Parliamentary Assembly Research Articles

Implementation by the OSCE participating States of their human dimension commitments

Introduction. On the 29th Annual Session of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Parliamentary Assembly the delegates of the OSCE participating States issued Birmingham Declaration and, as part of it, the Resolution “On the Importance of the Human Dimension in the Context of Current Threats tothe Security in the OSCE Area Stemming from the Russian Aggression Against Ukraine”, where by they underlined “the importance of OSCE commitments, in particular those undertaken within the Human Dimension, that constitute firm political declarations of the participating States to fulfil, respect and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms ”and urged the participating States to implement those commitments. The aim of the article is to examine the main characteristics of the human dimension commitments and current approaches to their implementation. Results. This article provides a summary of the key characteristics of the OSCE human dimension commitments, focusing on their sources (CSCE and OSCE documents), process of adoption, nature of commitments, absence of sanctions for noncompliance, and lack of systematic verification of their implementation. The articlerefers to a precedent-setting suspension of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from the CSCE/OSCE “in view of clear, gross and uncorrected violations of CSCE commitments” in response to the growing crisis in Balkans. With reference to the unprovoked Russian aggression against Ukraine, and noting the OSCE’s position that, unlike the Council of Europe or other international organizations, the Organization does not have an effective mechanism for suspension or exclusion of its participating State for gross violation of the OSCE commitments and principles, the article highlights a need to review and transform current procedures and improve mechanisms to ensure implementation of the human dimension commitments. Conclusions. Although the OSCE human dimension commitments have beenre-affirmed by the participating States on numerous occasions, the challenge that is being faced by the OSCE, and which has become even more evident throughout 2022,one example of which may be the blocking of the Human Dimension Implementation Meeting by Russia and Belarus, is that the divergence between the participating States around the implementation of the OSCE human dimension commitments will onlyincrease. This will call for the development of new approaches to eliminate such divergence. The article concludes with a view that it is necessary to reassess the main institutional foundations of the OSCE’s work with the aim to increase effectiveness of the monitoring and verification of the implementation of the human dimension commitments, particularly as concerns respect for human rights. Key words: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE),Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, CSCE, human dimension,human rights, Helsinki Final Act 1975, OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, principles of international law, principle of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Eloise Todd: mobilising civil society for pandemic prevention

Eloise Todd: mobilising civil society for pandemic prevention

The Substantive Representation of Future Generations in Bicameral Parliaments: A Comparison of the Belgian Chamber of Representatives and the Senate (2010–2014)

It is generally argued that representative democracies are unresponsive to the needs of future generations. Representatives, standing for re-election, are incentivized by the needs of current generations, and fail to take the interests of the unborn into account. However, this argument bypasses the institutional diversity among parliaments. In this article, we focus in particular on bicameralism, and we ask whether the representation of future generations is more prevalent in upper than in lower houses. We expect that posterity’s interests will be taken into account more strongly in upper houses which are (1) mandated to reflect on the long-term impact of policies, (2) less politically and publicly visible and (3) at least partially composed of non-elected members. Based on an exploratory analysis of representative claims made on behalf of future generations in the Belgian Chamber of Representatives and the Senate, we conclude that the institutional status of the parliamentary assembly is not related to the propensity of making claims on behalf of posterity. We provide several explanations why this might be so.

The Funding of The North Atlantic Treaty Organization

This study examines the financing system of the budgets of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (N.A.T.O.). The NATO is not a supranational organization, with partly exception of the military coordination by SHAPE, but an intergovernmental organization. So far, it’s the only existing military institution at present worldwide. This 2023 study concerns only the three internal NATO budgets. Therefore, this article is based at the only reference material available, namely the primary budgetary sources of the NATO. It must also be pointed out that NATO does prepare an annual report concerning the political and military situation. But there is no equivalent concerning an overview of its finances and administrative functioning. The aspects to be investigated are as follows: who is funding the NATO budgets and how? what happens with the money given to NATO? how is NATO’s budget prepared and approved? This article doesn’t treat the military budgets of the member states or the financing of the Parliamentary Assembly of the NATO.

The Eurasian Vector as a Priority of Russia’s Parliamentary Diplomacy

The article discusses certain special aspects of Russia’s parliamentary diplomacy in the context of global confrontation with the West. It demonstrates that the Eurasian vector of the parliamentary dimension should become the priority thereof. The article researches multilateral and bilateral inter-parliamentary relations aimed at the formation of Eurasian law and the creation of conditions for functioning of Eurasian courts and arbitration tribunals. Certain features of the work of Eurasian parliamentary institutions are revealed, such as: the CSTO Parliamentary Assembly, IPA CIS, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union of Belarus and Russia on economic, political, military, humanitarian integration in the post-Soviet territory.Aim. Disclosure of the content of the Eurasian vector of Russia’s parliamentary diplomacy as a priority dimension in the context of global confrontation with the West.Tasks. Analyze features of the Western and Eurasian vectors of parliamentary diplomacy of Russia; explore forms and methods of parliamentary diplomacy in the post-Soviet territory; determine ways to strengthen the role of the parliamentary dimension in the processes of Eurasian integration.Methods. Systematic approach, comparative analysis, compilation of the best practices.Results. The study showed the need for a transition to bilateral forms of inter-parliamentary cooperation between Russia and unfriendly countries of the West and the effectiveness of multilateral cooperation with the countries of the East in order to develop Eurasian integration. The relevance of creating a parliamentary dimension in the EAEU and completing the formation of parliamentary institutions in the CSTO and the Union State has been substantiated.

A New Start for the European Private Company: The Draft Statute for a “Société Européenne Simplifiée” (SES)

Abstract 654 In February 2021, an international group of experts under the auspices of the French lawyers’ association Henri Capitant published a draft statute for a “European Simplified Company” (Société Européenne Simplifiée, SES). The draft intends no less than to revive the idea of a European Private Company (SPE), albeit in a modified manner. Unlike the SPE proposal, the SES initiative does not exclusively aim at adopting an EU regulation under Art. 352 TFEU that requires the consent of all 27 Member States. Instead, it is open for alternatives to EU-wide regulation, be it by way of enhanced cooperation under Art. 20 TEU or an international treaty between the interested Member States. In June 2021, the SES initiative gained the support of the Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly calling on the French and German governments to intensify their efforts in working towards a supra-national private company on the basis of the SES proposal.It is against this background that the present article seeks to analyse the objectives and main features of the Draft SES Statute. In the author’s view, the SES initiative should be welcomed as it seeks to fill an evident gap in the existing EU company law framework. The paper concludes that, despite several concerns that still need to be addressed, the Association Henri Capitant’s Draft SES Statute provides a solid and suitable basis for the consultations to come. 655

Rashysm: license for genocide

Rashysm: license for genocide

The Western European Union and the Early Days of the Yugoslav Crisis (1989-1991)

This article draws on the proceeding and the documents of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Western European Union (WEU) to account for how the unfolding crisis in Yugoslavia influenced debates on defence and security within the organization. While the literature has rightly pointed out that neither the WEU nor the European Community were successful in addressing the crisis and in preventing the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the following fighting, there is a gap regarding the analysis of the activities on which the Assembly embarked in the early days of the political crisis. This article attempts at filling the identified gap, and suggests that before 1992 the events in Yugoslavia did not influence to any relevant extent WEU Assembly debates, mainly due to other concomitant issues, diverse interests at stake and different positions between governments. This affected the WEU’s capacity to address the crisis and to play a more relevant role within European defence and security arrangements. The article resorts to the WEU’s archival material held at the Historical Archives of the European Union (HAEU).

The Council of Europe’s Attitude Towards New Challenges for Democracy, the Rule of Law and the Protection of Human Rights

The Council of Europe plays a special role in promoting democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights. The events of recent years, and especially Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, have significantly changed the conditions for the implementation of the Council of Europe’s mission. The author analyzed, based on the resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2473 (2022) “Strengthening the role of the Council of Europe as a cornestone of the European political architecture”, the activities of the Council of Europe aimed at seeking its role in the emerging new political architecture of Europe. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine may create conditions for a new look at the opportunities offered by the Council of Europe for European development and create a climate for intensifying forms of cooperation between European international organizations in the event of new threats to European development.

Kovačević v. Bosnia and Herzegovina: Do federalism and consociation matter?

The subject of the paper is the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case Kovačević v. Bosnia and Herzegovina. The judgment reflects the Court's opinion on discrimination against particular groups of citizens who may or may not, depending on the approach and attitude, use their active voting right in the elections for the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly. e novelty of this judgement is in the fact that the Court analysed the possibility of exercising active voting right while in previous cases it decided on discrimination against groups of citizens regarding the exercise of passive voting right. e judgement has to be criticised for several reasons and from several angles. e Court did not consider the legal nature of the Presidency and the House of Peoples which led it to wrong conclusions regarding discrimination against. It only took into consideration that the Others as well as some segments of constituent peoples could not be represented in these institutions. However, this fact has already been contained in several other judgements. e novelty is that the Court has judged that a voter cannot exercise the active voting right since he/she cannot vote for his/her preferred candidate for his/her ethnic affiliation and/or Entity place of residence. e purpose of this paper is to challenge this view and particularly to oppose the attitude that the implementation of this judgement has to introduce the solution that Bosnia and Herzegovina has to become one electoral district.

SCIENCE IS THE WEAPON FOR THE FUTURE OF UKRAINE

Dear Reader! Today marked the 299th day of the war for the independence of Ukraine. Besides the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the frontline of our battle against the aggressor is being held by healthcare professionals whose selfless work saves lives and the health of patients and ensures the existence of Ukraine. From now on, along with experimental and clinical medicine, there is war medicine in Ukraine, and the entire world is fascinated by its results. NATO Parliamentary Assembly has recently recognized our enemy as a terrorist state and called for creating a specialized international tribunal to punish all criminals. However, the full-scale invasion of the enemy with air raid alerts, shelling, scheduled and emergency blackouts did not stop Ukrainians in their love for education, scientific and research work, and awareness-raising activities. The words once uttered by great Ukrainian Hryhoriy Skovoroda, whose 300th anniversary we are celebrating this year, “The one who thinks of science, loves it, and the one who loves it, will never stop learning, no matter how passive he might seem”, are now more levant than ever. After all, they represent Ukrainian healthcare professionals and scientists. Progressive colleagues from across the globe – people of all races, all ages, ethnicities and religious orientations stand in solidarity with them. Together, they use all available possibilities and talents to bring victory closer and strengthen the positive image of Ukraine in the world. At this time the war situation is complex, with a labile standstill at the front in the east of Ukraine. Meanwhile is it an established fact that an independent Ukraine will continue to exist. Nevertheless, the loss of human lives and the destruction of society and infrastructure continues. Ukraine has shown an exceptional brave perseverance and strength. Now it is time to move forward with wise policies. Life must have to return to normal, without serious threats of war attacks. People have to build up Ukraine and healthcare professionals and scientists need to go back to their regular work finding improvements in daily living for the population. Our journal has a dual mission: 1) to enshrine the confident and attractive image of the journal, which is read in 154 countries of the world, in Ukraine and on the scientific map of the world; and 2) to unite progressive medical communities to share experiences and help Ukraine in the time of war. We would like to extend our sincere gratitude to members of the editorial board, who helped in the making of the journal in 2019-2020. Proudly and confidently, we present our readers with a new issue of our journal. This issue saw the light of day thanks to the extraordinary efforts and incredible responsibility of our authors, reviewers, and editors. Review the detailed report on the 6th International Symposium SMARTLION 2022. Medicine and War, which gathered participating lecturers not just from Ukraine, but also the USA, Germany, France and the UK. View video collections in the annex to the publication to review the unique doctor’s experience under conditions of the terroristic russian-Ukrainian war [1]. We would like to express sincere gratitude to every volunteer for help, solidarity and partnership with Ukrainian doctors and scientists [2,3], as well as physicians who are on the medical frontline in this terroristic war [4]. The cover page of this Issue “The light will overcome the darkness” (author: Ivan Dzis, MD, PhD) reflects our hope for Victory for Ukraine in 2023. We hope that the activities of our journal will serve as additional weapons for the future of Ukraine, and the editorial team will manage to continue developing the journal next year. We wish everyone health and victory in 2023! Glory to Ukraine! Glory to the Heroes!

Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and Challenges in Johor

PAS’s existencein the state of Johor has spanned more than six decades. Nevertheless, the party's performance in the state election is seen to be still in an uncertain state until today when it failed to win a satisfactory number of seats both at the parliamentary and state assembly levels. This situation suggests that PAS is facing a serious problem that needs attention and a thorough solution to enable the party to get out of the prolonged political lethargy syndrome. By using a descriptive case study design, this article aims to unravel the challenges faced by Islamic party that make it difficult for them to expand in the state of Johor. The results of the study show that there are three main challenges faced by PAS, namely limitations on religious access, party identification and current sentiment of oppositional politics that are not in their favor. Therefore, PAS is advised to rejuvenate its image and set the direction of the party clearly so that the penetration rate of the party's influence can be elevatedin the state of Johor.

Subjugate or Exterminate! A Memoir of Russia's Wars in Chechnya by Akhmed Zakaev, and: Russia, Chechnya, and the West, 2000–2006 by Akhmed Zakaev

Reviewed by: Subjugate or Exterminate! A Memoir of Russia's Wars in Chechnya by Akhmed Zakaev, and: Russia, Chechnya, and the West, 2000–2006 by Akhmed Zakaev John Russell Zakaev, Akhmed. Subjugate or Exterminate! A Memoir of Russia's Wars in Chechnya. Translated by Arch Tait. Academica Press, Washington, D.C. and London, 2018. xiv + 436 pp. Map. Illustrations. $34.95 (paperback). Zakaev, Akhmed. Russia, Chechnya, and the West, 2000–2006. Translated by Arch Tait. Academica Press, Washington, D.C. and London, 2022. xxiii + 588 pp. Illustrations. Appendix. Index. $59.95. Ichkeria — the name of the independent Chechen state of which Akhmed Zakaev is Prime Minister in exile, was mostly forgotten in the political lexicon until the summer of 2022. Then, following a brief visit by Zakaev to Kyiv, the Ukrainian parliament began a process of recognition of the state as an entity distinct from Russia (previously such recognition had been forthcoming only from the Taliban in Afghanistan after the first Russo-Chechen war). Despite drawing obvious parallels between the Russian assaults on Chechnya (1994–96 and 1999–2009) and Ukraine (from 24 February 2022), the shallow level of understanding amongst some Ukrainians of the history of Chechen resistance was laid bare in a gloss on a tweet in October 2022. For, when Oleksiy Danilov, the Secretary of Ukraine's National Security and Defence Council tweeted that 'Chechens are worthy descendants of the fighters for Independence — from Shamil to Dudayev', the Shamil that he was referring to was the nineteenth-century Imam, an Avar, not, as The New Voice of Ukraine website reported, the Chechen field commander, Shamil Basaev. The latter, until his death in July 2006, was known as Russia's 'terrorist No. 1', after the tragic outcomes of successive sieges at a Moscow theatre in 2002 (Russia, [End Page 789] Chechnya, and the West, chapter 9, pp. 83–99) and the school in Beslan in 2004 (ibid., chapter 19, pp. 319–47). Even a cursory reading of Zakaev's two weighty volumes might have prevented the occurrence of such an embarrassing error. Although no doubt encouraged by the re-emergence on the world stage of the concept of an independent Ichkeria, how Zakaev must resent the fact that such Western support for his cause has come decades too late. For, in the critical period between 1996 and 2004, which straddles these volumes, Vladimir Putin's Russia was treated as a stalwart ally of the West, particularly by the UK and USA, in its 'global war on terror', and Chechnya, represented most visibly by the 'terrorist' Shamil Basaev, was perceived as being very much on the wrong side. At the invitation of Lord Judd, I chaired the Chechen documentary film festival, at which Zakaev spoke (ibid., pp. 164–67). Held in June 2003 at the ICA, The Mall was bedecked with Union Jacks and Russian flags for Putin's official state visit. Zakaev castigates the then British prime minister, stating that 'I have no doubt that it was largely through the efforts of Tony Blair that Western politicians came to accept Putin and started closing their eyes to the war crimes in Chechnya' (p. 166). UK state papers released in December 2022 appear to lend some support to this claim, although I am sure Blair would point to his overriding objective of drawing Russia into the family of democratic nations. Some observers might claim that the beginning of the end of this 'marriage of convenience' was the trial and acquittal of Zakaev by a court in London in 2003 on charges of terrorism, brought by Russia, (covered in chapters 11–13, pp. 143–228). As a participant in this trial, these chapters were of especial interest, but, unfortunately, I am confused in Zakaev's account (p. 168) with the late Lord Russell-Johnston, chair of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, explaining, perhaps, why Zakaev in subsequent meetings always referred to me as a pravozashchitnik (human rights' activist), rather than as an academic. In fairness to Zakaev, his grasp of English names at this juncture must have been akin to the unfamiliarity amongst British readers with the multitude of challenging Chechen names presented in these books...

Parliamentary diplomacy and its importance in the conditions of martial law

The dynamic constitutional process since the proclamation of independence, taking into account the domestic experience of state-building and law-making, the results of constitutional, parliamentary and other reforms, has contributed to the expansion of functions and powers of parliament, forms of activity. In recent years, parliamentary diplomacy has become more important, structured, and new formats of parliamentary interaction have emerged. The importance of international parliamentary organizations and interparliamentary cooperation has grown due to the importance of developing and protecting universal norms of international law, establishing peace and security, protecting democracy, the rule of law and human rights in the world. Therefore, the current evolution of inter-parliamentary relations is characterized by the growing role of parliamentary diplomacy, although classical international law did not recognize such cooperation as an institution of diplomatic and consular law. In modern conditions in times of armed conflict, such tools are effective, sometimes the only acceptable compromise ways to resolve conflicts between states, with the participation of interparliamentary organizations, parliamentary assemblies of international organizations. The importance of parliamentary diplomacy as an element of multisectoral foreign military-political development in the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the effects of martial law, of course, is growing and its available results are obvious. This leads to further scientific research in this area, broadening horizons and strengthening parliamentary democratic culture. Key words: parliamentary diplomacy, international interparliamentary cooperation, parliamentarism, Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, martial law

Do international parliaments matter? An empirical analysis of influences on foreign policy and civil rights

International parliamentary institutions (IPIs), which give parliamentarians regular opportunities to communicate with their foreign counterparts, have become a common feature in global governance. Recent research has shed light on why IPIs are created, on the similarities and differences in their institutional design, and on the reasons that lead members of national parliaments to engage with them. By contrast, there is little systematic empirical research on whether and how IPIs affect global politics. This article addresses this question by assessing their ability to influence states in relation to the position they take on issues of global concern and to how they treat their own citizens. The study identifies several mechanisms of IPI influence, leading to the hypothesis that more frequent opportunities for parliamentarians to interact with their foreign counterparts within IPIs leads in time to greater similarity in the foreign policy positions expressed by their governments and affects how those governments protect the civil rights of their citizens. A statistical analysis spanning multiple international organizations, member states, and decades indicates that IPIs offer a distinct contribution to convergence in foreign policy. By contrast, participation in IPIs is not robustly associated with civil rights protections. The finding that IPIs can be consequential on which policies governments promote internationally even though such institutions typically lack substantial authority may be encouraging for advocates of further international parliamentarization and specifically the creation of a United Nations parliamentary assembly.

Freedom of Political Party in The European Convention on Human Rights: EU Practice and The Case of Turkey

Bu çalışmada, Avrupa İnsan Hakları Sözleşmesi’nde (AİHS) siyasi parti özgürlüğünün AB ülke uygulamaları ve Türkiye örneği bakımından araştırılması amaçlanmıştır. Çalışma kapsamında AİHS hükümleri, Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi (AİHM) içtihadı, Venedik Kriterleri, Avrupa Konseyi Parlamenterler Meclisi tarafından getirilen standartlar, bazı AB ülkelerindeki uygulamalar ve Türkiye pratiği incelenmiştir. Bu kapsamda iç hukukta siyasi parti özgürlüğüne ilişkin mevzuat ve içtihadın AİHS hükümlerine ve AİHM içtihadına uygunluk yönünden birtakım sorunlar barındırdığı tespiti yapılmıştır. Çalışmada anayasada ve mevzuatta yer alan hükümlerin AİHS hükümleri ve AİHM içtihadı paralelinde yeniden gözden geçirilerek değiştirilmesi gerektiği belirtilmiştir. Ayrıca siyasi parti kapatma davalarında Anayasa Mahkemesinin mer’i mevzuatı AİHM içtihadı ile uyumlu bir yaklaşımla yorumlayarak karar vermesi gerektiği değerlendirmesi yapılmıştır.

The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly: a transnational accountability forum in a time of crisis?

ABSTRACT The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) set up in March 2019 is the result of an unprecedented collaboration between the parliaments of the two most powerful member states of the European Union (EU). While this bi-parliamentary assembly has received some attention by political think tanks, we know very little about its potential transformative effect on bilateral executive accountability as well as on the accountability and the salience of EU economic governance in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on an extensive document analysis and on semi-structured interviews with FGPA members and staff, we show that to a large extent the FGPA has become a forum of transnational accountability that cuts across the traditional domestic and EU channels of executive oversight. Our findings also reveal that the pandemic has increased the FGPA’s oversight activity and allowed for the (re-)emergence of EMU matters on the shared parliamentary and executive agenda.

The Problem of Incongruities in Understandings of the Spirit of UN Institutional Efforts in the Field of Maintaining and Restoring International Peace and Security

This article is devoted to the problem of the political and legal substantiation of the actions of state authorities to determine and declare the need for various forms of “peace operations” in the framework of the common interests of the international community and the common goals of international and collective security systems for other participants in international communication.Aim. Eliminate methodological problems in defining the content of terms “peacebuilding”, “peacekeeping (peace enforcement)” while institutionalizing the use of force within the framework of universal and regional agreements in the field of security.tasks. Formulate the lines of reasoning for the actions of state authorities in the field of political and legal substantiation of the use of national armed formations outside the national territory to solve the problems of maintaining and restoring international peace and security.Methodology. In the course of the study, the author turned to resolutions and transcriptsof meetings and other documents of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly, international normative legal acts, model acts of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Interparliamentary Assembly of CIS member states. To draw conclusions, a search for facts and objective connections between them was carried out to confirm that the modern practice of states is carried out in accordance with the ideals underlying the modern system of ensuring international security, built around the UN paradigm, which in turn is aimed at protecting human dignity and deliverance from the scourge of war.results. The use of armed force is often a necessary condition both for maintaining peace and for preventing the outbreak, escalation, continuation and renewal of conflicts. Preservation of peace in a broad sense should be interpreted as a goal and as a process of forming a common vision of the international community based on the needs of all actors. However, many problems of political mobilization of both national and international communities are generated by incongruities in understanding the content of a number of basic concepts that shape the interaction of states and circulate in public discourse. That is, the improvement of the “language” in which the main international actors conduct discourse in the field of ensuring international security is an objective necessity for the development of a modern theoretical and methodological base for the process of legitimization of political decisions by government authorities.Conclusions. To ensure the coordination of the wills of the participants in international communication, decisions of state authorities to take action on the use of force outside the national territory to protect common interests should be based on a unified interpretation of the content of the concepts of “peacebuilding”, “peacekeeping (peace enforcement)” as a “fair use of force” in order to be uniformly acceptable for various political regimes and correspond to the national-cultural, religious and other traditions of different peoples.

Transnational Parliamentary Activities in EU Foreign Policy: The Role of Parliamentarians in the Establishment of the EU's Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime

Although the literature is increasingly interested in the parliamentary dimension of EU foreign policy, to this point no research has covered the role of parliamentarians in EU sanctions policy. This article argues that parliamentarians were successful in keeping the issue of a human rights sanctions regime on the EU's agenda and used all the tools at their disposal to push the EU foreign policy‐making machinery in the direction of adopting a new sanctions regime. This article does not limit itself to the study of the European Parliament but argues that parliamentary assemblies of different levels (national, cross‐level and European) are interconnected and worked together intensively on the adoption of the EU's human rights sanctions regime.

The Roads Not Taken: Liberty, Sovereignty and the Idea of the Republic in Poland-Lithuania and the British Isles, 1550–1660

AbstractIn the mid-sixteenth century, there were many parallels between the political cultures of Poland-Lithuania and the kingdoms of the British Isles, as thinkers inspired by the ideals of Renaissance civic humanism challenged traditional currents of thought. Across the British Isles and Poland-Lithuania there were strong native traditions asserting the liberties of communities of the realm and the need to check unbridled royal authority through parliamentary assemblies. As the Reformation swept across the British Isles and Poland-Lithuania, traditional claims concerning the right to resist tyrannical authority were bolstered. Finally, in 1603, Scotland and England formed a loose political union as Poland and Lithuania had formed a loose political union in 1386, although it was not until 1707 that England and Scotland followed the example of the 1569 Lublin Union, when Poland and Lithuania established the first parliamentary union in European history. Despite these parallels, the fates of these composite polities were very different, and their political cultures diverged substantially. This article considers the idea of the Renaissance republic in Poland-Lithuania and the British Isles. It suggests why their roads diverged, and asks what made all the difference.