Civil Society Participation Research Articles

Protecting the Unprotected Consumer Data in Internet of Things: Current Scenario of Data Governance in Malaysia

With the increasing number of smart devices and connections in Internet of Things (IoT) comes risks—specifically involving consumer data protection. In this respect, this exploratory research examines the current issues of IoT and personal data protection in Malaysia that includes: regulatory frameworks and data governance; issues and gaps; and key challenges in implementation. Results from this mixed-methods research indicates that a majority of consumers expressed concern about personal data risks due to increased usage of IoT devices. Moreover, there is a crucial need to increase regulation and accountability in the industry. In this regard, collaboration and partnerships between the main stakeholders are essential in tackling emerging issues of IoT and personal data protection. In order to strengthen IoT data governance, the fundamentals should be: strengthening consumer education and smart partnership between government-industry-civil society; providing motivation for active participation of NGOs and civil society; and obtaining industry buy-in. This paper also proposes a structure for the governance of evolving data-related technology, particularly in the case of data breaches or cyber incidents. It adds to the wider discussion of the current scenario, and proposes a model of collective responsibility in IoT data governance that is underpinned by the three principles of fair information practices, privacy impact assessment and privacy accountability.

The triple helix in developed countries: when knowledge meets innovation?

This paper deals with innovation viewed through the triple helix model as a milestone in the contemporary society of knowledge-based economies. Our goal is to empirically investigate the (in)efficient utilisation of academia, industry and government as three helices in order to boost innovations. Therefore, we construct a sample of 30 developed OECD countries with data covering the period from 2006 to 2018 and set up an input-oriented BCC data envelopment analysis that employs variables with non-negative average values over the entire period to calculate their efficiency scores. Our estimates from the radial models show that countries could reduce their inputs by a mean value of 11.9 per cent and keep their level of innovations in the triple helix model and by a mean of 5.8 per cent on average in the extended quintuple helix model. We find higher total inefficiencies in the non-radial models, which amount to 25.3 per cent on average in the triple helix model and 21.8 per cent on average in the quintuple helix model. The breakdown of the inefficiency score for different inputs reveals that countries have the largest potential for reducing CO2 emissions and the least room to reduce the Education Index and Civil Society Participation.

Contextual factors in premature non-communicable disease mortality in selected African countries within the sustainable development goals framework: the implication of voice and accountability.

Sustainable Development Goal number 3, target 4 (SDG 3.4), seeks a 30% reduction in premature Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs) mortality from 2015 levels by 2030. Africa United Nations (UN) Member States continue to experience increasing NCD mortality significantly, with the highest proportion of diabetes mortality among the working-age group. Past efforts to address this burden have been centered primarily on individual risk modifications evident by the NCDs Cluster Program at the World Health Organization (WHO) Africa Regional Office. To achieve a progressive reduction, a comprehensive premature NCD reduction approach which includes a consideration of contexts within which premature NCD, such diabetes mortality arises is necessary. The aim was to examine the relationship between contextual factors and diabetes-related deaths as premature NCD mortality and to enable an improved contextualized evidence-based approach to premature NCD mortality reduction. Country-level data was retrieved for post SDG initiative years (2016-2019) from multiple publicly available data sources for 32 selected Africa UN Member States in the International Diabetes Federation (IDF) East and West Africa Region. Multiple linear regression was employed to examine the relationship between diabetes-related deaths in individuals 20-79 years and contextual factors identified within the SDG framework. Weighted data analysis showed that voice and accountability as a contextual factor explained approximately 47% variability in diabetes-related deaths across the selected Africa UN Member Sates in IDF East and West Region (n=32). Civil society engagement is vital to develop effective premature NCD mortality reduction policies, and strategies and stakeholders’ accountabilities are necessary to ensure adherence to obligations.

DOES PANDEMIC DECLINED OR MAINTAINED DEMOCRACY?

This paper investigates two sides effects of COVID-19 pandemic on democracy in Indonesia. Majority articles on democracy and pandemic argue that COVID-19 pandemic has declined democracy in many countries, including Indonesia. This article, on the one hand agrees with the dominant argument, but on the other hand argues that the COVID-19 pandemic also contributed to maintain democracy. This paper bases democracy on Beetham's notion whose defined democracy as popular control over public affairs with the principles of equality and participation. In order to examine relationship between democracy and pandemic, we use three issues as case studies: the Minerba Bill, the Omnibus Law and data transparency issues. This paper uses qualitative methods and data obtained by literature study regarding civil society’s participation and control in public affairs during the last a year. Two main findings of this paper show that the pandemic has accelerated democratic decline trough two directions, they are from above and from below. Decline from above due to restrictions of freedom of speech and civil participation in public affairs. At the same time, decline from below occurred due to people cleavage in public health issues. In addition, disinformation spread by buzzer which redistributed by other people has been made this situation worse. Otherwise, pandemic also maintained democracy through strengthening civil society's networks and participation marked by strengthening digital activism network toward country’s policy and data transparency. It may be concluded that civil society play a crucial role in maintaining global democracy, especially during the pandemic.

Telaah Keterlibatan Masyarakat Sipil dalam Tata Kelola ASEAN

ASEAN is facing criticism in its journey towards a regional organization that involves civil society participation based on Vision 2020 which was first introduced on 15 December 1997. Whereas after the regional financial crisis in 1997-1998, ASEAN leaders began to promote people-oriented ideas in Southeast Asia. Thus, this paper aims to explain the mechanism for involving civil society in ASEAN governance. The logic of appropriateness about the involvement of civil society in the policy-making process at global institutions becomes a theoretical framework for understanding implementation in regional organizations. This study applies a qualitative analysis method. The technique of collecting data is through literature study that relies on research publications, government reports, and internet-based literature. The results of the study understand that the ASEAN Charter and Guidelines for Affiliation of Civil Society Organizations 2012 are official documents that contain rules for ASEAN in opening up space for civil society involvement in governance in ASEAN. There are three mechanisms for involving civil society in ASEAN governance, namely affiliates, ad hoc consultations and GO-NGO forums. The contribution of civil society is adjusted to the prevailing institutional objectives. However, these three participation mechanisms serve to limit civil society organizations from using these channels to challenge policies or propose alternative agendas.

Civil Society and Peace

South Sudan is one of the countries that has been hit by internal conflict since its independence in 2011. This article basically describes the involvement of civil society in peace negotiations in South Sudan. Using the literature study method and through the concepts of civil society and peace, this article reviews and analyzes the extent to which local civil society is involved in the peace negotiation process in South Sudan. This article has a finding that civil society participation in peace efforts in South Sudan is quite high, but not significant. This is an implication of the conflict pattern which tends to be structural. On the other hand, limited resources, both technical and material, are a major obstacle in relation to the ability of civil society in South Sudan to engage in peace efforts. Thus, as far as civil society is involved in peace efforts in South Sudan, their presence is only a mere formality, while the main decision remains with the political elites in South Sudan.

Participation for just governance of food-system transition

Sustainability transitions governance needs to be inclusive and participatory and the question of justice is crucial for making effective and acceptable changes possible. But how do we ensure adequate participation in governance processes and enable reconciliation between competing goals in relation to sustainability transitions? Transition management highlights the need for participatory and reflexive governance processes to enable sustainability transitions. However, due to participant selection and limitations in chosen approaches, deliberative and participatory forums may have difficulties ensuring justice and legitimacy. A systemic and practice-oriented perspective on deliberation points to the need to widen deliberative activities and analysis on multiple sites, but the connection to transition governance and justice remains weak. In the context of food systems, various movements and networks, such as alternative food networks, food-policy councils, and food-sovereignty movements, work to create a more just and sustainable food system. They form an interesting manifestation for participation in just food governance and can provide new ideas for the development of more equitable governance practices. We analyze studies on civil society participation in food-system transitions to develop understanding of how to improve just transition governance. Based on this investigation, more just sustainability transition governance requires systemic and reflexive deliberation that is also capable of accounting for the role of social movements. There furthermore is a need for institutional arrangements to support this kind of decision making.

DIGITAL CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE MODERN INFORMATION SOCIETY

The article is devoted to the analysis of the basic concepts of digital constitutionalism, the characteristics of doctrinal development and areas of research, as well as to cover the problematic issues related to the definition of this phenomenon in the system of modern constitutionalism. It is noted that, despite the rather solid list of the latest analytical works regarding digital constitutionalism, its doctrinal definition is not complete, and there is no clearly recognized definition of this concept. There is now a general consensus among researchers that digital constitutionalism is a set of traditional constitutional values adapted to the new requirements of the digital environment. From the standpoint of digital constitutionalism, society should respond to the shortcomings of digital technologies and provide the ideals, values and principles of modern democratic constitutionalism, support its balance sheet and guarantee system. Digital constitutionalism advocates such fundamental principles as the rule of law, the separation of powers, democracy and the protection of human rights in a qualitatively new context of the information society. At the same time, new constitutional principles emerge in various forms. Not only as amendments to national constitutions, but also as internal rules of online platform, precedent right of national constitutional courts and transnational judicial bodies, but even as legally optional declarations of Internet rights, which are promoted by participants in civil society. This gives grounds to argue that digital constitutionalism is a new direction of modern constitutionalism (New Branch of constiturationalism) while remaining within a democratic legal discourse.
 Thus, it is stated that digital constitutionalism has noted a new phase of development of modern constitutionalism and a new paradigm of constitutional and legal research. Without these factors, it is impossible to ensure the modern constitutional and legal development of states and the improvement of national constitutional legislation.

Civil Society Engagement in The Fight Against AMR: From the New National Plan in Italy To the AMR Patient Alliance at The European Level

The World Health Organization (WHO) has recognized antimicrobial resistance (AMR) as one of the top 10 public health threats worldwide, as it compromises the ability to treat even minor infections and puts surgical procedures and other advanced, life-saving medical interventions at serious risk [1]. The year 2025 will mark 10 years since the adoption of the WHO Global Action Plan against AMR [2], and despite the progress made to date, there is still a need to initiate concrete and effective actions to eradicate this phenomenon, which is still too little widespread in the collective consciousness: it is no coincidence that some experts label it with the name "silent tsunami" [3], while others speak of a "neglected pandemic" [4], and already this is a message that should not be overlooked, and a more than valid reason to engage in the fight against AMR. In this regard, how to raise awareness, and what contribution can be expected from civic organizations and patients' advocacy groups (PAGs) in support of initiatives – both institutional and non-institutional – to counter AMR? This article illustrates an experience of civic activism that has managed to cross national borders from Italy.

Civil Society Engagement in The Fight Against AMR: From the New National Plan in Italy To the AMR Patient Alliance at The European Level

The World Health Organization (WHO) has recognized antimicrobial resistance (AMR) as one of the top 10 public health threats worldwide, as it compromises the ability to treat even minor infections and puts surgical procedures and other advanced, life-saving medical interventions at serious risk [1]. The year 2025 will mark 10 years since the adoption of the WHO Global Action Plan against AMR [2], and despite the progress made to date, there is still a need to initiate concrete and effective actions to eradicate this phenomenon, which is still too little widespread in the collective consciousness: it is no coincidence that some experts label it with the name "silent tsunami" [3], while others speak of a "neglected pandemic" [4], and already this is a message that should not be overlooked, and a more than valid reason to engage in the fight against AMR. In this regard, how to raise awareness, and what contribution can be expected from civic organizations and patients' advocacy groups (PAGs) in support of initiatives – both institutional and non-institutional – to counter AMR? This article illustrates an experience of civic activism that has managed to cross national borders from Italy

Public Policies and Programs for the Prevention and Control of Breast Cancer in Latin American Women: Scoping Review.

BackgroundBreast cancer has positioned itself worldwide as one of the main public health problems, especially in Latin America. In some countries, several programs for the prevention and control of breast cancer in women have been developed and implemented on a permanent basis, but there are no public reports on the policies that originated such programs.ObjectiveA scoping review of scientific publications that identify the type, extent, and scope of policies and programs for the prevention and control of breast cancer in Latin American women was performed, and the main results were presented in this paper.MethodsThis scoping review was carried out according to the method by Arksey and O’Malley based on 3 fundamental questions about breast cancer prevention and control policies in Latin America: their type, extent and scope, and reference framework. The search period was from 2000 to 2019, and the search was carried out in the following databases: MEDLINE (PubMed), MEDLINE (EbscoHost), CINAHL (EbscoHost), Academic Search Complete (EbscoHost), ISI Web of Science (Science Citation Index), and Scopus in English, Spanish, and Portuguese, and Scielo, Cochrane, and MEDES-MEDicina in Spanish and Portuguese. Of the 743 studies found, 20 (2.7%) were selected, which were analyzed using descriptive statistics and qualitative content analysis.ResultsThe selected studies identified several Latin American countries that have generated policies and programs to prevent and control breast cancer in women, focusing mainly on risk communication, prevention and timely detection, effective access to health services, improvement of the screening process, and evaluation of screening programs. Evaluation criteria and greater participation of civil society in policy design and program execution are still lacking. This could undoubtedly help eliminate existing barriers to effective action.ConclusionsAlthough several Latin American countries have generated public policies and action programs for the prevention and control of breast cancer, a pending issue is the evaluation of the results to analyze the effectiveness and impact of their implementation given the magnitude of the public health problem it represents and because women and civil society play an important role in its prevention and control.International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID)RR2-10.2196/12624

Women’s political empowerment and social protection responses to COVID-19

ABSTRACT The association between women’s political empowerment and social spending in welfare regimes is well established, but research on the association with social protection responses to COVID-19 is just beginning. This paper looks at the association between women’s political empowerment index (WPEI) and the scopes of social protections found in individual countries. Poisson regression models were used with datasets from the Goble Database on Social Protection and Jobs Responses to COVID-19, World Development Indicators, and V-Dem to identify national and regional differences in social protection coverage. The findings indicate the countries with higher WPEI values have greater ranges of social protections. In particular, there is a significantly positive association between degree of women’s political empowerment in the form of civil society participation and social protection scope. Our results provide new evidence suggesting that increasing women’s civil society participation is a clear pathway to improving social protection scope.

Worlds apart. On class structuration of citizens’ political and public attention and engagement in an egalitarian society

ABSTRACT This article draws on Pierre Bourdieu's political sociology for a statistical study of the complex interrelationship between Norwegian citizens’ attention and engagement in the world of politics and broader public debate, and how such public lifestyles align with social structures. Using multiple factor analysis the article provides a broad mapping of citizens’ use of media and culture, participation in civil society and politics, and attitudes to news and politics. It identifies a principal divide by citizens’ attention to and familiarity with the worlds and discourses of social elites and a secondary divide by their forms and areas of engagement. Both divides are structured by class position and, in the case of the second, generational divides. The article argues for the value of class approaches and a broad focus on people's relationship with the worlds of social elites for understanding public engagement.

The democratic transformation of public policy through community activism in Brazil

This article explores transformational change in public policy through community-based governance and the collective design of experience-oriented policy and action. Using a critical-interpretive theoretical perspective, we derived three key lessons in achieving this change from the experience of Paraisópolis, a Brazilian favela made famous for its COVID-19 successful response plan, despite historical state abandonment and overlapping vulnerabilities. The three lessons were (i) proximity coordination, (ii) collective learning, and (iii) affectionate relationality. All three underpinned the principle of ‘community activism’ and ‘deliberative empowerment’, which in turn were both crucial in effecting democratic transformations. Through our case study of Paraisópolis, we argue that transformational change crucially involved civil society engagement alongside inclusive deliberative forums. This reinforces the need to pursue a policy research agenda attentive to sociocentric experiences, ordinary actors and the emotions and values underlying public action.

Policy Brief on Inclusion of Water, Sanitation and Hygiene in Zambia`s Nationally Determined Contributions

The Paris Agreement aims to reduce Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions, thus contributing to sustainable development goals through building climate-resilient communities and industries. Water is the primary medium through which climate change influences the earth’s ecosystem and thus the livelihood and well-being of societies. Extreme weather conditions impact many sectors such as health, tourism, agriculture, and industry where water plays a key role. The climate effect is first and foremost through water systems as highlighted by the World Economic Forum (2016) Global Risks Report. Hence the Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH) sector plays a pivotal role in addressing climate change. 
 In the last decade, Zambia has experienced the impacts of climate change in the form of extreme weather conditions and rising temperatures. In light of this, the Zambian government developed NDCs in accordance with the Paris agreement that aims to reduce Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions and develop sustainable climate-resilient communities and industries. The impacts of climate change are felt through its influence on water. WASH is not only affected by climate change, but also a contributing factor to GHG emissions. Therefore, the WASH sector should play a pivotal role in contributing to the climate change targets. 
 There are gaps among state and non-state actors and with affected communities in acknowledging the critical role of WASH in making real the NDC that need bridging. These include awareness and knowledge of WASH in contributing to NDC; the need to go beyond water to include sanitation and hygiene elements in the NDCs as holistic approach; inclusive participation of civil society and other non-state actors in addressing the gaps; integration of sectors and programmes in the NDCs; and enhanced governance and accountability mechanisms.

Serving one client only? Assessing the openness and inclusiveness of European Parliament's intergroups

ABSTRACT Openness and inclusiveness are central mechanisms for civil society participation in EU governance. Focusing on European Parliament’s intergroups, this article explores unofficial participatory venues and their receptiveness towards civil society. Based on a novel data set with 135 intergroup meetings and 435 civil society speakers across four intergroups in the 8th European Parliament (2014-2019), this study delivers the first empirical account of intergroup participants, and thereby provides original insights into the types and functions of intergroups as participatory mechanisms. Employing openness and inclusiveness to assess the density, diversity and insider status of civil society, this explorative study maps intergroups on a continuum of participatory vehicles that serve both pluralist interests and individual clients. It reveals an insider status for different types of interests across the four intergroups and points to the special role of EU associations in intergroups. By opening the black box of intergroups, this study explores an understudied phenomenon in EP-civil society research and sheds light on civil society practices taking place beyond the official structures of the Parliament. It adds to the literature on civil society access in EU governance and contributes to the wider political and academic debates on civil society’s contribution to the EU’s democratic legitimacy.

Ecclesiastical properties as common goods. A challenge for the cultural, social and economic development of local communities

SUMMARY: 1. Introduction - 2. The temporal goods of the Church and the principle of subsidiarity - 3. The notion of common goods in Italy - 4. Some practical cases of ecclesiastical heritage as common goods in Italy- 5. A comparative perspective with Belgium: the strategic plans for the future of churches in Flanders - 6. Future perspectives and conclusions.
 ABSTRACT: According to recent studies, there are about 600,000 places of worship and several thousands of monasteries and convents in Europe. The process of secularization, the decrease and displacement of the population, the reduction of vocations to the sacred life can be held responsible for the redundancy of the assets of the Catholic Church. These buildings represent an impressive heritage of faith, work and creativity of the communities which made them over the centuries. Most of them are considered as “cultural heritage” by the legislation of the European States, because of their historical, cultural and artistic values. Up to now, the main solution to this phenomenon has consisted in the alienation of these properties. However, the selling and the disposal of these goods by ecclesiastical bodies cannot always be the only and preferable solution. Drawing from the analysis of some case studies in Italy, this paper aims to investigate the role of civil society participation in the regeneration process and the possibility of applying “collaboration pacts” for the management of “common goods”. In the light of the European scope of the phenomenon, a comparison is proposed in line with the legal instrument of “strategic plans”, drawn up by the diocesan bishop and local authorities in Flanders (Belgium).

Research strategies to catalyze agroecological transitions in low- and middle-income countries

Governments are updating national strategies to meet global goals on biodiversity, climate change and food systems proposed in the Convention on Biological Diversity post-2020 framework and agreed at the United Nation’s Climate Change Conference (COP26) and Food Systems Summit (UNFSS). This represents a unique and crucial opportunity to integrate and accelerate food system actions to tackle interconnected global challenges. In this context, agroecology is a game-changing approach that can provide the world’s growing population with nutritious, healthy affordable food, ensure fair incomes to farmers and halt and reverse the degradation of the natural environment. Here, we explore agroecological transition pathways in four case studies from low- and middle- income countries and identify catalysts for change. We find that enabling policy and market environments, participatory action research and local socio-technical support each plays a critical role in stimulating transitions towards agroecology. We propose strategies and priorities for research to better support agroecological transitions using these catalysts of change as entry points. Engagement of governments, private sector, civil society, farmers and farm workers in this research agenda is essential.

Cultural Liberal and Conservative Mobilizing Potential and Political Participation in Post-Communist Countries

While the social-cultural conflict has been examined at the level of sociopolitical actors, less is known about how this division operates at the level of ordinary citizens and their participation in politics. Using originally collected nationally representative public opinion surveys, this study connects the ideological cultural dimension of politics and citizens’ political participation in five post-communist countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Czech Republic, Poland, Russia, and Ukraine. Specifically, the article (1) maps the mobilizing potential for culturally liberal and conservative issues; (2) examines the profile of people (sociodemographic characteristics, political attitudes, democratic norms, and membership in organizations) in these two camps; and (3) demonstrates how the mobilizing potential of the two ideological camps translates into actual types of political participation (voting; protesting; petition signing; and Internet activism). The analysis shows relatively high mobilizing potential for culturally liberal issues in five post-communist countries and a relatively weak link between culturally conservative mobilizing potential and civil society engagement.

Examining the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) action plan in Ghana through a governmentality lens

Over the past decade, the EU Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) action plan has emerged as a key global initiative in addressing deforestation and forest degradation. Yet, there is considerable scholarly debate and disagreement about the impact of FLEGT on forest governance, and ultimately, its effectiveness in arresting deforestation and degradation. This article contributes to this debate through a detailed examination of FLEGT in the case of Ghana. It applies a governmentality analytical lens that examines practices of problematization, knowledge production, intervention and subjectification. The article builds on a detailed review of the substantial literature on FLEGT in Ghana, the first timber producing country to enter into a voluntary partnership agreement with the EU. The article illustrates how FLEGT frames illegal logging as the central problem, and how this focus relegates other problems – especially those concerning tree tenure and benefit sharing – to secondary positions. This goes hand in hand with production of knowledge that stabilizes illegal logging as the key problem and provides legitimacy to the FLEGT implementation. The article then examines the many interventions which FLEGT has triggered. On the positive side, it has enhanced consultation and participation of private sector and civil society in forest governance, as well as increased forest sector transparency. Despite its stipulated aims, FLEGT has been less successful in nurturing deeper forest governance reforms that could provide incentives for agents in the sector to engage actively in forest conservation and cultivation of trees. FLEGT focuses on technical issues and challenges, failing to address inherently political issues concerning forest and tree tenure. It maintains local populations living in and close to the forest as passive subjects with limited rights to the forest or influence over its management. The article concludes that to achieve its aims, FLEGT needs to move away from its current technical focus and colonial forest governance model to seriously address issues of tree tenure, benefit sharing and access. It discusses what is required for such a change to take place, and more generally, what a governmentality lens has to offer political ecology.