forming coalition governments, the system of formulating national EU policy and the candidate–centred electoral system. Despite the lack of similar support for the EU among the electorate, the main lines of Finnish integration policy will remain stable in the coming years.

Juvenile Justice in Scandinavia

The main issue is the legal protection of children and juveniles suspected of or convicted for crime. The age of criminal responsibility is 15 years in the countries concerned. Particular juvenile justice systems do not exist in Scandinavia. There are, however, exceptions from the general system in order to maintain needs, interests and rights of children and juveniles. Some common characteristics are described, for instance diversion of juveniles from prison into social welfare measures and the prohibition of placing children in jail. Individual characteristics are pointed out as well. Introduction of secure social institutions as an alternative to imprisonment in Sweden and Denmark is one, mediation processes with children as parties in Finland and Norway is another. It is argued that from the point of view of legality the demands for legal rights are of greatest importance in prosecution and punishment matters, whereas social welfare support is not to the same degree concerned about such questions. Furthermore it is argued that in spite of good intentions the Scandinavian countries challenge the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, by not definitely prohibiting the possibility of a juvenile serving a prison sentence together with adults. It is stated that the distance between constructive pragmatism and destructive loss of principles as legality, equality and proportionality may be short. Crime trends are not linked to the politics: there is no relation between crime rates and political attention to crime. Juvenile justice has increasing political attention these years while the crime rates tend to be stable. In relation not solely to the economy and the Convention but first and foremost in the interest of children and juveniles more thought should be given to scientific experiences about early and appropriate prevention.

'Communists we are no longer, Social Democrats we can never be': The Evolution of the Leftist Parties in Finland and Sweden

Comparison of the evolution of the post-communist parties of Finland (VAS) and Sweden (V) in the period since the collapse of communist rule reveals differences in the trajectory of their support, and raises the question of whether the Swedish V has boasted a more effective adaptive strategy. It appears that, as in central and eastern Europe, there has been an attempted social-democratization of the post-communist parties in both Finland and Sweden, facilitated by the neo-liberalization of the ruling Social Democrats. Both parties, moreover, have pursued a pro-coalition strategy. Paradoxically, it has been the Swedish V's failure to enter government which has been the crucial factor in its electoral growth.

The Inflammable Alcohol Issue: Alcohol Policy Argumentation in the Programs of Political Parties in Finland, Norway and Sweden from the 1960s to the 1990s

In Finland, Norway and Sweden the alcohol policy positions of political parties have been related to party ideologies in complex ways. Until the 1950s, Nordic parties had brought up temperance argumentation. The consensus was enhanced by the radicalism of the 1960s. Improved alcohol availability was argued for across the political map; the dividing factor was generation. Regional, cultural and religious differences, but not political ideology, were important. Because the liberal arguments in the political arena were aimed at civilizing drinking patterns, they belonged to the tradition of political rather than market liberalism. It was only at the outset of the “backlash” period, around 1974, that the alcohol issue was “politicized” according to party ideologies. The parties shifted from the traditional temperance argument toward a more goal-oriented attention to the consequences of drinking, rather than drinking itself. Nowadays the difference in attitudes toward market liberalism has had an increasing impact on the Nordic parties ‘ alcohol policies.

Compulsory Party Democracy

Political parties in Finland deviate from the Scandinavian standard, as they are highly controlled by laws and decrees. Regulation and control have a negative connotation in Scandinavia because they are seen as associated with state interference, in opposition to the corner-stones of civic liberty. Organization theories support the negative conceptions, as publicly controlled organizations are considered more centralized and less open to membership influence. According to these theories, this tendency is most prominent in large and/or important parties. However, the present study shows that there is a wide variety among parties in their degree of hierarchical and egalitarian rule. Party organization is affected more by age of party and common ideology than by party size and importance. The system promotes a given level of membership influence, as party democracy is compulsory.

Party Propaganda in Motion: Finland 1954–1991

This study addresses itself to the election campaigns of political parties in Finland and the changes which have taken place over time. Political parties are no longer strictly defined by ideology‐rigid class structures have disappeared; and the primary hypothesis is that the parties have grown increasingly similar with respect to propaganda techniques and voter orientation. The empirical data in this study are based on the election platforms and campaign posters of the four largest parties in preparation for the parliamentary elections of 1954, 1966, 1975, 1987 and 1991. In order to elucidate the election propaganda of the political parties even further, a partial examination has been made of election campaign advertising by individual parties and candidates in four political affiliated newspapers as well as in an independent daily newspaper.The primary hypothesis is clearly supported by this research: political parties have structured their rhetoric to appeal to all voters as opposed to having earlier directed their message to a traditional voter class/category, such as farmers, manual workers and white collar workers. The Communist party platform of 1975, which displayed a high degree of class/category specific orientation, constitutes an exception from this rule. The use of offensive propaganda has decreased, but there are exceptions from this rule as well. This article serves as a summary of the main findings of my licentiate thesis in political science at the Abo Academy University.

Western European communists and the collapse of communism

The Italian Communist Party - Gorbachev and the end of really existing socialism, Stephen Gundle post-Communist parties in Finland and Scandinavia - a red-green road to the 21st century, David Arter French Communism's final struggle', D.S.Bell the Portuguese party - loyalty in the Communist ideal, Maria Teresa Particio and Alan D.Stoleroff the Greek Communist party in the post Gorbachev era, Ole L.Smith requiem for the Spanish Communist party, Jose Amodia endgame - the Communist party of Great Britain, John Callaghan the German Communists', Heinrich Bortfeldt and Wayne C.Thompson the Communist party of the Netherlands - premature perestroika, Gerrit Voerman conclusion - the Communist international and the future of Communism.

Liberal parties in Western Europe

List of tables List of diagrams List of maps Notes on the contributors Preface 1. Introduction Emil J. Kirchner 2. Between left and right: the ambivalence of European liberalism Gordon Smith 3. Two roads of Italian liberalism: the Partito Repubblicano Italiano (PRI) and the Partito Liberale Italiano (PLI) Geoffrey Pridham 4. The FDP in the Federal Republic of Germany: the requirements of survival and success Emil J. Kirchner and David Broughton 5. Great Britain - social liberalism reborn? John Curtice 6. Liberalism in France John Frears 7. Liberal parties in the Netherlands Hans Daalder and Ruud Koole 8. The Belgian liberal parties: economic radicals and social conservatives Christopher Rudd 9. The Freiheitliche Partei Osterreichs: protest party or governing party? K. R. Luther 10. The Swedish Liberal Party: the politics of unholy alliances Ulf Lindstrom and Ingemar Worlund 11. Liberalism in Denmark: agrarian, radical and still influential Alastair H. Thomas 12. The Norwegian Liberal Party: from political pioneer to political footnote Forn Y. Leiphart and Lars Svasand 13. Liberal parties in Finland: from perennial coalition actors to an extra-parliamentary role David Arter 14. Liberal parties in Switzerland D. L. Seiler 15. The Luxemburg Liberal Party Derek Hearl 16. Identifying liberal parties Peter Humphreys and Michael Steed 17. Ambivalence revisited: an analysis of liberal party manifestos since 1945 Derek Hearl 18. Transnational links: the ELD and Liberal Party Group in the European Parliament Rudolf Hrbek 19. Western European liberal parties: developments since 1945 and prospects for the future Emil J. Kirchner Index of political parties General index.

DIMENSIONS OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGE IN MULTI‐PARTY SYSTEMS

ABSTRACTRecent research on political dimensions in the Scandinavian party systems at five non‐electorate “levels” of dimensional analysis (content analysis of party programs, content analysis of expressions of party stances on current issues, positions taken by the parliamentary parties as behaving units, roll call analysis and interviews of individual legislators, and interviews with leaders and members of party organizations) justify the rejection of the unidimensional spatial model of party competition. Data on the social structure, attitudes and opinions, and voting behavior of the supporters of different parties provide indirect information about the dimensions of political cleavage. More directly, the “perceived party dimensions” can be concluded from aggregates of individual assessments for which the parties as such are the stimuli Averaged rank orderings of the parties provide ordinal measures that have been used as inputs for multidimensional scaling techniques.An experiment of measuring the mutual distances of political parties in Finland used percentages of the second and the two last party choices as measures of party distance. A qualitative analysis of the exceptions to regular orderings along the basic left/right dimension suggested the presence of six additional political dimensions: the producers and agriculture/the consumers and urban industries; the established parties/the temporary small parties; recognized and noted centers/the “forgotten people” (populist dimension); Finnish/Swedish; communism/non‐communism; and victorious/losing.Three developments can be envisaged in future dimensional analysis of multiparty systems: comparisons across countries, comparisons between different levels in the political system, and predictions of emerging political changes.