Participation In Parties Research Articles

The Attitudes of Students in Jordanian Universities toward Participation in Ideological Political Parties in Jordan

The Attitudes of Students in Jordanian Universities toward Participation in Ideological Political Parties in Jordan

Deterrent or Stimulus? How Perceived Societal Stigma Affects Participation in Populist Radical Right Parties

While the effects of political stigma on populist radical right parties have been extensively investigated, we know little about the impact of societal stigma on populist radical right sympathisers. To examine this, I focus on a key group of populist radical right supporters, party members, and ask: How does perceived societal stigma affect the participation of populist radical right party members? Drawing on stigma research from social psychology and sociology, I develop the following three hypotheses: that stigma will work as a deterrent, as a stimulus, or that it will depend on where populist radical right rank-and-file live. I test these on the League in Italy and the Sweden Democrats, using original membership surveys of over 7800 grassroots members and interviews with 56 of them. The survey shows that perceived societal stigma has a consistent negative correlation with members’ participation. Furthermore, the interviews reveal that this negative relationship is due to stigma deterring participation, rather than participation reducing stigma.

Keikutsertaan Wanita dalam Politik Praktis Perspektif Hukum Islam

This research aims to find out a general overview of women's participation in political parties and how Islam views the role of women in the realm of practical politics. This research uses qualitative research, which focuses more on aspects of in-depth understanding, and uses library research methods with a normative juridical legal approach. The research results found that: (1) Based on Law number 2 of 2011 Article 2 paragraph 2, 30% representation of women can produce decisions that pay more attention to the interests and experiences of women who have been underrepresented; (2) There are differences of opinion regarding the law on women's participation in practical politics. The strongest opinion was the opinion of the majority of ulama who decided that women were not allowed to participate in practical politics. This is based on the strength of the arguments, in addition to the fact that there are no other arguments that contradict these arguments, as well as targeted criticism of the arguments that both allow and cancel their arguments with these arguments.

Women's Participation In Political Parties

Partisipasi politik merupakan aspek penting dari demokrasi. Bentuk partisipasi tersebut dapat mempengaruhi jalannya pemerintahan, sehingga secara langsung maupun tidak langsung dapat mempengaruhi kehidupan masyarakat di suatu negara. Rendahnya tingkat partisipasi politik dapat dilihat dari kecilnya jumlah perempuan yang terlibat dalam bidang politik. Salah satu cara untuk melihat rendahnya tingkat partisipasi politik perempuan adalah melalui partai politik. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan bentuk-bentuk partisipasi perempuan dalam struktur partai politik, dan untuk mengetahui apa saja hambatan bagi perempuan dalam berpolitik.
 Penelitian ini menggunakan teori partisipasi politik oleh Samuel P. Huntington dan Joan Nelson yang mengusulkan bahwa partisipasi politik dapat diukur melalui 5 bentuk dasar, yaitu kegiatan pemilu, lobi, kegiatan organisasi, kontak, dan tindakan kekerasan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif, dimana sumber data primer berasal dari wawancara tidak terstruktur dengan informan. Jumlah informan dalam penelitian ini sebanyak 6 orang yang terdiri dari sekretaris, ketua lapangan, dan kader perempuan di lingkungan DPW PKS Bangka Belitung. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kehadiran perempuan dalam partai politik PKS DPW telah terpenuhi secara strategis, namun mereka lebih fokus pada kegiatan internal partainya sendiri daripada mengambil langkah strategis di luar partai. Sementara itu, kendala bagi perempuan dalam partai politik sebenarnya berasal dari dirinya yang belum berani berkiprah dalam dunia politik praktis. Selain itu, faktor lain yang berpengaruh adalah yang terjadi dari luar partai, seperti perasaan tidak suka dan gesekan antar pihak.

Promoting Women’s Political Participation in Tanzania: Assessing Voluntary Gender Quotas in CCM’s and CHADEMA’s Constitutions

In response to the low numbers of women in elected positions of power, Tanzania reserves special seats for women in parliament and local governance structures. Consequently, the special seats system remains one of the main pathways for women’s access to political seats. Despite political parties’ role in nominating women for special seats, concerns linger regarding their internal commitment to advancing women’s political participation. This article inspects the constitutions of Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM, the Revolutionary Party) and Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA, Party of Democracy and Development) to assess whether there are voluntary gender quotas for increasing women’s political participation in political parties’ leadership positions and elections. While the two parties’ constitutions include principles of gender equality and non-discrimination, they contain minimal and inconsistent measures for women to attain positions in the party leadership, its decision-making organs and candidate lists. Various constraints, including the competition caused by the First Past the Post electoral system, challenges associated with the implementation of the special seats system, loopholes in the legal framework, weaknesses of women’s political parties’ wings, lack of competition from other political parties, and gendered social norms account for CCM and CHADEMA’s reluctance to adopt voluntary gender quotas.

Why do party elites incentivise activism? The case of the populist radical right

Partisan dealignment in Western Europe has gone hand in hand with the decline of electoral participation and active membership in political parties. Yet political participation and activism are not necessarily a thing of the past, and scholars have for instance observed these characteristics in several contemporary populist radical right parties (PRRPs). Drawing on the analysis of 124 interviews with party representatives from four European PRRPs (the League, the Finns Party, Flemish Interest and the Swiss People’s Party), we ask what motivates PRRP elites to foster the creation of tight communities of activists. Three reasons appear to stand out: campaigning prowess (to gain public support); legitimising the party; and organisational survival. The final section offers reflections on the wider implications of our study and suggests avenues for future research, questioning the assumption that parties are necessarily and uniformly shifting away from activism and societal rootedness.

Women’s Political Representation in Feminist Perspectives: Case Study in the Bone Regency People's Representative Council

Women and politics are inseparable but intertwined. This study aims to explore the concept and implementation of women's political representation in Bone Regency by using qualitative methods through interviews with DPRD members, institutions, and the community. Although women's participation in political parties has met the 30% quota according to the KPU, women's representation in the Regional Representative Council (DPRD) of Bone Regency is only 4 out of 45 elected members (2019-2024). The analysis shows that the implementation of women's political representation has not been maximized, influenced by structural, cultural, religious stigma, and economic factors. Local regulations do not fully reflect women's needs and rights. Proposed solutions include political education, broad access for women, increasing awareness and confidence, and building political and social networks. This research shows that a concerted effort is needed from relevant parties to improve structures, overcome cultural and religious stigma, and create economic conditions that support women in actively participating in politics.

Ethnic Mobility and the Formation of Political Identity in Indonesia

Indonesia is an archipelagic country that has many tribes and cultures, which make Indonesia a multi-cultural country. There are 5 religions recognized in Indonesia based on the Law of the Republic of Indonesia, namely: Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. This research is related to ethnic mobility and the formation of political identity in Indonesia which is currently very interesting to be discussed by various researchers around the world, not only in Indonesia. In this study, researcher discuss ethnic mobility and the formation of political identity based on history that has occurred in Indonesia to date. The Indonesian nation Indonesia adheres to the Pancasila ideology so that the national ideology has a major influence on the unity and integrity of the nation. In this study, researcher also examined the ideological values of Pancasila and the nation's unifying motto called Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. This study uses a qualitative descriptive approach in which the researcher conducts a descriptive elaboration of ethnic mobility and the formation of political identity in Indonesia and ethnic participation in political parties in Indonesia. The results of the study show that in the past there were still many Indonesian people who considered themselves local residents and were reluctant to accept other ethnic groups to occupy certain positions in an area, including political positions. The separatist movement that emerged in an area due to the inequality of one region with another, such as the islands of Java and Sumatra, had caused inter-ethnic conflict and many people were anti-Chinese in the 90s. However, currently, Indonesia has provided space for various tribes and religions to be involved in political development in Indonesia based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Indonesia as a multiethnic country has upheld democratic freedoms for all nations and provided regional autonomy policies for each region in order to improve public welfare.

MBE-grown Fe:Pd/ZnSe Schottky-barrier photodetector: Distinguishing blue + UV light levels among white light sources

Blue and ultraviolet radiation is well known to be associated with cataract formation and visual damage. Nowadays, children and teenagers are increasingly exposed to blue light and electromagnetic radiation with even shorter wavelength, which may cause damage to vision due to their frequent use of electronic display devices and participation in disco parties and concerts with illumination by UV light. We developed a Fe:Pd/ZnSe Schottky barrier photodetector that detects blue and UV light with excellent long-wavelength rejection power for green and red light of 4.24 and 5.65 orders, respectively. Its Schottky-barrier height and built-in potential are determined to be 2.48 and 1.17 eV, respectively. Together with the help of a lux meter, this simple and robust photodetector detects the blue light + UV content of different LED light bulbs with accuracy comparable to the much more sophisticated and expensive spectrometer. This compact and efficient blue + UV light detector can help us to increase the awareness of over-exposure to vision damaging radiation.

Role of citizens' engagement in sustaining citizens' participation in governance

As per literature citizens' engagement and participation are key constituents of citizens' satisfaction and trust. In order to ensure sustainable citizens' participation in governance, both political parties and government make multiple efforts. Study was conducted to investigate the relevance of citizens' (civic) engagement in shaping citizens' participation in governance in India. Based on literature review, authors found that there is a dearth of research which studies citizens' participation with consumer centric approach. Study findings recommend that in order to remain sustainable for both, campaign and political parties, they should raise citizens' engagement. This would help not only to create a loyal pool of citizens (voters) but will also stimulate citizens' participation and turnout. Findings also propose that political players should design innovative ways of political engagement using tools of integrated marketing communication. Findings of this study may act as a feedback mechanism for raising maximum citizens' participation.

Decisions of the Сongress of the Orthodox military clergy of the Southwestern front in Proskurov in 1917

The decisions of the congresses of the military and naval clergy, held at the beginning of the 20th century, remain little studied to this day. Turning to this topic, researchers most often focus on the decisions of congresses of all-Russian significance which is the 1st All-Russian congress of the military and naval clergy (July 1914, Petrograd), less often on the decisions of the 2nd All-Russian congress of the military and naval clergy (July 1917, Mogilev). However, front-line congresses also played an important role in the history of the institute of military priests: they took place in the Southwestern (5–7 May 1917), Western (24–28 May 1917), Romanian (25 June 1917) and Northern (26–28 June 1917) fronts. This article discusses the work of the first of them which is the Сongress of the Orthodox military clergy of the Southwestern front in Proskurov in May 1917. The author of the article analyses the main decisions of this congress. The attitude of the military clergy of the front to the war, participation in the political parties, organisation of cultural and educational activities are shown. The proposals of the delegates on the reorganisation of the administration of the department and the introduction of an elective principle are analysed. It is shown whether the opinion of the participants of the congress in Proskurov coincided with the decisions of the 2nd All-Russian congress of the military and naval clergy in Mogilev. The article was prepared on the basis of archival documents and materials of the periodical press. In particular, documents from the funds of the Russian State Historical Archive (Saint Petersburg) such as protocols of the sessions of the Сongress of the Orthodox military clergy of the Southwestern front, the resolutions of the protopresbyter on the decisions of the congress, the protocols of the sessions of the 2nd All-Russian congress of the military and naval clergy were used.

LIFE-COURSE EFFECTS OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL ACTIVISM: PUBLIC AND PRIVATE TRAJECTORIES FROM ANTI-FRANCOISM TO THE 15-M IN SPAIN

Using life stories, this article analyzes the effects that youthful political participation during the final years of Spain’s Francoist dictatorship had on the public and private life-course trajectories for a group of activist women. Noteworthy among our conclusions is the fundamental role that political engagement plays, becoming a key element of the interviewed women’s identities. They associated political activity with mainly positive emotions, learnings, and empowerment, as well as with the creation of social networks that became especially relevant when reengaging in activism later in their lives. Similarly, their political activism favored the development of heterodox attitudes and behaviors. In general, their personal trajectories were marked by political and social commitments, regardless of the differences in relation to formal participation in political parties and other organizations.

PARTISIPASI POLITIK PEMILIH PEMULA DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM (PEMILU)

Indonesian elections are a real expression of democracy and a vehicle for the people to declare their sovereignty over the state and government. Elections are based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Elections are held in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) based on the principles of direct, universal, free, confidential, honest and fair elections. Political participation in a democratic country is an indicator of the implementation of the highest legitimacy of state power by the people (people's sovereignty), which is manifested in participation in democratic parties (elections). It can be said that general elections are one of the means of democracy and a manifestation of people's sovereignty, to produce representatives and leaders who are ambitious, competent and responsible for the welfare of the people. A very interesting group of voters to follow and learn more about is first-time voters. New voters are voters who are voting for the first time in an election. The purpose of this research is to find out the forms of political participation of new voters in elections, the factors that support the political participation of new voters in elections, and the factors that hinder the political participation of new voters in elections. The writing method used in this journal article is a literature review supported by relevant research. New voters are expected to be more actively involved in political activities, dividing their time between studying.

Membership and participation in independent local parties: Patterns and explanations

Despite the rising electoral success of independent local parties in many European countries, empirical evidence about their members is still rare. Therefore, the study aims to answer three questions to reach new insights: Who are these members? Which incentives motivate them to join, and how is intra-party participation structured? Based on a cross-sectional postal survey in Germany, the results show that members of independent local parties and national parties have mostly the same socioeconomic background and thus differ from the average general population. Independent local party members join their organisations mainly to promote an apolitical style of local decision-making and facilitate local democracy. Within independent local parties, different types of participation are present; while some members are fully engaged, others are mainly involved as elected representatives in public office or interested in social exchange. The interplay of membership incentives, civic skills and individual resources explains the variation of intra-party participation, whereby membership incentives are the most powerful explanatory factor. This study shows that independent local parties represent an alternative for those who have joined national parties. Thus, they provide an essential linkage between citizens and the (local) political system.

Situational Analysis of Women Empowerment and Gender Equality

This study demonstrates the role, opportunity, decision making, responsibility and different issues of gender and the status of the women in the society. Women with comparative to their counter-partners with respect to household works, economic condition, education, health, political and community participation of women with decision-making process. Therefore, the main objective focused on the situation analysis of women empowerment and rural development which has been carried out by using primary and secondary data focused on gender inequality, socio-economic, political, and demographic status. The major findings revealed that the as women are on the process of their empowerment, they need position help and support from their family, society, and country as well. They are lacking various opportunities for income, employment, access to decision making, ownership of property and participation in political parties. Majority of women engage in household work as a result the socio-economic status of women is low. This research focuses to improve the women status in the study area as the government formulates policies and program to integrate the women in development program. Thus, their problems should be addressed properly through empowerment that will lead to economic development in the community as well as the country.

Aktywność polityczna młodych dorosłych we współczesnej Polsce

This article presents the activity of young adults in the political sphere and its impact on the state of Polish democracy. Young people have a low interest in politics compared to other age groups. The decreasing involvement of young citizens in traditional forms of politics is reflected in lower voter turnout and lower participation in political organisations and parties. This is a consequence of declining trust in public institutions, as well as a feeling of a lack of influence in the political affairs of the state. Nowadays, young people are increasingly turning to alternative forms of civic and political engagement, which include being active on the Internet, signing petitions, or participating in protests and street demonstrations. At the same time, the low level of interest in politics and the decline in political participation of young adults raises questions about the state of Polish democracy. In the future, this may even pose a fundamental threat to the state’s political system.

Enacting Candor

Most citizens of representative democracies do not take political decisions in their everyday lives. Although participation in periodic elections, political parties, or social movements varies, above all, according to socio-economic status, taking a political decision is, in general, a relatively extraordinary event for the vast majority of citizens. The everyday political experience of these citizens is rather structured by watching and listening to political elites. Unlike the tenor of democratic theory, this quotidian mode of passively following politics is ocular democracy’s starting point. So far, the debate on ocular democracy has emphasized its shortcomings as a normative theory. Notwithstanding these shortcomings, this article illustrates the potential of ocular democracy as an analytical tool in the context of intra-party democracy. Podemos’ intra-party procedures are analyzed by complementing an institutional perspective with ocular democracy, thus showing how a party leader inclined to appear particularly venturesome undermines ambitious forms of intra-party democracy.

Is the Governance of Europe's Transnational Party System Contributing to EU Democracy?*

AbstractDoes Europe's transnational party system contribute to EU democracy? Existing debates on this issue have conventionally revolved around conflicting assumptions on the feasibility of supranational democracy in general, rather than examining the party system's structure as it is set up and regulated. In this paper we evaluate to what extent the transnational party system contributes to the democratic qualities of the EU by studying the regulatory framework for European political parties. We establish an analytical framework based on studies of party system governance, and focus on two specific characteristics: the contestability of the Europarty system and the extent to which it promotes citizen participation in European political parties. Our analysis demonstrates that the governance structure impedes rather than bolsters the democratic potential of Europarties, since the rules work to prevent new parties from entering the party system, and fail to provide incentives for a more active political participation of European citizens.

Clergy Participation in Elections, Political Parties and Government from the Perspective of Secular and Church Law

This article presents a comparative analysis of solving the issue of Orthodox clergy's participation in elections, political parties and public bodies previously and in modern times from the standpoint of secular and church law. At different stages of history, there were both times when the clergy took active part in the legislative bodies of our country and abstained from it. The relevance of this question is conditioned by the following fact: while the Church is unified and its establishments are inviolable, there are historically many states of many types, and the relations between them should always be adjusted specifically to each case. There is no general theoretical formula that would suit them all. The clergy participated in political parties, elections and the State Duma before the revolution, but the results of this participation were very mixed. In the post-Soviet years, after the constitutional crisis of October 1993, the Church made the only right decision. At an expanded session on October 8, 1993, the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church adopted a resolution that instructed clergy to refrain from participating in the elections to the Federal Assembly as candidates for deputy, and to abstain from membership in political parties under the penalty of prosecution. As for the Church law, the canons of the Orthodox Church do not permit clergymen to hold secular positions of authority. This is confirmed by the Apostolic Rules and decrees of the Ecumenical Councils. Adopted in 2000 by the Jubilee Council of Bishops, “The Fundamentals of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church” reflected the official position of the Moscow Patriarchate in its relations with the state and secular society . The Fundamentals formulate a concept of the state-church relations, the key concept of which is “the cooperation between state and church”. However, by prohibiting the clergy to participate in government bodies, the Church emphasizes its another resource: the participation of Orthodox laymen in the activities of government bodies and parties. The contemporary challenges include an enormous increase in the influence of the Internet, mass media, the ethical problems of modern technology, the lack of an Orthodox component in educational programs — they are only a few problems and challenges to the dialogue between church and state.

Prospects for the development of digital forms of political participation of generation Z in modern Russia

The article considers the forms of political participation of generation Z in modern Russia and gives an assessment of the prospects for digital forms of this participation. The paper describes the characteristics that distinguish generation Z in terms of the influence of these characteristics on the political behavior of its representatives, as well as possible motives for the political participation of young people. The authors give the results of a study that allow you to get answers to the questions: what features make this or that form of political participation the most attractive for generation Z? Is generation Z really critical and negative about regime? Can digital forms of political participation become mainstream in the country’s political life thanks to youth and the rapid digitalization of society? The paper describes the criteria for the attractiveness of various forms of political participation, such as rallies, actions, demonstrations, strikes, hunger strikes, revolutions, elections, crowdfunding, written appeals to the authorities and petitions, participation in political movements and parties, meetings with political figures. These criteria are: personal safety, speed of implementation of the form, the ability to attract attention and find like-minded persons. According to the results of the study, the authors substantiate the conclusion about the prospects of using digital forms (in particular, online voting) of political participation, primarily due to the speed and security that distinguish digital forms of political participation from traditional ones: it is very convenient to express your civic position from anywhere in the world, while simultaneously doing other things and not fearing negative consequences for participation. In addition, digital forms of political participation are demanded by young people as the most convenient, as they are built into their “natural habitat” – the space of social networks.