Elections are an exciting affair anywhere, but particularly in a country such as Pakistan in which political activity has been quiescent since fall of 1958 and in which presidential elections were being held for first time. More significant was fact that President Ayub Khan, who had ruled Pakistan with feeble, if any, opposition, for most of his six years in office, was being challenged seriously for first time by a national figure of consistently high repute in public estimation, whose emotional appeal with masses had remained unabated since independence in 1947. President Ayub came to power in October 1958. He collaborated with then President Iskander Mirza in scrapping 1956 constitution (and constitutional apparatus that went with it) and in imposing martial law. Three weeks later senior partner was summarily ousted; and Ayub became President. Between twin authors of martial law, Ayub's name was untarnished while Mirza's was notorious, and hence detested, for his politicking; for pulling strings behind scene; for significantly augmenting authoritarian trend in Pakistani politics initiated by his predecessor, Ghulam Mohammed; and, above all, for a good deal of confusion and chaos that were so characteristic of Pakistani scene in few months before October 7 decree. On other hand, Mirza-installed coterie in power, scheming and feuding all time, had little grounding among masses, while more popular opposition parties and leaders, now in political wilderness, called for revolt and revolution. It was, therefore, not surprising that Mirza's exit and Ayub's ascension to supreme power were widely welcomed throughout One of those who hailed this new development was, ironically, Miss Fatima Jinnah who later was to become such a serious contender for presidency against Ayub. For a little less than four years Ayub ruled with a firm hand, but introduced several salutary reforms (such as those relating to land, agriculture and family laws), toned up administration and took peremptory measures against such social evils as corruption, hoarding, black-marketing and smuggling. Ayub had no intention of going back to 1956 parliamentary constitution; hence, when he thought it expedient, he promulgated a new constitution (June 1962), which softened martial law regulations, but retained the purpose that lay behind them and presidential power to enforce them.' The intention was obviously to convert martial law into a document which will form basis of running country. 2