Participation In Britain Research Articles

Analysis of British Foreign Policy Forming the Australia, United Kingdom, and United States (AUKUS) Security Alliance in 2021

Security has become a significant issue in international relations because it involves aspects of territorial protection, peacekeeping, economic stability, and other elements that influence the lives of countries worldwide. In international relations, security involves a deep understanding of threats, conflicts, and strategies to maintain peace and stability at regional and global levels. This research aims to analyze state behavior in the context of security cooperation, focusing on the UK's participation in the AUKUS security alliance formed in 2021. The UK's decision to join AUKUS was driven by two main factors, namely national role conceptions and role prescriptions. This research pays special attention to the uniqueness of Britain's participation in this alliance, considering its geographical position in the North Atlantic region, not in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main focus of AUKUS. This analysis will provide valuable insight for the Indonesian Government in addressing security dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region related to forming the AUKUS alliance. By understanding the motivational factors driving UK participation, this research can contribute to formulating more effective policies addressing regional and global security challenges.

Visions of the East: Orientalism and Imperialism in the Memoirs of Crimean War Nurses

ABSTRACT The article examines the memoirs of four women who provided nursing care in the Crimean War: Mary Seacole, Elizabeth Davis, Martha Nicol and Fanny Margaret Taylor. It argues that these memoirs are also Orientalist travelogues that reflect the women’s participation in Britain’s informal empire in the eastern Mediterranean. These women used Orientalist tropes, such as scenic vistas, idle servants and foreign customs like the harem, to attract a readership for their publications. Additionally, by allying themselves with the British civilizing mission, these women sought acceptance from British society. The middle-class volunteer nurses, like Fanny Margaret Taylor or Martha Nicol, attempted to excuse their seemingly unconventional behavior in journeying far from the traditional female domestic sphere to serve as war nurses, while Elizabeth Davis, a working-class nurse, aimed to overcome the stereotypes of intemperance and immorality associated with her profession. Finally, as a mixed-race woman, Mary Seacole faced a great difficulty in gaining the sympathy of her white British readership but by intensively associating herself with the British military and its customs, she gained the affection of the British public.

Affective Profit

Affective Profit

Historical Perception of Europe as “the Other” as the Basis of British Euroscepticism

This paper proves that British Euroscepticism is not just a consequence of the peculiarities of the current political situation but the result of the centuries-old specific attitude of Great Britain to Europe as the other sociocultural space different in many senses from the United Kingdom. The roots of this attitude can be found in the English Reformation of the 16th century which rigidly opposed “British” Protestantism to “European” Catholicism. Several examples of historical events that have aggravated this religious and cultural rift are given. As a result, the British vision of Europeans shared by political elites as people with a different way of life, habits and traditions resulted in a sceptical attitude towards European integration and Britain's participation in it. The statements of famous British politicians regarding European integration and participation of Great Britain in it are cited to confirm the vision of Europe as “the Other” by the political elites of the United Kingdom. It is argued that British Euroscepticism is largely determined and inspired by cultural exceptionalism. Therefore, special attention is paid to the analysis of the British version of cultural Euroscepticism.

Features of Great Britain's participation in international migration processes: European comparative studies

Features of Great Britain's participation in international migration processes: European comparative studies

Losing Ireland, losing the Empire: Dominion status and the Irish Constitutions of 1922 and 1937

The above quote reflects the very real fear in the late 19th and early 20th century within parts of the British establishment that resolving the 'Irish Question' by creating a path - via Home Rule, or otherwise - to independence for Ireland would inevitably lead to calls for independence elsewhere within the British Empire. So it did prove: whether it was truly determinative or not, acceptance of Irish sovereignty - first as a Dominion, then as a republic - did indeed foreshadow the break-up of the Empire, which by the mid-20th century could no longer hold on to many of its territories, weakened by the enormous strain of Britain's participation in two world wars, and run ragged by the diverse anti-colonial rebellions that had engulfed Britain's Asian, African and Caribbean colonies.

Participation of Britain and its role in the elaboration of the London Inter-Allied Conference’s decisions on the “Russian question” (December 11-13, 1919)

The London Inter-Allied Conference on the "Russian question" (December 11-13, 1919) is rarely mentioned by historians, but a landmark event in the history of British participation in foreign intervention in Russia - and in a broad sense an interesting phenomenon in world history. During the Conference in London participants - Britain, Italy, USA, France and Japan - discussed the future of the intervention and in general a new foreign policy strategy regarding Russia in the context of the evident Bolsheviks’ victory in the Civil War and the formation of a new system of international relations after the First World War, in which it was necessary to determine the position of Russia. The approaches and methods adopted in London, as practice shows, seem to be currently relevant. The purpose of this article is to analyze the participation of Britain and determine its role in the development of decisions of the London Inter-Allied Conference on the "Russian question" on the basis of previously uninvolved documents of the Cabinet of Ministers and the Parliament of the United Kingdom, as well as sources of personal origin. The decisions of the London Conference on the "Russian question" put an end to largescale military assistance to the White movement and thus contributed to the end of the Russian Civil War. The British government played a key role in producing the decisions of the London Conference. The Government had prepared thoroughly for the Conference and had proposed its draft decisions.

Socialization and generational political trajectories: an age, period and cohort analysis of political participation in Britain

ABSTRACTThe role of political socialization in explaining disengagement from specific modes of activism beyond voting remains largely unexplored, limited to date by available data and methods. While most previous studies have tended to propose explanations for disengagement linked to specific repertoires of political action, we propose a unified theory based on the different socialization experiences of subsequent generations. We test this theory using a new dataset of collated waves of the British Social Attitudes Survey and by applying age–period–cohort models for repeated cross-sectional data and generalized additive models to identify generational effects. We show that generational effects underlie the participatory decline across repertoires. Consistent with our expectations, the results reveal that the generation of “Thatcher’s Children” are much less likely to engage in a range of repertoires of political action than “Wilson/Callaghan’s Children”, who came of age in the more politicized 1960s and 1970s. Significantly, and in line with our theoretical expectations, the “Blair’s Babies” generation is the least politically engaged of all. We reflect on these findings and highlight the concerning implications of falling levels of activism for advanced democracies.

The Role of Gender Role Attitudes and Immigrant Generation in Ethnic Minority Women\u2019s Labor Force Participation in Britain

Although substantial research shows that in Britain some ethnic minority women have significantly lower labor force participation (LFP) rates than White British women, even after controlling for demographic characteristics and education levels, little is known about the reasons underlying the remaining ethnic differences. Using nationally representative data (2010–2011), I investigate the role of gender role attitudes in explaining the ethnic as well as generational differences in women’s LFP rates. The results show that after controlling for demographic characteristics and education levels, LFP rates of Pakistani and Bangladeshi women are significantly lower than that of White British women and about half of the ethnic gap can be explained by differences in gender role attitudes. Moreover, I show that the ethnic gap is less pronounced for second generation Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and Indian women whose LFP rates are significantly higher than those of their first generation counterparts. Importantly, the higher LFP rates of second generation South Asian women can be largely explained by their relatively less traditional gender role attitudes. Drawing on my results, public policies could provide appropriate childcare services and flexible work arrangements to alter traditional gender role attitudes, thereby improving minority women’s labor market opportunities.

Muslims and Political Participation in Britain, written by Tim Peace

Muslims and Political Participation in Britain, written by Tim Peace

Muslims and Political Participation in Britain Edited by Timothy Peace

Muslims and Political Participation in Britain Edited by Timothy Peace

Outsiderness and Participation in Liberal and Coordinated Market Economies

The number of labour market outsiders in Europe has dramatically increased, especially among the youth, potentially influencing social and political participation. Using logistic regressions and comparable survey data – the British Household Panel (BHPS) and the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) – we connect insights drawn from Varieties of Capitalism and dualization literature with an investigation of individual level outcomes in Britain and Germany. First, we disentangle the impact of skills on outsiderness among the overall population and the youth. Second, we analyse the influence of skills and outsiderness on peo-ple’s social and political participation. We suggest that skills matter in protecting individuals from labour market outsiderness, but they do so in different ways across liberal and coordinated market economies and age groups. While the possession of specific skills reduces the likelihood of being a labour market outsider among young people, it has the opposite effect on political participation. In contrast, education fosters participation but does not reduce the risk of becoming an outsider in the same age cohort. Moreover, although there is no difference between insiders and outsiders when it comes to political par-ticipation, being an outsider may reduce social participation. Finally, young people are more likely to be excluded from social and political participation in Britain than in Germany as a consequence of different welfare and socio-economic systems

Book Review: Timothy Peace (ed.), Muslims and Political Participation in Britain

Book Review: Timothy Peace (ed.), <i>Muslims and Political Participation in Britain</i>

In the crucible of change: Bailey, Britain and the post-war Olympic Games

The paper examines the significance of British print media discourses surrounding the participation of Britain at both the 1948 and 1952 Olympics as well as former black British and Trinidad sprint champion, McDonald Bailey, who represented Britain at both Games. Based on textual analysis, it is argued that the print media discourses surrounding the Games and Bailey formed part of a much broader discourse concerning nationalism and national identity in post-war Britain which served to underline the role of sport as an invented tradition in shaping the construction of identities. Relatedly, the staging of the 1948 games in London had formed a critical part of the process of British reconstruction and renewal after the war not just in sport, but in society as a whole, which was intimately bound up with concerns over its pride, prestige and declining power in the world.

Британо-американские “особые отношения” при Д. Кэмероне

The article is devoted to the Anglo-American "special relationship" maintaining under two U.S. governments of Barak Obama and two Britain's governments – the coalition government of David Cameron-Nicholas Clegg and the conservative government of D. Cameron. The paper covers the evolution of the bilateral relationship from worsening to improving, which came into being amid the American economic and military resources overheating due to the shift of the U.S. political interest from Europe to the Pacific region and overstretch of American military communications as a result. The author scrutinizes only two main fields of this "special relationship": political and military cooperation. International events and political steps of both countries have rescued their relations from the collapse and have boosted them. The article deals with the role of such international crises as wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, combating the Islamic State (Islamic jihadists) and the Ukrainian crisis in preserving the speciality of Anglo-American relations. The author comes to a conclusion that Britain's participation in military operations around the world as the main partner of the U.S. is the main reason for improving the bilateral relationship. The attention is paid to the trends in cooperation making the relationship special, such as nuclear, sea and intelligence cooperation. The partnership between two countries in NATO is also highlighted. The author regards the movement for Scottish secession from the United Kingdom as one of political tendencies in the British society which bring uncertainties to Britain–U.S. relations. Special attention is paid to another political trend in the British society – the movement for Britain's exit from the European Union, which is a real threat for Anglo-American "special relationship", because it can ruin its traditional pillar – the bridge between the U.S. and Europe. The author tries to answer the question about perspectives of Anglo-American "special relationship" under the Cameron's government.

Film and the Mechanization of Time in the Myth of the Great War Canon

Military historians claim with some justice that, since 1960s, Front of 1914 to 1918 been partitioned into a Western Front of history and a Western Front of and culture, latter being profoundly (Badsey 51, 39). Much of blame for this state of affairs is fairly placed on Paul Fussell's very influential book of 1975, Great and Modern Memory, which played a major part in teaching of war's literature. In Stephen Badsey claims, Fussell and his followers argue that Front can only be understood as a uniquely unhistorical event, taking place outside time (43). Brian Bond more generally blames teachers of English rather than history, who still have more influence in shaping of views on First World War, through teaching of poetry, and from a narrow selection of poems, especially those of Owen and Sassoon (Unquiet 88). I largely agree with Bond about necessity and justice of Britain's participation in Great (2-13) and see real merit in his idea that popular notions of First World in general, and Britain's role in particular, were largely shaped in 1960s, in part reflecting very different concerns and political issues of that turbulent decade, but [also] in part resurrecting 'anti-war' beliefs of 1930s (51). As a teacher of English and an interdisciplinary scholar of Great War, I admit to being shocked on occasion by historical ignorance, not only of students but of colleagues with expertise in Canadian and/or Modern literatures. At same time, I am troubled by historian's uncomplicated reliance on fact versus fiction, as when Bond takes the famous official film Battle of Somme as clear-cut evidence that the film helped to give viewers some idea of what was really like, strengthening resolve to persevere to achieve victory (13), or when he insists that authors of war literature at end of 1920s were concerned with individual experience, not with public record (26). In analyzing form of Battle of Somme, I detect a rather different in this film because of its embedment in industrial process. Poets and novelists who were quite bitter about their individual experience were no less bitter about a film that hailed mechanized temporality of industrial assembly and its denaturing of human body. cinematic thus became a synecdoche for vast changes taking place in mode of production and in conditions of modern life. Here, it seems to me, military historians will have to do far better than carp at postmodern culture (Badsey 43) for popularizing a myth of Great that has displaced truth (Bond 77)--first, by ceasing to privilege referent over form in which it appears, and, second, by asking how cultural change may be linked to changes in mode of communication. In turn, literary scholars will have to take a more dialectical approach to processes of cultural transformation in order to show how changes in mode of communication are linked to changes in mode of production, a method that I failed to consider in previous work. The Myth of War According to British cultural historian Samuel Hynes, First World altered ways in which men and women thought not only about but about world, and about culture and its expressions (xi). As he sees it, That change was so vast and so abrupt as to make years after seem discontinuous from years before, and that discontinuity became a part of English imaginations (xi). Yet, when Hynes turns to cinema, its cultural impact, like that of print in first decade after war, looks very traditional. British Instructional Films, leading producer of film, was set up in 1919 to recreate key military campaigns of Great War. …

The Role of Great Britain in Forming of EU’s Foreign and Security Policy in the Context of Leading Theories of Eurointegration

In the article on the basis of the original chart of the theoretical conceptual system of Eurointegration's development offered by an author base principles of Great Britain's participation in common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union are examined. The country’s role in the processes of forming EU's CFSP is determined in the context of leading theories of Eurointegration. The evolution of British government's policy participation in the system of political co-operation in the European Union, character of its influence on the processes of Eurointegration in the sphere of foreign and security policies are analysed. CFSP as a specific sphere of co-operation of the EU's states fully represents conceptual dichotomy of European Union essence at level «intergovernmental - supranational». CFSP is the segment of the EU's legal reality which is historically based on intergovernmental co-operation, and in modern terms characterized by the expressed elements of funcional supranational institucialisation and insignificant strengthening of federalism. Great Britain conceptual approaches to forming EU's CFSP lie traditions of pragmatical and functional realistic approach with the elements of federalist co-operation, externalism and minimum of institucialism. For activity of British governments is inherent pistorical heredity of participating in political integration within the framework of Common Europe. It's mean a successive policy of inhibition federalist supranational tendencies, propagandas of the evolutional going to development of integration processes and it distribution on new spheres. Such approaches are correspond to the model of selective-sectoral integration or «Europe a la carte» ofThatcherist standards, which in the process of realization under influence of objective (mainly external) factors evolved to practical embodiment of such more soft models of flexible integration, as «multi-speed integration» and «Europe of variable geometries». The noted approaches to CFSP allow government on the different historical stages to have retentive or stimulant influence on the integrational processes.

Active Citizenship in the UK: Assessing Institutional Political Strategies and Mechanisms of Civic Engagement

Shaping active citizenship, motivating civic engagement, and increasing political participation of minority groups have become some of the key political priorities in the UK since at least the end of the 1980s. Academic research shows that this shift goes hand-in-hand with a review of the integration policies in the country. The ‘politics of integration’ correspond in fact to a policy response to various social problems (such as discrimination, racism, intolerance) that emerged in various areas, and represent a new political discourse regarding active citizenship. This reflects an overall strategy meant to reframe the basis for civic and political engagement and participation in Britain. Our article is thus meant to highlight the dynamics underlying the development of the concept of active citizenship in the UK by looking at the factors that intervene in its shaping and enhancement. We identify political priorities and key mechanisms of participation that enable engagement in the public sphere. This article first considers the development of the specific ‘British discourse’ regarding active citizenship by taking into consideration the political priorities that emerged as part of the New Right discourse in the 1980s and then New Labour after 1997. We then refer to a set of data collected during our field work conducted in the UK between 2010 and 2011 with civil society activists and policy-makers in order to underline the meaning, practices, and feasibility of active citizenship.

Britain, European security and freer movement: the development of Britain's CSCE policy 1969–1972

Britain's participation in the process towards the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), between the Warsaw Pact's Budapest Appeal in 1969 and the opening of the CSCE in 1972, has been insufficiently studied. The British analysis of European security in the late 1960s and early 1970s informed Britain's response to calls for a conference and led them to believe that the CSCE was not the right forum for advancing their security goals. British and Western interests would also not be served by rejecting negotiations or participating in a conference held on Soviet terms. This prompted the British to contribute constructively to preparing a conference and to transforming Warsaw Pact appeals into the basis for genuine discussions. In the run up to the CSCE, British objectives settled on defending Western unity, securing the propaganda advantage, and achieving some small but meaningful steps to improve European security.

Recasting the New World: Britain and the Treaties of 1713 and 1763

Recasting the New World:Britain and the Treaties of 1713 and 1763 Jeremy Black (bio) In the press of forthcoming anniversaries, notably of the beginning of the First World War, Magna Carta, and Waterloo, those of the Peace of Utrecht (1713) and the Peace of Paris (1763) might seem of limited consequence. Compared to the immediacy of the photography and newsreels of 1914, these 18th-century treaties are apparently resonant of a dead age. Yet both the treaties and the wars they concluded were important in helping make the world we live in now. This is particularly so because the wars and treaties ensured that British political culture, rather than its French counterpart, would become the dominant model in North America. Of the two, the Peace of Paris was the most significant, although that of Utrecht was an important anticipation. Utrecht, which brought to an end Britain's participation in the War of the Spanish Succession, secured Britain wide-ranging gains, including Gibraltar and Minorca, captured from Spain in 1704 and 1708, respectively. Utrecht also left Britain with the asiento, the right to supply slaves to the Spanish Empire, and with a limited, although potentially profitable, right to trade there. This right was exercised by the South Sea Company, and the extravagant hopes it gave rise to helped launch the vast speculative bubble in shares in the company that famously burst in 1720. Philip V of Spain, the grandson of Louis XIV of France and the French candidate for the Spanish succession, had earlier granted the asiento to the French Guinea Company in 1701. Its acquisition by Britain was significant in Britain's competition with France for the leading position in the trans-Atlantic slave trade and for the ability to profit from the economic opportunities of Latin America. Utrecht also increased the British stake in North America with the gain of Nova Scotia and the acceptance of the British position on Newfoundland and around Hudson's Bay. The peace settlement registered the fate of the war. In 1710 a force of New England militia supported by British units had captured Port Royal, the main French position in Nova Scotia, and had left a garrison in what was renamed Annapolis Royal in honor of Queen Anne. In contrast, the major amphibious expedition sent to capture Québec in 1711 failed as a result of a nighttime error in navigation that caused the loss of eight ships and nearly 900 men on rocks in the St. Lawrence estuary. France's defenses in North America were weakened as a result of the loss of Nova Scotia. There was still, however, a French presence that provided opportunities to challenge the British. The French settlers in Click for larger view View full resolution Prime Minister George Grenville holds "debt" and "savings" in the balance. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division [reproduction number, LC-USZ62-45399]. Nova Scotia, the Acadians, maintained a French interest in the colony. Furthermore, in Newfoundland the French retained seasonal shore rights that supported their continued presence in the valuable Newfoundland cod fishery, a presence that provided an important source of sailors for the French navy. The Utrecht settlement scarcely made Britain's victory over France in North America during the Seven Years' War (1756-63) inevitable, but it strengthened the process by which British and French imperialism there were diverging. Louis XIV's willingness to cede colonial claims to Britain in 1713 was an aspect of his focus on dynastic and European interests that contrasted markedly with the oceanic and economic commitment of Britain's Tory ministry. With limited population growth and little state support, France's colonies were heavily dependent on trade relations with Native Americans, linking France's transoceanic networks to the river systems that channelled exchange in the interior of the continent. As a result, French imperialism was very much inserted into the dynamics of Native American development. The same was also true of the British colonies, but their rapid demographic growth and the related development of an agrarian society created a different pattern from one that depended on links with Native Americans. This contrast was to be important in the development of an independent America...