Part Of Battle Research Articles

Набор в войска как средство умиротворения византийских окраин: чаны в императорской армии VI столетия

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of integration of territories inhabited by the Tzani into the Eastern Roman empire in the 6th century. They were a people who lived in the Pontine Mountains during Antiquity and the Middle Ages. In the face of the threat posed by Sasanian Iran, Justinian I (527–565) actively sought to integrate Tzanica into the empire. Methods. There is a need not only to determine the nature of the Byzantine presence in the country of the Tzani. It is also important to study the significance assigned to this region in the military system of Byzantium, since its subdual was necessary for the further activity in Transcaucasia. Analysis. There were no Byzantine governors in Tzanica, the tribal leaders retained their power positions. Fortresses were erected in this region, and its Christianization was also actively carried out. Under Justinian I, Tzani were recruited into the imperial army. They served both in regular units and in detachments of tribal militias that took part in battles for Lazica. Results. The author concludes that Justinian I first of all sought to establish control over the warlike population of Tzanica. Service in the Byzantine army was intended to reorientate the military activity of the Tzani in such direction that was beneficial to the empire itself. Nominally, they were considered as the subjects of the emperor, but the real power in Tzanica was in the hands of local leaders, not the Eastern Roman administration.

Во главе чернознаменного войска: Маруся Никифорова в 1917-1918 гг.

The article presents the author’s search for and systematization of miscellaneous materials on campaign record of the Marusya Nikiforova’ unit on the territories of the Kherson and Yekateroslav gubernias and the Province of the Don Cossack Host. The name of Maria Grigorievna Nikiforova is inextricably linked with the history of Russian anarchism; her activities still serve as an illustration of the events of the Civil War in Russia. The article uses information from memoirs of the participants in revolutionary events written in the 1920s. It establishes main points in detachment’s movement through the cities and towns of the South of Russia from autumn 1917 to summer 1918. The collected materials show that the detachment size ranged from 100 to 500 people, fluctuating under the influence of military circumstances. The popularity of M. Nikiforova was served by her own actions aiming to make her name known. The anarchist deliberately brought about a bloody phase of social conflict, establishing the practice of requisitions and “unmotivated” executions. In September–October 1917, she contributed to radicalization of another anarchist, N. I. Makhno. Her detachment was formed in November 1917 in Aleksandrovsk, Yekaterinoslav gubernia. In December 1917, it took part in battles with the Haidamaks. In February 1918, during the demobilization of the old army, Marusya’s detachment moved to strengthen the front. In Yelisavetgrad, Kherson gubernia, Nikiforova proceeded with requisitions, provoking street battles with the city's Red Guard and self-defense units. Her allies were reserve detachment of the army of the Ukrainian People's Republic of Soviets under the command of A. M. Belenkevich and the Red Guard detachment of Yekaterinoslav workers. She retreated under the Austro-German troops’ pressure together with the Bolshevik—Left SRs—anarchist detachments following the railway line of Yelisavetgrad—Krivoy Rog (Dolgintsevo)—Melitopol—Taganrog—Novocherkassk. Clashes with enemy units were unfortunate for Nikiforova. Her detachment was losing numbers and military equipment. Combat successes were insignificant. Marusya’s detachment arrived at Tsaritsyn, bleeding and exhausted. It did not participate in the robbery of the “golden” echelon of the Don Council of People's Commissars. Unlike commanders of other detachments, who retreated from the territory of Ukraine, Maria Nikiforova did not fight as part of the Red Army. Nikiforova’s name became an element of mass consciousness in the days of the revolution. The legendary veil encourages exaggeration of her role in the military events. She had a direct, albeit short-term, impact on expanding of the boundaries of the “permissible” in an internal armed conflict in Russia.

Rola Szamila Basajewa w walce o niepodległość Czeczenii

Shamil Basayev was one of the most famous fighters, taking part in the Russian–Chechen wars. Thanks to his experience and skills acquired during the wars in Abkhazia and Nagorno-Karabakh, he took part in battles that were decisive for the war. His steadfastness and attitude dur-ing the rally on Budionnowsk in 1995, lead to the negotiations that end-ed the first Chechen war. The raid on Dagestan that Basayev undertook with Emir Chattab, was one of the deciding moments in his history. He not only lost his glory, but his actions caused the outbreak of the Second War in 1999. Also because of his ruthless tactics and being the master-mind of the most horrific terrorist attacks in Russia (Moscow Theatre 2002, Bieslan School 2004), Basayev became Putin’s sworn enemy. His actions were complicating the already tense relations between Moscow and Grozny. The fight in the name of religion and extremism distorted the image of Basayev as a freedom fighter, making him a ruthless terror-ist, ready to sacrifice the innocent in the name of his own ideas. Due to his attitude, Basayev remains one of the symbols of the conflict in the Caucasus region.

Jeszcze o organizacji husarii koronnej na kampanię 1683 roku

The article complements an earlier publication on the organization of the hussars for the 1683 Vienna campaign. According to the findings of that article, the final size of the crown lance cavalry was determined before May 19th, so before the date on which the subsidies of Emperor Leopold I for the new levies in the Crown Army were paid. Out of the 26 banners, 24 participated in the Battle of Vienna and the Battle of Párkány, which in the third billing quarter of 1683 (1 August – 31 October) comprised 3045 horses. It was ultimately ruled out that the hussar rota of the Brańsk starost Stefan Branicki fought at Vienna and Párkány, and it was confirmed that the banner of the Pomeranian voivode Władysław Denhoff took part in these battles. In 1683, the crown hussars reached their highest number in the second half of the 17th century, and almost all their banners (excluding two) took part in the decisive battles of the Vienna and Hungarian campaigns

The Fate of Prisoners of War Between the Quran, Traditions of the Prophet Muhammad and Practice of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria

Humanitarian law is the law of armed conflict that has originated from the rules and costumes of the ancient religions and civilizations. Islam includes many rules that restrict war between combatants and prohibit the warfare methods cause superfluous harm. The Quran and prophet Muhammad command Muslims to release and ransom war prisoners based on their personal conditions. The Quran never encourages Muslims to enslavement neither does mention execution but Muslims often enslaved prisoners as a common phenomenon of the era and executed some few for their atrocities and dishonesty. ISIS captured many war prisoners after the commencement of its military attacks against Iraq and Syria in 2013. The group executed most of the prisoners for taking part in battle against them through shooting, beheading, hanging and burning alive. The article compares the ISIS practice with the commandments of the Quran and prophet Muhammad in respect of the fate of war prisoners.

<em>Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls</em> Revisited: The Research, the Findings, and Some Observations of Recent Native Veteran Readjustment

Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls RevisitedThe Research, the Findings, and Some Observations of Recent Native Veteran Readjustment Tom Holm (bio) In early 1981 my longtime friend Harold “Hodge” Barse, a Sioux/Wichita/Kiowa who was at the time a readjustment counselor with the Oklahoma City Veterans Administration Outreach program, called to ask me if I knew of any studies of Native American Vietnam veterans. I had to say that I did not know of any. With that telephone call we began an unfunded inquiry into the lives of American Indian Vietnam veterans. It was, in keeping with the foundations of American Indian studies, an activist, academic approach to what we perceived was a largely overlooked and misunderstood group of Indian people who not only deserved recognition for their military service but also merited attention to their specific needs in dealing with their return from a war zone. Both Hodge and I were veterans—he of the army, I of the Marine Corps—and very much aware of the various problems of our veterans and the social, political, and economic conditions they faced upon their homecoming. In particular, Hodge wanted to collect information on our veterans so that he, in turn, could make a case to the Readjustment Counseling Service of the then Veterans Administration to identify and deal with the specific needs of Native American veterans.1 HISTORY OF AND APPROACH TO RESEARCH Very quickly we developed a one-page questionnaire and circulated it among several Native veterans we knew personally. One overwhelming [End Page 118] notion that the few Vietnam veterans we interviewed referred to was that of being recognized for their service. Vietnam was an unpopular war, and many Native Americans opposed it because Indians were subject to the draft and could be sent to war even though the Native population in the United States was extremely poor. Moreover, the U.S. government failed to recognize Indian civil, sovereign, treaty, and human rights.2 Obviously, Native veterans saw their service in a different light, a conception of self that reflected their cultural values as opposed to their political views. They thought of themselves as tribal warriors, an idea that carries a meaning for Native Americans that is very different from its meaning for the larger American society. Perhaps the best way to explain the notion of warriorhood in tribal societies is to look at it in terms of relationships rather than roles. While each American Indian tribe has its own practices, there are some commonalities among many North American tribes. Traditionally, a warrior is part of a community and is not segregated in a base or camp. Members of the community view the warrior as a relative who takes part in battle not only to protect the community but also to restore justice and serve the people in other ways. The warrior may be a scout who finds resources or one who warns the community of a coming attack and becomes the first line of defense against an enemy.3 In 1981, when Hodge contacted me, the way to begin an organization or to ensure the recognition of certain persons or groups among Indian people in western Oklahoma was to hold a powwow. Hodge initiated such an effort at the Wichita tribal grounds near Anadarko, Oklahoma, in order to form the Vietnam Era Veterans Inter-Tribal Association and Gourd Dance Society. This powwow, held in 1981, was the first of a long series of events held in honor of Native Vietnam veterans. I was able to go to Oklahoma and lend my meager assistance in organizing that and a few more subsequent dances. The powwow helped bring together a number of Vietnam veterans to gourd dance and thus participate in a time-honored warriors’ ceremony. According to Kiowa tradition, a lone warrior who was on his journey home from a war party heard some beautiful songs. He investigated the source of the songs and found a red wolf, who taught him the songs and the ceremonies that went with the power or medicine they engendered. The origins of the gourd dance are somewhat controversial. The Kiowa people claim the ceremonies as their own based on this particular piece...

Il soldato e l'atleta: Guerra e sport nella Grecia antica by Paola Angeli Bernardini

412 PHOENIX War in Ancient Greece”) similarly looks at women’s participation in civic life, especially in times of warfare, in both mythological and historical examples. She suggests that the best model of interpretation for their actions is not that of inversion, but of cooperation: war is an event which involves both men and women, in complementary ways. Payen extends this argument in a different direction, noting that the standard claim that women are noncombatants because they are not citizens is only a partial truth. Rather, men are involved in formal battle lines (in which there is the possibility of glory), and women are included in forms of defensive warfare (i.e., when things become more desperate). Sebillotte Cuchet’s contribution treats women warriors in Caria, as part of a larger exploration of the “historicity” of some of our sources. In a typical hermeneutic circle, narratives in which women are said to take part in battle are usually interpreted as being less historical than those in which they do not because women are not warriors. Archaeological evidence provides a way out of this circle, as does careful reexamination of historical examples, stripping away the lens of Athenian (polarizing) interpretation. So too, on the Roman side, Hallett on Fulvia, who is first fictionalized and then demonized, provides a model. Hallett uses contemporary sources to show that Fulvia’s military involvement was seen as part of a larger, unfeminine pattern of behaviour, including sexual self-assertiveness à la the elegiac puella, which (some, but not all) the sources find deeply problematic. Stéphane Benoist (“Women and Imperium in Rome: Imperial Perspectives”) examines Roman women who were associated with rulership in various ways over a long sweep of centuries: from the passages in which women are described as dux to imperial women in their various roles as mothers of emperors and of the army. Essentially, the sources struggle with presenting power as legitimate for women, even when they do not find it threatening. Finally, Henriette Harich-Schwarzbauer (“The Feminine Side of War in Claudian’s Epics”) looks at how Stilicho’s idealized wife Serena and personified virtues such as Roma are triangulated with eunuchs, who take the traditional feminine place of the Other along with more negative personifications. It is difficult to summarize a volume as varied as this one. Suffice it to say that it offers a thorough examination of the status quaestionis and that I anticipate that it will receive a variety of responses, expansions, collaborations, and the like. The editors are to be commended for gathering together such a solid collection of thought-provoking work. Florida State University Laurel Fulkerson Il soldato e l'atleta: Guerra e sport nella Grecia antica. By Paola Angeli Bernardini. Bologna: Il Mulino. 2016. Pp. 270, 11 figs. Over a hundred years ago, E. N. Gardiner introduced Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals with reflections on the practical character of Greek athletics as a preparation for war: “Every citizen was a soldier, physical fitness was a necessity to him, and his athletic exercises were admirably calculated to produce this fitness.”1 The links between sport and war have been the subject of a number of more recent works in English as well.2 1 E. N. Gardiner, Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals (London 1910) 1. 2 N. B. Reed, More than Just a Game: The Military Nature of Greek Athletic Contests (Chicago 1998); N. B. Crowther, “Athlete as Warrior in the Ancient Greek Games: Some Reflections,” Nikephoros BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 413 Now Paola Angeli Bernardini, well known for her work on sport, myth, and early Greek poetry, has applied her deep learning and sensitivity to literary texts to what she regards as something new (7–8): a systematic investigation of the relations between the soldier and the athlete down to the end of the Peloponnesian War. It is during the archaic period that these links are strongest, as is shown by Sparta’s domination of the Olympics while it was embroiled in its wars with the Messenians. Certainly Angeli Bernardini covers a lot of ground, laid out in an introduction and five chapters: “A Possible Comparison”; “The Competition’s...

Posttraumatic stress disorder among Turkish veterans of the Southeast

Objective: Traumatic events induced deliberately by humans such as terrorism causes posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other psychiatric disorders. Data analysis of the present study consists of two phases. At first phase, the prevalence of PTSD and depression comorbid to PTSD of veterans who were physically injured while doing their military service at South East Region was investigated. At the second phase, the role of risk factors of negative changes at the relationship with their environment and the need of psychological help on developing PTSD and depression comorbid to PTSD was examined. Methods: The study conducted with 247 southeast veterans. Age range of veterans is 24-49 (36.55±5.29). The years after the injury ranged from 2 to 28 years (15.35±5.3). All participants were evaluated with Demographic Information Questionnaire and Traumatic Stress Symptom Checklist (TSSC). Findings: The prevalence of PTSD was 29.6% (n=73), depression comorbid to PTSD 16.6% (n=41). There was a significant difference on PTSD and depression comorbid to PTSD among veterans who reported negative changes in the relationship with their environment and veterans who don’t reported negative changes in the relationship with their environment. Similarly, there was a significant difference on PTSD and depression comorbid to PTSD between veterans who need of psychological help and veterans who don’t need psychological help. However, there was no significant interaction effect among veterans who reported negative changes in the relationship with their environment and need of psychological help. Discussion: Southeast veterans are under the risk of direct death treat such as taking a part in battle or facing with mine explosion. Therefore, psychological and psychiatric services should be constituted to those who are physically injured and veterans who done military service at that region but not injured. Although it has been a long time, PTSD and depression comorbid to PTSD was found among southeast veterans who were exposed to frequent life-threatening traumatic experiences such as being in the middle of battle or stepping on mine. Since it is observed that both having a negative relationships with their surroundings and the need of psychological help increase the probability of PTSD and depression comorbid to PTSD, institutions which will provide psychological and psychiatric services to veterans deployed in the area should established. Key words:

The Trumpet and the Wolf: Noises of Battle in Old English Poetry

Battle and warfare are prominent topics in Old English poetry, reflecting their importance to the self-conception as well as the practical concerns of the warrior class who governed AngloSaxon England. The representation of warfare in poetry constitutes both a codification of experience, a means of reflecting on contemporary events such as Scandinavian raiding and invasion, 1 and at the same time an idealization, part of a shared imaginary centered on the heroic, migration-age past, lordship and comitatus bonds, courage and violence, and the material culture of treasure, weaponry, and the hall (Howe 1989; Niles 2007; Tyler 2006). The poetry is traditional in its diction and themes. Old English poems portray battle and warfare in ways that are sometimes highly stylized but also have aspects of realism. The present essay focuses on one element of battle-description in Old English poetry that is both conventional and to some extent realistic: the portrayal of battle as noisy. Noise is a very common ingredient in Old English poetic battle scenes and perhaps an unsurprising one, but it is not inevitable. Classical and medieval Latin poetry often mention noise as part of battle, but historical writings do so much less often. Moreover, as we shall see, noise emerges in Old English battle poetry in distinctive and sometimes strikingly non-naturalistic ways. A focus on noise can afford an interesting avenue into Old English battle poetry for a number of reasons, of which I here highlight two. First, noise is a junction for the physical and psychological elements of battle. It is part of the sensory onslaught of war and can itself be regarded as a species of violence (Allen 2004:305), though it does not inflict bodily injury unless much louder than anything firstmillennium technology could produce. William Ian Miller has pointed out the role of noise, along with other factors such as bloodiness, closeness, and visibility, in influencing our perceptions of actions or events as more or less “violent” (1993:65):

The Political Professionalism of James Monroe

James Monroe was a more effective chief executive than a number of his more illustrious predecessors, particularly John Adams and James Madison, both of whom are widely viewed as having made major contributions to nation's founding period, but as having been weak chief executives. Monroe brought a pragmatic approach to politics and an unpretentious capacity for hard work to his presidency. In that, and in not being a college graduate, he resembled twentieth-century president Harry S. Truman. Monroe also was like Truman in adhering to prevailing notion of executive leadership. However, in Monroe's time, it was held that a president should at least give impression of deferring to Congress (Ketcham 1987), and Truman served in a period that celebrated strong presidents who sought to place a personal stamp on public policy. In this article, as in The Presidential Difference: Leadership Style from FDR to George W. Bush (Greenstein 2004), I review personal development and political career of my protagonist and assess his strengths and weaknesses as chief executive in terms of his strengths and weaknesses in realms of public communication, organizational capacity, political skill, policy vision, cognitive style, and emotional intelligence. These qualities prove to be as instructive for analysis of an early president as they are for assessing modern chief executives. Formative Years Monroe was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, to Spence and Elizabeth Monroe on April 28, 1758. Like George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison, Monroe came from a slaveholding plantation family. Unlike them, his parents were not in Virginia's upper stratum. However, he had a prosperous uncle who made it possible for him to attend a leading preparatory academy. Monroe entered College of William and Mary in 1774, but he became absorbed in American Revolution and left in February 1776 to serve as a lieutenant in a Virginia regiment. In December of that year, Monroe took part in Battle of Trenton, receiving a near-fatal wound while leading an advance party that silenced a battery of cannons threatening Washington's advance. He was promoted to captain in recognition of his heroism and saw further combat in Battles of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth. Monroe returned to Virginia to form a new regiment in 1778, but that proved not to be feasible. Making best of his situation, he read law under Thomas Jefferson and became older man's friend and disciple. Jefferson introduced Monroe to James Madison, with whom he formed a more tenuous bond. Early Political Service Monroe's long political career began with his election to Virginia legislature in 1782. The following year, he was named to Congress of Confederation, successor body to Continental Congress. He served for three years, taking a particular interest in development of area between Allegheny Mountains and Mississippi River. In 1790, Virginia legislature appointed Monroe to U.S. Senate. He became that body's leading Republican, joining with his House counterpart, James Madison, in opposition to Alexander Hamilton's financial program. In 1794, President Washington named Monroe minister to France. In assigning a prominent Republican to post, Washington sought to address French concerns that United States was siding against France in its war with Great Britain. Shortly after arriving in Paris, Monroe gave a speech to a French governmental body in which he spoke of parallels between American and French revolutions, declaring that two nations were united in their respect for the equal and unalienable rights of men (Ammon 1990, 119). Washington came to believe that Monroe had been excessively outspoken in support of revolutionary France and recalled him. When he returned to United States, Monroe published a lengthy treatise defending his actions in France (Monroe 1797). …

The Life and Times of LeRoy “Boots” Battle: Band Educator/Jazz Musician

Biography is to history what the telescope is to the stars. It reveals the invisible, extracts detail from myriad points of light, uncovers sources of illumination, and helps us disaggregate and reconstruct large heavenly pictures. (2) A time of dynamic social change unfolded in Prince George's County, Maryland, during the 1950s, '60s, and '70s. This biography of LeRoy Battle, based on oral history testimony and practice, focuses upon the nature of music education in this rapidly growing, racially divided county in the suburbs of Washington, D.C. Battle's work as a music educator provides a framework, allowing the reader a glimpse of culture and customs at that time. Battle is an African American. He was born in 1921 and came to Prince George's County from an integrated community in New York City. Battle became a role model for students of his race and students of music education. He developed a music program that had a profound effect on his students and the surrounding community in Maryland of the 1950-70s. Battle retired in 1978 and twenty-seven years later, on August 27, 2005, former students honored him and his work by hosting a gala event. In attendance were more than 300 former students, relatives, and friends who still remember Battle's impact. This is the story of how he built a music program, trained youngsters, and reacted to life in a racially segregated society. Political and Social Milieu: Battle's Terrain In 1950, the roads leading to Douglass Junior/Senior High School in Upper Marlboro, Maryland, were lined with tobacco fields, the crop that made Upper Marlboro the colonial shipping capitol of the Chesapeake Bay. Upper Marlboro was and remains the Prince George's County seat. A courthouse and the law offices to the county government face Main Street, where from time to time community activities such as parades occur. A highly developed social structure, maintained from colonial times, continued where important people hosted social events catering to lawyers, landowners, and merchants. Vestiges of attitudes prevalent at a time when farming was dependent on slave labor carried over into the twentieth century. At the county courthouse, whites only drinking fountains remained up to the 1960s. (3) At the time that Battle assumed his music teaching position in Prince George's County in 1950, these attitudes could still lead to blatant ridicule of blacks. He describes clowns in blackface at county parades: They would have these clowns in blackface and these whiskey bottles. All the firehouses had a group. They planned all this. You couldn't see a parade without seeing them making fun of blacks and all that. The guy'd be going with a checkered thing, shoes floppin', whiskey bottle with big X's on it. (4) This disregard for another person's dignity was not part of Battle's home in an integrated Brooklyn community. As a youth he and his family socialized with others in the adjoining back yards. Battle recalls times with an Italian neighbor, Mr. Sandorian: And I remember once a month he'd have his whole family and we'd have my whole family, my aunt, my mother and everything. We'd meet in the back yard under the, they had a big vine, a grapevine. They had big tables and all that. We would meet there. He would bring down, his family would bring down--that's when I first tasted olive oil in salad, you know, the ethnic thing that he would have. Lasagna and all like that. And then my aunt would fix the roast turkey. So, we'd have a good time out there. (5) There were other examples of obvious differences between life in New York City and in Prince George's County during the 1950s: The social life was very disappointing [in Prince George's County]. What I felt was not so much for myself, see because I played music and I was out and about, but for the students. …

“In the Front Line”?: Internment and Citizenship Entitlements in the Second World War

This paper analyses the experiences of Australian civilian internees of the Japanese in the Second World War and the Australian government's responses to their desires for repatriation, compensation and rehabilitation. It argues that civilian internees stood in awkward relation to understandings about sacrifice in wartime and entitlements to compensation. The dominance of the citizen‐soldier in Australian narratives of war placed civilian internees in an ambiguous position. Civilian internees had not played a direct part in battle but did have direct contact with the military enemy. They had personally suffered privation at the hands of the enemy, but were not military personnel in service of their country. Civilian internees expose the tensions around citizenship and citizenship entitlement attendant upon the elevation of war service as the ultimate sacrifice for one's country.

André Malraux: Across Boundaries ed. by Geoffrey T. Harris (review)

MLR, 99.2, 2004 501 Andre Malraux: Across Boundaries. Ed. by Geoffrey T. Harris. Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi. 2000. vii + 29ipp. ?64. ISBN 9-0420-1011-8. In this age of globalization, of interdisciplinary (and even post-disciplinary) method, the traversing of borders, barriers, and divisions is, it seems, easier than it ever has been. It is not surprising then that important writers and political figures such as Andre Malraux should be subjected to the crossover treatment. Indeed, this collection ofessays, emerging no doubt froma set ofconference papers, aims to put together,with fruitfulresults, themes in Malraux's lifeand work not normally expected to be linked. It would be not unfair to say that Malraux's novels and his post-war political alignment with de Gaulle have tended, in equal measure, to eclipse Malraux's authoritative and influential work on the visual arts. So it is helpful to see this interest in visuality traced through Malraux's art ofthe novel. His early interest in cinema and photogra? phy, as well as fine art, allows Christopher Shorley to examine 'painting' in the early novels. Not only do we follow Mac Orlan's injunction that photography is a 'literary art' (p. 26), we also watch Malraux incorporating visuality into his literature. Simi? larly,in his chapter on Malraux and the visual arts, Edson Rosa da Silva considers the importance of Malraux's 'Musee imaginaire', revisitingthe imaginary dialogues with Picasso, in the 1974 piece La Tete d'Obsidienne, to show how Malraux appropriates Picasso's words to reflect on Art. Da Silva's point is that Malraux melds his own voice with that of Picasso, to produce a humanist account of the forms that modern Art takes. Similar attempts to show crossover in Malraux's work are in evidence. There is a persuasive fictional 'encounter' of Malraux with philosopher Emmanuel Levinas, Karen Levy's suggestive account treating Malraux's epiphanic experience of the 'intemporel' in Japan as a Levinasian moment. Jacqueline Machabeis paints Malraux as the eternal mystical pilgrim fascinated by the Saint-Soleil artists of Haiti as much by Western and oriental art forms: all gesture towards the 'intemporel'. Inevitably, however, it is the political and historical figure that dominates discus? sion. Jean-Claude Larrat considers the novelist as a lyricist at pains to resist the traps of narrative form. In the same vein, Robert Thornberry traces Malraux's distaste in the twenties for the roman d'aventure, considering La Voie royale as a 'demysti? fication' (if not parody) of the travel story. Walter G Langlois adds to this idea of irony in Malraux's travel experiences in his account of how Malraux organized his flightover Saba in Yemen in 1934. Langlois evokes the Fascist 'moment' in Febru? ary 1934 in France, and more importantly how the Left triumphed in repelling the 'Croix de feu', to suggest Malraux's wavering political optimism. The Saba escapade is considered then as this crazy whim, at a time when Malraux was seeing the world in topsy-turvy mode. John Romeiser sees the writer Malraux as able, at the same time, to be part of real politics, defeating Brecht's view that there are those who take part in battle, and then those who merely design the flags for the battle. Thus his novel L'Espoir and his tour of Spain in 1937 show a Malraux able to cross between being flag-designer and flag-waver. For Peter Tame, the pivotal moment, or key text, in Malraux's 'right-turn' is his wartime (and final) novel Les Noyers de I'Altenburg. Here, Tame argues, history takes on a new significance. It is no longer the space within which to effect social change, but an imaginary source of myths about hu? manity and its eternal (Nietzschean) desire fortranscendence. Gino Raymond echoes this 'mystical' Malraux in his attempt to distance Malraux from the engagement of a Sartre. Such a political view mushrooms into the 'postmodern' view of Malraux: all things to all men. This 'crossover', which sees Self as both fact and fiction, and the public as less significant than the private self, is finally discussed by Christiane Moatti. The editor Geoffrey Harris finishes with musings on the...

Yale Part of Battle to Preserve Nation's Books

Yale Part of Battle to Preserve Nation's Books