Participation In Political Process Research Articles

The policy of the Bulgarian Exarchate of the period 1877-1915 in the context of Bulgarian national security

Historical and situation analysis of the processes of interaction between church and state in different historical conditions is one of the key methods of research church-state relations and interaction between the political and religious spheres. Historical examples can be used to deduce the regularities of the processes of politicization of the church, its formation as a subject of politics and participation in political processes: the creation of the state and the formation of the national security of the state, the formation of national identity, etc. The purpose of the article is to review and analyze the policy of the Bulgarian Exarchate during the period of Joseph I, aimed to formation of the national security of the Bulgarian principality during the becoming of national states in the Balkans under the constant threat of loss of statehood. Features of the relationship of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church with the state and national liberation movements, diplomatic policy of the BOC in the international arena as an independent entity. Also, the analysis is required for formulation of regularities in the sphere of church-state relations, and for comparative studies.

Territorial Public Self-Government as an Element of Political Infrastructure for Secure Development of Municipal Sections in the Conditions of Digitalization

The research is devoted to the topic of forming a political infrastructure for the safe development of municipalities, creating technologies for attracting political infrastructure participants to the development and assessment of alternatives for the optimal development of territories.We set ourselves the goal of showing territorial public self-government as a tool for increasing the openness of political decision-making and public confidence in the authorities, and identifying the transformational potential of digital technologies in the context of territorial public self-government.The methodological basis of the research was provided by such theories as: the information cybernetic model of the political system of K. Deutsch, the theory of the political system of D. Easton, the theory of deliberative democracy by J. Besset, the theory of direct democracy I. Blo, model of monitor (digital) democracy by J. Keane.The main results of this study are the following:1) the author’s definition of the concept of “digitalization” was introduced — this is a process of radical transformation of the interaction of people in all spheres of social life, the implementation of which became possible on the basis of replacing analog (physical) data collection and processing systems with new technological systems that generate, transmit and process a digital signal about your condition. This transformation presupposes the formation of a different outlook of citizens, the use of other methods of management;2) the author’s definition of the concept of “political infrastructure” is introduced — these are the types of connections between the elements of the political system. Different types of ties form various modifications of political institutions, they determine the contours of political communications carried out in the political space, including using various political technologies to influence the behavior of political forces.3) in the context of digitalization, interactive interaction of participants in the political process, the very configuration of the political infrastructure for the development of territories is changing, the political toolkit of dialogue between the authorities and society is changing, implying an increasingly widespread use of technologies to involve participants in political processes in the development and assessment of alternatives for optimal territorial development.

Functional Aspects of Language Games in Political Discourse

The article analyzes various aspects of communication in political discourse. One of its major arguments says that politicians who disrespect major rules of communication violate the basic principles of interaction, namely in that they introduce their own new patterns of language games. Adequate principles of interaction are an indispensable requirement for political discourse as such in that they guarantee efficient communication and help avoid conflicts. Such principles are based on general rules of communication. The article underlines the importance of a structual logical chain of political communiction along the following lines: intention – strategy – tactic – means of realization. In general, human beings acquire languages according to basic linguistic forms and models. Тhe Austrian philosopher L. Wittgenstein introduced the term “language game”. In a similar vein, the Swiss linguist F. de Saussure established a link between language and the sphere of games in that he compared the systems of natural languages to the rules of chess. The language games of political discourse are represented by imperative intentions, emotive senses and various means of the manipulative use of linguistic units; they usually focus on factors of impact. The article discusses the intentions of language games as a point of activization of cognitive and communicative activities for the achievement of goals related to strategies and tactics of politicians. The nature of these intentions exerts impact on the realization of the linguo-pragmatic potential of the functions of perlocutionary linguistic acts (requests, orders, etc.). The perlocutionary functions of language are the basis of political manipulation which manifests itself as a systematic combination of traditional political instruments with contemporary communicative approaches to various aspects of the manipulative impact on political consciousness and behavior. Average citizens who react to political discourse automatically take part in broader intellectual and communivative activities; they also demonstrate their own participation in political processes. Therefore political discourse has an impact on the formation and development of civic society and its relations to the state. As a rule, politicians develop their communicative strategies along programs and platforms that are designed for central subjects of the political process (the government, political parties and leaders). This limited circle of addressees causes a certain lack of efficiency that should be corrected inasmuch as the ultimate goal of any communicative strategy should be a certain change of the addressee’s worldviews. Political tactic is an important component of political communicative technologies. Political communicative activities include various aspects of tactical measures and methods that start on a local level and go viral according to strategically devised lines. In this setting, specific political texts with their particular pragmatic implications appear to be units of political discourse with their own semiotic structure. Politicians create messages based on their world views and ideologies. The role of the addressee should be understood as a priority in political communicative acts that are usually characterized by polemics, a high degree of axiology and persuasiveness. The article focusses on linguistic tools that politicians use in order to manipulate the electorate. To influence the electorate, politicians use manipulative linguistic items on the lexical, idiomatic and metaphorical level. In political discourse, such linguistic items often turn into stereotypical linguistic tools of particular politicians that leave their mark on the electorate’s ideas of their values and beliefs. The article emphasizes the importance of the use of “strong” linguistic items that help create, in the best case, an image of the politician that includes humoristic associations with his or her individual professional language.

Developing a conceptual framework towards promoting a socially inclusive Hong Kong

ABSTRAC An empirically driven consolidated framework is needed to help navigate the development of social inclusion of South Asian and Southeast Asian ethnic minorities in Hong Kong. A qualitative pilot study with 11 individuals, who were social service providers and religious and ethnic community leaders from diverse ethnic backgrounds, was conducted to collect their perceptions of how existing policies affect the social integration of ethnic minorities and propose policy implications in Hong Kong. Thematic analysis was conducted suggesting two broad themes: 1) integration of social harmony and social justice, and 2) articulation of participation in political process and policymaking.

Use of the Term "Citizen" In Online Media Reports On Mostar's Local Elections

The specific regulatory framework under which the local elections in Mostar in 2020 were held, and especially the fact that the elections in this city were held after 12 years, puts in the focus of communication research the media treatment of the relationship between citizens and political parties in local communities organized under a mortgage of war ethnic and territorial divisions. Having in mind the influence of online media, both independent and relying on traditional media productions, this paper primarily deals with reporting on the results of local elections in Mostar, questioning the focus of reports in the context of relations between citizens, as a universal political category, and political candidates competing for the management of public affairs at the local level. Also, in additional elements of the research, the paper deals with the analysis of identification of participants in political processes, on the one hand, a citizen, who in the public discourse of Bosnia and Herzegovina is often treated as a member of an ethnic group, and a political party on the other, usually treated in media reports as a representative of national categories, and not as a performer of public affairs concerning the achieved election results.

METOO AS A TECHNOLOGY FOR INFLUENCING POLITICS

Social media offer new opportunities for civil society participation in political process. There are many examples of people gathering around an idea in online space and then coming together from online to offline. In this article, the authors traced the algorithms of such transition using examples of #JeSuisCharlie, #MeToo, and I/We Golunov movements, and attempted to identify a common mechanism of creating the technology for influencing politics. Why do some of the movements that originate on the Internet fade away and others become so popular that they go into offline space and cause mass street processions and rallies? Why, the #IamNotAfraidToSay movement, which appeared a year before #MeToo, did not gain such popularity, even though it raised the same problem, why is it that I/WE do not work on such a large scale when applied to other events? (e.g., I/WE Shies or I/WE Sisters Khachaturyan). The author’s aim was to understand what tools civil society should use to draw the attention of the authorities to the problem. All three cases evolved according to a similar scenario, and they use method of attachment via the pronoun «me» or «I», which unites people around a resonant case. The article highlights and analyzes the factors that allow the movement to grow in scale and reach the international level by seeking a response (changes in legislation, court proceedings, public authorities’ reaction). In this paper, cases of the United States, France, and Russia were chosen to analyze the significance of the national context.

Socio-economic Factors Affecting Participation of Young Women in Political Processes: Case Study of Nyamira South Sub County, Kenya

The Constitution of Kenya 2010 offers young women key entry points for engagement in political processes through elective and appointive positions in national and county governments. However, their participation appears to be minimal, which in turn creates a gap in ensuring gender equality. Across the globe, socio-economic factors have been reported to influence participation of women in political processes. This study aimed at investigating the effects of socio-economic factors on participation of young women in political processes in Nyamira South Sub County. The study adopted modernization theory and mixed methods research design, with both qualitative and quantitative data collection methods utilized. The target population was 76,392 registered voters drawn from the Sub County. However, a total of 157 study participants were sampled to take part in the study. Data obtained in the study was analyzed using the Statistical Packages for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 25. Descriptive and inferential statistics was employed in analysis of quantitative data while content analysis and theme were used to analyze qualitative data. Pearson’s correlation coefficient analysis was conducted to ascertain the statistical influence of financial resources on young women to their political participation. Socio-economic factors which include; age, gender, marital status, employment status, household head and size influences an individual’s participation in political processes in the Sub County. A significant positive correlation coefficient (r=.938; p<0.05) existed between financial resources and young women’s political participation. This implies that financial resources ultimately influence young women’s decision to participate in political processes. The study therefore recommends that more funding opportunities and specific policies on young women‘s participation in political processes should be implemented. This will promote gender equality by encouraging more women to participate in political processes.

Мусульмане в политических процессах Беларуси: история и современность

The article reveals the features of the political relationships between Muslims and the Bel-arus authorities. Together with the Belarusian people, the Muslim Tatars have come a difficult way of statehood formation and establishment on the given territory. Since the late XX one can observe a very pronounced geopolitical context in the relation-ships of Muslim population and Belorussian authorities. The Muslim community of Belarus is subject to involvement into the spheres of influence, claiming to get global and regional leader-ship in the Muslim world. The investigation is concerned with the Muslims inhabiting Belarus. The subject of re-search deals with the Muslims in their participation in political processes. The purpose of the given article is to single out some peculiarities of political interaction between the Muslims and Belorussian authorities.

Peculiarities of youth socialization in the political and legal space as a prerequisite for the information culture formation

The article analyzes the theoretical and legal principles and problematic aspects of political socialization of youth. The main scientific approaches to the peculiarities and specifics of the process of political socialization of youth in modern conditions of development of Ukrainian information society are given. The theoretical basis for characterizing the basic preconditions and principles of political socialization of youth in Ukraine is determined. The author's vision of the features for the implementation of the processes of political socialization of youth is substantiated. Considerable attention is paid to the critical analysis of various scientific views on the means and tools of political socialization of youth, in particular, the role of the Internet as a modern means of communication for active and accelerated involvement of young people in political life. An analysis of the results of a sociological study on the inclusion of Ukrainian youth in political processes is carried out. Conclusions are made regarding the main trends and specifics of youth participation in political processes, which is expressed through the organization of various public organizations and movements.

Exploring the Relation Between the Digital Divide and Government's Effort to Develop E-Participation

According to the digital divide theory, the provision of opportunities to broaden participation in political processes pose a challenge for governments worldwide. In this research, the authors analyze the relationship between the evolution governments' effort to develop citizen e-participation in public policy—measured through the UN's e-participation index—and that of national contexts variables identified by the digital divide theory at country level, using panel data for 178 countries over the period 2008-2016. The results confirm the strong and positive connection between EPI and economic development and technological infrastructure of the countries, ageing population associated to higher life standards, as well as a negative impact of rurality, gender, and political freedom and democracy result not influential, as well as education. Some practical implications derive from the findings, contributing to explain performance differences across different national settings and identifying current inequalities that still require public action to bridge the divide.

People Engaging with Justice: Petitions to the Scottish Parliament

When the new Scottish Parliament was established through the Scotland Act of 1998, various innovative steps were taken to guarantee greater public participation in political processes. One of these measures, the Scottish e-petitioning system, provides a vehicle for interested citizens to petition the parliament directly on matters of public interest. This article examines all the e-petitions submitted since September 2011 in the area of Justice and Law, establishing how petitioners convey their own motivation for taking this step, and how Scottish justice is represented. Analysis of these petitions shows citizens engaging proactively with legal issues, and probes into citizens’ conceptualizations of law and justice both in their current reality and as projections of how they could or should be. It also explores the association between legal and national consciousness, and the way in which citizens adopt an increasingly transnational approach to framing legal issues. The petitions thus reveal both active concern to achieve justice in highly specific individual matters, and a more theoretical concern with the specific status of Scottish justice, portrayed as lagging behind the rest of the United Kingdom in various respects.

Особливості формування політичної свідомості.

The article analyzes the problems and peculiarities of political consciousness that arise in the process of transformation of society. The rapid changes that are taking place in all spheres of life in society lead to problems in the formation of citizens’ consciousness, including interests, value orientations. It is emphasized that the political consciousness is reflected in the feelings, attitudes, knowledge of the population and characterizes the peculiarities of political and power relations in society. The formation of the political consciousness of the individual is due to critical thinking, analysis of historical experience and contemporary events, awareness of the need for political participation in political processes. The political consciousness of the individual combines the formed value orientations, the ability of citizens to influence the functioning of the political system and attitude, the level of trust in the existing power. In the conditions of transformation of society the mechanisms of political consciousness formation are hidden, contradictory. It is noted that political consciousness promotes the integration of different social groups and individuals in society. Political consciousness is related to the particularities of the political system, the level of political culture of citizens, their knowledge and education. Political consciousness, while performing its functions, allows to guarantee a stable and legitimate functioning of the political system. Awareness of one’s position in society, an active civic position allows one to influence political power. The inability of the political elite to carry out reforms and overcome the crisis in society leads to changes in political consciousness and can cause sharp reactions from the society, which can manifest as dissatisfaction with the policies of the existing political authorities and active protest actions by the population.

Современная партийная система как фактор развития парламентаризма в России: институциональный и политико- психологический аспекты

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.

Participation and Challenges Faced by The women's Elected in Local Level Government at Bharatpur Metropolitan City, Chitwan, Nepal

The study aimed to find out the women’s representation at the local governance level. The paper is a qualitative analysis of participation and challenges of women in local Government in Chitwan, Nepal. This study explored the factors that facilitate women’s access to political and participation in local level governments. This study was based on Interview methods, focus group discussion and key informant interview. The primary information was collected from the 61 elected women who told the story of their journey to political participation and present status at different local level governments. This study was limited within only one Bharatpur Metropolitan City of Chitwan, Nepal. Majority of women lack resources and knowledge of their rights, have to face corrupt political culture and double burden of family role that restrict their effective participation in political processes. Inclusion Policy is the good practices that help advance women’s representation at the local level. The role of family and political parties help in supporting women’s engagement in local politics. The factors to women's political participation that they are mainly linked to low levels of female literacy and training, traditional gender roles and stereotypes, low self-esteem. Women are subject to strong discrimination coming from deeply rooted patriarchal attitudes and practices. There is a widespread belief that the public space is not meant for women and that by nature they cannot be good leaders. These perceptions are stronger in local level politics, making it hard for women to contest and take up leadership positions. The women's participation in local level government has been done to reduce or improve barriers and to analyze the political empowerment of women .

The Changing Shape of the Middle East through the Prism of Interfaith Relations

The main conclusion made by the author after analyzing changes in various areas of life in modern Middle Eastern states is that transformations in the Middle East are associated with interfaith relations but are not solely caused by them and are not necessarily a result of their deterioration. At present these changes can still be reversed but they may become irreversible in some aspects as a result of current trends. Universalization is the main trend that affects social relations in the region. It manifests itself both in the life of religious communities and in sociopolitical and economic regional contexts. There are shifts in the perception of the social role of religion and how religious relations are refracted in the political sphere. There is a discussion of the close connection between the religious self-perception of community members, on the one hand, and the form and nature of their participation in political processes, on the other. As a result, ideas of eliminating elements of political confessionalism (religion-based quotas in particular) are developing in a number of countries in the region. The author shows that changes in the religious picture of the world and self-perception of members of faith communities can be facilitated by both external and internal factors. The analysis of both groups of factors reveals their negative implications, such as the violation of the harmony of social relations and increase in various forms of social disintegration. These findings shed light on the deep level of socioeconomic and political-military crises that are destabilizing the situation in the Middle East region.

Advancing the Legislative Priorities of Cardiothoracic Surgeons: The Society of Thoracic Surgeons Political Action Committee

In the late 1990s, several federal government health policy decisions threatened the viability of thoracic surgery as a specialty. To respond to such decisions, active participation in political processes was given extremely high priority by the Executive Committee of The Society of Thoracic Surgeons (STS). Creation of the STS Political Action Committee (STS-PAC) in 1997 was a part of the platform of participation. The purpose of the STS-PAC is to enhance the Society's voice and stature in health care policymaking. Although the STS-PAC receives voluntary contributions from STS members, on average, only 10% of STS members contribute to the STS-PAC. For the 2015-2016 election cycle, there were 542 contributors to the STS-PAC totaling $273,000. An annual contribution of $100 from every STS member would put the STS-PAC into the top 10 for medical PACs (whereas currently it is ranked 22nd of 28 in the group of physician and dental association PACs). Despite the relatively small dollar amount the STS-PAC directs, its strategic disbursement of these dollars has yielded impressive results. For example, the STS-PAC was able to use its influence to effectively stop the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services from implementing a potentially calamitous rule that would effectively end traditional global surgical payments. Other advocacy successes include providing guidance to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services in developing the national coverage determination for transcatheter aortic valve replacement and structuring its complex reimbursement schedule, and ensuring that a provision was included in the bill that would give the STS National Database access to claims data. The STS-PAC is a principal component of the STS' advocacy armamentarium. Despite the many successes of the STS-PAC, with even modest contributions by more STS members, the STS-PAC could become a leading medical PAC, and would give the STS an even stronger presence and voice in Washington, DC. Clearly, contributing to the STS-PAC provides STS members the opportunity to have a voice and an impact on health policy and the care of their patients.

Does Social Capital Make a Difference for Dalit Women Representatives in Local Self Governance?

Women’s participation in political processes is important to address gender inequality and strengthen democracy. In Indian context, to empower women and enable political participation, 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (1992) was introduced. Subsequently, many women entered politics. Though widespread proxy is reported, still a small proportion engages effectively in governmental participation (Hust, 2002; Mathew, 2003; Palanithurai, 2001). Studies also find female Dalit-headed panchayats are more active (Jayshree, 2010; Kalaiselvi, 2012). As the cultural norms, traditions and patriarchy are rigid, the paper attempts to examine what helps the women to be functional? Does social networks differ? Is there a link between social capital, by way of associationalism, and capacity for self governance as suggested by Putnam (1993) in the Indian context? Social capital is understood through social networks and membership in associations. Thirty-eight elected representatives of Panchayati Raj Institutions of southern Tamil Nadu, south India was interviewed in depth. Active members prominently belong to Dalit community and the social network of the elected active members is larger in size, heterogeneous in terms of age, gender and caste composition, and they are anchors themselves. They are primarily embedded in a web of political, caste and self-help group associations and have access to all women police stations, cooperative societies and political parties through family ties. The elected representative’s mandatory membership in district Dalit federations provides safety-net in dealing with discrimination and atrocities while also intervening at the village-level panchayat. Dalit women who have the capacity to mobilize social capital emerge efficient in local self governance.

Disarming charisma? Mayoralty, gender and power in Medellín, Colombia

The ‘Urban Century’ has seen a rise in power of cities, and the emergence of city mayors as significant political actors both nationally and globally. The power of city mayors, which unifies pragmatic, techno-managerial leadership with the authority and legitimacy of public office, invites a reappraisal of the gendered construction of power in the ‘Urban Century’, and the particular notions of hegemonic masculinity that city mayors recreate. This article explores the example of Medellín, Colombia, whose mayor Sergio Fajardo is widely regarded to have stewarded the city's rapid reduction in violence. Fajardo's leadership can be characterised as typical of the phenomenon of smart, cosmopolitan, charismatic mayors who are seen to respond professionally to local needs by making smart investment decisions and attracting international capital. The emergence of a techno-managerial mayor in the city of Medellín, which during the 1990s was the epicentre of Colombia's multi-faceted conflict with the highest homicide rate in the world, represents a fundamental change to the identity and gender of power in a context of violent conflict where legitimate authority in terms of a monopoly on the use of force, was fiercely disputed. I use this example to explore how mayoral power is gendered and how it relates to violence, which is central to liberal theories of leadership and the focus of the feminist critique of them. The possibility that such a character attain power indicates underlying changes in the gendered structure of political space, including the institution of a Sub-Secretariat for Women and formalisation of participation in political process.

Проблематика малых стран на примере Прибалтики в работах российских исследователей

The article provides an overview of national research on the problems of the Baltic states and the development of small states and their role in international relations. It revealed a deficit of political work on this topic. There are no comprehensive studies that would enable to carry out a deep analysis of the cause-effect relationship in elite activities. This creates the risk of closure of the study power groups in small states mainly in intra-factors. Author emphasized the prospect of deeper analytical study of the small states of the concept in relation to the Baltic states taking into account their active participation in political processes in post-Soviet space. The concept of a small states and the political elite, leading a small state, it is one of the potential growth points of theoretical knowledge with the latest trends in the development of the political realities in the national and international levels.

Book Review: From Voice to Influence: Understanding Citizenship in a Digital Age by Danielle Allen and Jennifer S. Light, eds

From Voice to Influence: Understanding Citizenship in a Digital Age. Danielle Allen and Jennifer S. Light, eds. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 2015. 376 pp. $75 hbk. $25 pbk. $25 ebk.In From Voice to Influence, Danielle Allen and Jennifer Light address issues of political participation in contemporary United States. Technology must be a part of conversation, but this book does not make technology itself principal focus. Rather, editors examine how participation in political process is changing. Concepts that were once central to a study of politics, such as voting and citizenship, lose relevance in a world where actors who influence political sphere may neither vote nor be citizens. The editors propose a focus on civic agency as a crucible for examining the activities through which people pursue political efficacy. The book does not exclusively examine youth engagement in politics, but youth participation is an emphasis. From very first chapter, Light reminds us of historical context: Since founding of United States, young people have always played an active role in politics, and new technology has always been a part of their participation and disruptive activity.Three chapters of text focus on very specific case studies: hip hop as a means of expression for marginalized Black youth, engagement of queer immigrant activists in political process, and reality of political participation in an environment where public and private spheres converge. These are intriguing examinations of youth engagement in political activity.The final chapters differ from rest in that they actually advocate for structures for digital political ethics. Noted education scholar Howard Gardner makes an argument for provision of real and virtual common spaces where people can gather to discuss issues. Part of his premise is that participants play different roles at different times. Gardner believes that disinterested (which he distinguishes from lacking interest) professionals are critical to process. Some might call these people objective professionals, but Gardner accepts that these professionals have predispositions but are capable of putting their personal biases aside. Sometimes, a journalist must be disinterested, while other times, same person may become an advocate for a cause. Different roles in different spaces. Other chapters advocate for redesign of political institutions with new media in mind, viewing cosmopolitanism as equitable self-interest that motivates self-interested to be more other-focused, and discuss how new media can be used by ordinary citizens wanting to become effective political participants. …