Parliamentary Group Research Articles

Korruption bei der parteiinternen Kandidatenaufstellung für Parlamentswahlen – ein Fall für das Strafrecht?

Taking a proposal of a parliamentary group in the Landtag of the Saarland as a starting point, the paper discusses pros and cons as well as legal options to criminalize bribery in the context of party meetings that select candidates for general elections . The author argues that it is advisable to extend the criminal law to that effect . In this regard, well-defined new provisions in the German Political Parties Act are preferable to a general clause in the Crim- inal Code .

Die Berufsstruktur des Deutschen Bundestages in der 20 . Wahlperiode

After the 2021 Bundestag election, the composition of parliament changed considerably . With 736 mandate holders, the Bundestag has more members than ever before, and more than 38 percent of them are newcomers . The article uses Adalbert Hess’ categorization scheme to examine how the personnel changes affect German MPs’ occupational structure . Compared to the previous electoral term, it is noticeable that, significantly more MPs are from occupational areas close to politics, especially staff members of parliamentary groups and parties . MPs who previously worked in those jobs are often younger and their share is higher among East German MPs . Although convergence tendencies between East and West German MPs are still rare, they do exist: While East German MPs are still less likely to be freelancers and more likely to be self-employed than their West German colleagues, the dif- ferences between the groups have narrowed noticeably compared to the previous electoral term .

Wahlgleichheit und degressive Proportionalität versöhnen: ein europäischer Verhältnisausgleich durch transnationale Listen

The principle of “degressive proportionality” in European elections ensures that even the smallest member states are adequately represented in the European Parliament. However, it is detrimental to transnational electoral equality: votes cast in small countries have greater weight and thus distort the relative strength of political parties. Is it possible to reform European electoral law in a way that preserves the degressive-proportional representation of member states, but at the same time makes sure that the seat share of each parliamentary group corresponds to its EU-wide vote share? The “tandem model” proposed by Jo Leinen and Friedrich Pukelsheim ostensibly fulfils this goal, but at the price of strong distortions within the national constituencies. A more promising model to reconcile electoral equality and degressive proportionality would be proportional compensation through transnational lists.

Tea, Technology and Me: a World Café approach to engage people with dementia and their carers about research priorities and policy development in digital technology and artificial intelligence

Digital technology and artificial intelligence (AI) use in health care is increasing, and it potentially offers significant patient benefit, such as independence, improved care and health care at home. Workforce benefits are apparent, for example, releasing time to see patients. However, are ethical and moral dilemmas of such technologies sufficiently unpacked by patients and understood by clinicians? A person living with dementia, and carers of people with dementia, alongside academics and clinicians, designed a public engagement World Café event for 20 people living with dementia and their carers. This process is described, as are reflections on a World Café approach to generate knowledge on a lesser explored topic. Working with a graphic recorder at the event proved a dynamic and engaging way of visually displaying feedback, served as an aide memoire and generated further discussion. Three feedback themes are highlighted: (1) trust; (2) continuity of care; and (3) support and independence. The event’s subsequent evaluation and impact, including a presentation to the House of Lords All-Party Parliamentary Group on Artificial Intelligence, are described. In conclusion, a suitable World Café approach enables people with dementia and their carers to voice exceptionally useful insights into a topic that already affects, or is very likely to, affect them.

The hidden burden of eating disorders during the COVID-19 pandemic

The hidden burden of eating disorders during the COVID-19 pandemic

A Disproportionality Bias in the Bureau of the Regional Assembly of Madrid

This paper analyses the voting behavior of the parliamentary groups in the Regional Assembly of Madrid to appoint the Bureau, its representative body, in all the legislatures since its inception (1983–2021). To this end, the actual result of the voting is compared with the mock result attained by following a Nash equilibrium (NE) and a d’Hondt (d’H) allocation in each vote. But the result of a d’Hondt allocation varies based on the number of stages in which the voting is performed (President, Vice-President, and Secretaries), so a bias towards disproportionality could exist as measured by the absolute index of disproportionality which calculates the number of seats non-proportionally allocated. The results show that, in view of the hypothesis on the importance of the number of seats, the NE was only followed in four of the 12 Legislatures for Vice-Presidents (it was always followed for Secretaries). Thus, parliamentary groups could gain more seats by modifying their strategies. Additionally, the absolute rate of disproportionality and the number of seats non-proportionally allocated indicate that, in general, parliamentary groups obtain voting results that are less disproportionate than they could be (due to the number of voting stages).

Teaching and learning in Brussels: Sinn Féin’s strategic ‘venue shopping’ approach in the European Parliament

Sinn Féin was once staunchly Eurosceptic and has periodically campaigned against the ratification of European Union treaties in Ireland. Since the early 2000s, however, they have rejected the Eurosceptic label and self-described as ‘critically engaged’ with the European Union. This article explores how Sinn Féin have used their membership of the European Parliament and the European United Left/Nordic Green Left parliamentary group since their first Members of the European Parliament were elected in 2004, with a particular focus on the acrimonious post–Brexit referendum period. The article argues that the European Union forum is seen in terms of its utility by Sinn Féin, as a venue to teach and learn from their colleagues on their particular understanding of Irish history, nationalism and party strategy. It concludes by arguing that, in a process beginning before Brexit, the opportunities the European Union platform affords Sinn Féin have led to the adaptation of a particularly novel engagement strategy with European institutions.

The Determinants of Committee Membership in Belgium and the Netherlands

In this article I analyse whether differences in formal committee structures affect how parliamentary actors organise their work within them. I compare the allocation of members to specialised committees in the Dutch House of Representatives (Tweede Kamer) and the Belgian Chamber of Representatives (Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers/Chambre des Représentants) to test whether committee assignments are given more serious consideration when committees are strong. Despite many similarities, both parliaments differ in their internal institutional arrangements: committees in the Chamber of Representatives are, at least formally, considerably more powerful than those in the Dutch Lower House. The article uses the congressional theories of legislative organisation as heuristic devices to deduce several rationales of the assignment process. The role of parliamentary party groups is highlighted. The results indicate the presence of stable, reoccurring patterns in both parliaments. Even in the House of Representatives, where committees present lower opportunity structures, assignments are given due consideration.

Legislative Behaviour of MPs in the Czech Republic in Times of Covid-19 Pandemic

COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) pandemic has affected almost every aspect of our lives. While millions of people fought with the disease, economies, societies and institutions faced side-effects of government measures resisting the spread of the virus. This article describes the effects of the pandemic on the legislative behaviour of MPs in one of the worst-hit countries in the world, the Czech Republic. The results show that the number of bill proposals and roll calls substantially increased during the pandemic compared to pre-pandemic times. Since the start of the outbreak, a third of roll calls and a half of bill proposals concerned the pandemic. Nonetheless, the outbreak did not substantially affect the voting unity of parliamentary party groups nor the opposition became more supportive of the cabinet. Still, while the liberal Pirates became more cooperative during the pandemic than the pre-pandemic period, the rightist antisystem party Freedom and Direct Democracy receded from the rest of the parties on the pandemic issues.

Issue Politicization in the European Parliament. An Analysis of Parliamentary Questions for Oral Answer (2004–19)*

AbstractThis article complements analyses of the partisan politicization of the European Parliament from roll‐call votes with an analysis of political groups' use of parliamentary questions. Questions offer an institutional opening for issue politicization and for partisan differentiation. Parliamentary groups have incentives to shape EU policies by drawing the attention to their topics of predilection and by controlling ongoing action. We make use of a new dataset on questions for oral answer (2004–19) to test if this results in European party groups emphasizing differentiated topics in their questions to the Commission and the Council. Our analyses confirm groups' differentiated issue attention. These findings have important implications for understanding the partisan politicization of EU policies and confirming the truly political nature of deliberation in the EP. They reveal patterns of partisan opposition different from those expressed in votes and emphasize the relevance of parliamentary questions as a key institutional window for politicization.

The All-Party Parliamentary Group fails this aesthetic nurse

The All-Party Parliamentary Group fails this aesthetic nurse

An analysis of qualitative responses from a UK survey of the psychosocial wellbeing of people with skin conditions and their experiences of accessing psychological support.

Skin conditions have a large emotional, psychological and psychiatric impact on the individual. The All-Party Parliamentary Group on Skin (APPGS) commissioned a qualitative survey to further explore this relationship alongside the experiences of those accessing services in relation to these difficulties in the UK. To examine the experiences of UK individuals living with a skin condition, and their views of seeking and receiving psychological treatment. This survey formed part of the evidence collected in the preparation of the APPGS Mental Health and Skin Disease report. A free-text electronic survey was widely distributed by professional bodies and skin-related charities. Responses were analysed using descriptive thematic analysis and descriptive statistics. Data for each question were classified and labelled, leading to the development of a coding frame. Inter-rater reliability was assessed using Cohen kappa statistic. In total, 544 participants (84% female) completed the survey. The majority of respondents had inflammatory skin diseases such as eczema (43%) or psoriasis (33%). The thematic analysis revealed five key themes associated with impact on mood; impact of intimacy; impact on activities of daily living; lack of recognition from others of the impact; and lack of accessible services. The survey demonstrates that there is an urgent need to improve both awareness of the impact that skin conditions can have, and for the provision of psychological services to address this impact.

CURRENT STATE AND PROBLEMS OF LEGAL STATUS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION IN UKRAINE

The analysis of the current state of the legal status of the parliamentary opposition in Ukraine has been performed; it also describes its features and problems related to non-recognition of the subjectivity of the parliamentary opposition, the lack of proper legal regulation of its rights, responsibilities, guarantees and limits of activity. It was stressed that the non-institutionalization of the parliamentary opposition causes the opposition political forces in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine to have no corresponding responsibilities for forming a shadow government, preparing an alternative program of government activities, observing national interests, banning abuse of rights and guarantees, etc. At the same time, de facto opposition parliamentary factions and groups, individual MPs of Ukraine to control the activities of the coalition and the government can carry out some effective parliamentary means and procedures (inquiries, government hearings, initiating parliamentary inquiries, constitutional appeals, etc.), which lays the foundations of opposition activity in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
 It is established that the peculiarities of the domestic legal system, insufficient development of parliamentarism and political system actualize the complex constitutional and legislative regulation of the bases of organization and activity of the parliamentary opposition in Ukraine, including the order of its formation, rights and responsibilities, guarantees and procedures, relations with the coalition and government. It is substantiated that the institutionalization of the parliamentary opposition in Ukraine should be aimed at real ensuring its constructive cooperation with the majority, as well as on observance of the rights of the opposition regarding representation in the leadership of the parliament and its bodies, control of the activities of the majority and the government, publication of its position in the parliament. The priority of improving the legal status of the parliamentary opposition in Ukraine should be not only the clarification and expansion of its rights, but also the formation of effective mechanisms for their implementation, ensuring accountability for violations of opposition`s rights.

Procedural tools and pension reform in the long run: the case of Sweden

ABSTRACT Welfare state reform is understood to be risky, difficult and still ongoing. As such, there is a need for analytic tools that can aid understanding of how governments are able to overcome the various barriers they face in seeking change, and the challenges of managing complex and hybridised welfare arrangements. This article argues that the policy tools literature provides several promising avenues for doing so. Specifically, it suggests that procedural policy tools – increasingly recognised in policy studies – are often critical for mitigating risk of blame, sustaining coalitions and supporting the ongoing adaptation of social policy systems to changing conditions and information. This is especially critical where policy innovations entail new substantive relationships between states, citizens and markets, as initial assumptions about individual and group behaviour are likely to be flawed. Procedural tools can enable learning and recalibration in the pursuit of public legitimacy for changing arrangements. To demonstrate the argument, this article engages closely with a case study of public pension reform in Sweden in the 1990s. The case study finds that, initially, reformers made use of a politically insulated parliamentary working group to design a new system, one which attempted to automate elements of policymaking and transfer risk from the state to the individual. However, this goal has proved more difficult to realise than imagined, and in the longer-term, the government used procedural tools for the purposes of learning and recalibration, and in doing so has gone some way to re-establishing modified forms of state accountability.

A hidden web of policy influence: The pharmaceutical industry's engagement with UK's All-Party Parliamentary Groups.

Our objective was to examine conflicts of interest between the UK's health-focused All-Party Parliamentary Groups (APPGs) and the pharmaceutical industry between 2012 and 2018. APPGs are informal cross-party groups revolving around a particular topic run by and for Members of the UK's Houses of Commons and Lords. They facilitate engagement between parliamentarians and external organisations, disseminate knowledge, and generate debate through meetings, publications, and events. We identified APPGs focusing on physical or mental health, wellbeing, health care, or treatment and extracted details of their payments from external donors disclosed on the Register for All-Party Parliamentary Groups. We identified all donors which were pharmaceutical companies and pharmaceutical industry-funded patient organisations. We established that sixteen of 146 (11%) health-related APPGs had conflicts of interest indicated by reporting payments from thirty-five pharmaceutical companies worth £1,211,345.81 (16.6% of the £7,283,414.90 received by all health-related APPGs). Two APPGs (Health and Cancer) received more than half of the total value provided by drug companies. Fifty APPGs also had received payments from patient organisations with conflicts of interest, indicated by reporting 304 payments worth £986,054.94 from 57 (of 84) patient organisations which had received £27,883,556.3 from pharmaceutical companies across the same period. In total, drug companies and drug industry-funded patient organisations provided a combined total of £2,197,400.75 (30.2% of all funding received by health-related APPGs) and 468 (of 1,177-39.7%) payments to 58 (of 146-39.7%) health-related APPGs, with the APPG for Cancer receiving the most funding. In conclusion, we found evidence of conflicts of interests through APPGs receiving substantial income from pharmaceutical companies. Policy influence exerted by the pharmaceutical industry needs to be examined holistically, with an emphasis on relationships between actors potentially playing part in its lobbying campaigns. We also suggest ways of improving transparency of payment reporting by APPGs and pharmaceutical companies.

Between Cooperation and Competition: Electoral Alliances of the Parliamentary Opposition in Poland during the 2018–2019 Series of Three Elections

The 2019 Polish parliamentary elections were the last in a series of three elections held within 12 months (chronologically: local elections, European Parliament election, elections to the Sejm and the Senate). The three consecutive elections opened up the possibility for cooperation within the parliamentary opposition with the aim of political victory. This article examines the relations between opposition groups in 2018–2019. Each election is analyzed in terms of the nature of relations within the opposition as well as cooperation and interparty competition. The hypothesis assumes that the types of relations among parliamentary opposition groups were shaped by the character of the given elections and the decisions taken by individual parties choosing between maintaining their independence and steps to potentially increase their electoral chances. The analysis shows that during the period in question the opposition did not develop a stable unified model of cooperation and that relations between individual groups were dominated by competition; however, depending on the election, cooperation was possible and was pragmatically pursued by the parties, as in the case of the European Coalition. The only stable cooperation was between Civic Platform and Modern.

Editorial introductions.

Editorial introductions.

Long COVID in children: the perspectives of parents and children need to be heard.

Parents have been struggling to obtain help and support, watching their children with persistent symptoms following acute infection with COVID-19. Early on in the pandemic, parents and children felt they were disbelieved by their GPs. As ‘long COVID’ came to be recognised in adults1 and named as such by patients2 there came to be a growing acceptance that it can also occur in children as evidence emerged.3 Indeed, ONS data suggest that 12%–15% of children may have symptoms lasting 5 weeks after an acute infection with COVID-19.4 Lack of GP awareness has led to some parents whose children have long COVID feeling that their children’s symptoms were minimised, experiences highlighted in the recent All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) about long COVID in children on 26 January 2021.2 …

Written evidence to All Party Parliamentary Group for Democracy and Constitution Inquiry into Respect for the Constitutional Rights to Free Expression at the Clapham Common Vigil on 13 March and the Bristol Protests in March 2021

Key points in the written evidence include: * Procedures prior to the 13 March vigil show that law on public assembly during the COVID19 pandemic was subject to misinterpretation suggesting no public gatherings were permissible, rather than the necessity to read regulations through the primary provisions of the Human Rights Act in reaching individualised decisions on a case-by-case basis.* Human Rights case law emphasises the importance in democracies of tolerance of non-violent gatherings, including spontaneous gatherings which form an immediate response to circumstances.* As key parties to decision on public assembly (e.g. conditions, prior advice on lawfulness, enforcement), police have a conflict of interest in cases of assembly protesting against police or otherwise calling them to account.* At Clapham Common a protest emerged after the vigil (somewhere after 1800hrs). Police took a decision on enforcement by 1830 hrs. This does not suggest protestors were given sufficient time to manifest their views and express solidarity.* Under principles of horizontal responsiveness, any extension of police powers in relation to public assembly should require an extension and strengthening of powers of other actors to scrutinise police decision making, to hold decision makers to account, and to act as a check against a ‘chilling effect’ of decisions on public participation in protest.

Evoking Equality: The Gender Sensitivity of Parliaments through their Symbolic Function

This article examines parliaments as symbol-makers beyond the actions of individual Members of Parliament or parliamentary party groups. In doing so, it develops an analytical framework for studying how legislatures symbolically represent women and, more generally, how they stand for gender equality. The article identifies who are the symbol-makers on behalf of the institution and outlines several indicators that allow assessing how the symbolic may further the gender sensitivity of parliaments. The indicators are clustered into two domains: on one hand, physical spaces, and, on the other hand, communications and public outreach. Drawing on examples from parliaments around the world, the article documents the wide range of available repertoires aimed at eroding the association between politics and masculinity. It also discusses the expected impact of symbolic activity on the targeted audiences and pinpoints the ways in which descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation build onto each other.