Participation In Coalitions Research Articles

Les déterminants de l'effort de lobbying des associations au Canada

AbstractThis study addresses three questions: to what extent lobbying efforts undertaken by associations vary across different types of associations; what are the different lobbying instruments used by Canadian associations; what factors explain the intensity of the lobbying efforts deployed by the Canadian associations? These questions are dealt with through a sample of 438 associations operating in 12 different policy domains and at three possible levels of government (Canadian, provincial and municipal). The results show that leisure associations deploy less intense efforts in lobbying than public and private goods associations. Likewise, public and private goods associations do not appear to differ significantly with respect to efforts deployed in lobbying. Furthermore, the results show that the lobbying instruments used by associations differ across the different types of associations. Finally, the results indicate that competition between associations, participation in coalitions of associations and the number of policy domains in which associations have intense interests are significantly related to efforts deployed in lobbying by associations in many different policy domains. However, the variables related to the material resources of the associations have been shown to exert no significant impact on the lobbying efforts of Canadian associations.

Religious zionism and the state: Political accommodation and religious radicalism in Israel

In its earlier years Israel was spared the impact of religious radicalism. In the last two decades, however, religious doctrines have begun to claim a role in foreign policy, culminating in the 4 November 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The primary aim of this study is to explore the systemic political processes and contextual factors that in the past have subdued national religious radicalism in Israel. The general argument of this essay is that the tradition of political accommodation with the religious parties fostered their participation in government coalitions, and by doing so, mobilized a large portion of the religious sector to support the state. Equally important in suppressing religious radicalism in Israel were the two main doctrines of religious Zionism, the instrumental and the redemptionist, which applauded cooperation with secular Zionism and the state, hence enabling political accommodation and avoiding a comprehensive violent confrontation. The absence of a religious p...

Social Relationships of Male Bonnet Macaques: Male Bonding in a Matrilineal Society

AbstractAffiliative and cooperative relationships are not common among mammalian males. This may be partly the result of sexual selection which favors competitive and agonistic interactions among mature males, and partly the result of the fact that female mammals are generally philopatric. This means that adult males usually live among unrelated and unfamiliar individuals. Bonnet macaques (Macaca radiata) represent one of several exceptions to this general pattern. Adult males in this species frequently sit together, groom, huddle, greet, and support one another. The nature of social relationships among males are related to their participation in coalitions as males tend to support the males with whom they associate and interact affilatively, and intervene against the males with whom they generally exchange greetings and aggression.

Transforming Enemies into Allies: Non-Ruling Communist Parties in Multiparty Coalitions

An examination of the problems experienced by communist parties in nine coalition governments in the West helps to explain why--despite the meager results they have achieved--their sporadic participation in such coalitions continues. Analysis indicates they frequently enter governments during periods of perceived socioeconomic or political crisis as the left wing of a multiparty coalition in which a position of centrality is occupied by socialist parties, while the conservative pole is occupied by centrist parties such as the radicals or republicans. Their perception that a crisis situation obtains, a fear of being absent during this critical period, and the need not to be isolated, lead communist parties to support actively or passively moderate policies and to form alliances with normally anti-communist elements in a coalition. Their relatively risk-adverse behavior contrasts sharply with their claims to be unblemished revolutionary parties and generates strong internal strains within their organization...

In the office: Networks and coalitions

Abstract The study of the internal politics of an office demonstrates that levelling coalitions derive from established networks. This contradicts the view that network analysis is not useful in the study of levelling coalitions. Sixteen months of observation of office politics, particularly the functioning of levelling coalitions in the informal structure, could not be understood apart from the social networks from which they had sprung. Recruitment to and participation in the levelling coalitions derives directly from the existing networks. The analysis also demonstrates that the success or failure of the levelling coalition is dependent upon the relationships held and manipulated by the target. In order to understand the conflicts and be able to predict their outcome coalitions and networks must be analyzed.

The Chilean Socialist Party and Coalition Politics, 1932-1946

OTH THE RISE AND FALL of the modern Socialist Party of Chile from 1932 to 1946 took place through participation in socially-mixed political coalitions.' The party's combination of socialism and populism made it the largest single party of the lower classes in the 1930s and an integral part of the Chilean political system by the 1940s. During this process of institutionalization, however, the electoral tactics that won the Socialists popular support failed to secure many of their programmatic goals. By the end of World War II, internal contradictions and hostilities had torn the party apart. Its electoral popularity plummeted. The Socialists' successes and failures both were partly attributable to their involvement in traditional politics. Most Socialist writers blamed their party's decay in the 1940S on its obedience to Chilean political culture and traditions instead of to Marxist principles. These Socialist analysts argued that electoral victories achieved through populist coalitions and charismatic leadership were counterproductive. Such victories allegedly distracted the party from revolutionary social struggles and converted it into just another political machine. Socialist critics thought that alliances with centrist govemments discredited the party in the eyes of the workers. To the extent that elections measured working-class reactions, however, it is not clear that the workers turned away from the Socialist Party because of its devotion to moderate coalitions and to personalism over socialism. Indeed, the Socialists' electoral decline occurred after they had left the Popular Front coalition with the Radical and Communist