Parce Que Research Articles

From Port-au-Prince to Montreal to Miami: Trans-American Nomads in Dany Laferriere's Migratory Texts

“Si le nomade peut etre appele le Deterritorialise par excellence,” Deleuze and Guattari write, “c’est justement parce que la reterritorialisation ne se fait pas apres comme chez le migrant” [“If the nomad can be called the Deterritorialized par excellence, it is precisely because there is no reterritorialization afterward as with the migrant”].1 In this paper, however, I am interested in Dany Laferriere as a nomadic migrant writer.2 Like other contemporary francophone migrant writers, such as Flora Balzano, Mehdi Charef, Linda Le, and Leila Sebbar, Laferriere deliberately resists definitive location and deterritorializes the derive and deracinement of the nomad. By resisting location, nomadic migrant writers also elude the fixity of the identity categories by which the country of adoption attempts to define them—le negre [‘the black’], le migrant [‘the migrant’], l’autre [‘the other’]. Laferriere is rootless and adrift, but also a deterritorializing force within Quebec that aspires to sovereignty and nationality and within the U.S., increasingly multicultural and transnational. He writes out the diasporic and exilic dislocations of nomadism: linguistic, geopolitical and schizo-social. Laferriere—deracinated (deracine), drifting (derivant), deterritorializing (deterritorialisant). Having worked as a journalist in “Baby Doc” Duvalier’s Haiti in the early 1970s, Laferriere fled the country after one of his colleagues was found dead. In Chronique de la derive douce [Drifting Year], Laferriere writes, “J’ai quitte Port-au-Prince parce qu’un de mes amis a ete trouve sur une plage la tete dans un sac et qu’un autre croupit a FortDimanche” [“I left Port-au-Prince because one of my friends was found on the beach with his head in a sack and the other is rotting away in Fort-Dimanche”] (55/50).3 In 1976, he entered Quebec as an exiled writer, yet even his status as exile is treated with cool, dispassionate humor: “Je n’ai pas ete exile. J’ai fui avant d’etre tue. C’est different” [“I wasn’t an exile; I fled before they could kill me. That’s different”] (Chronique 27/25). Throughout Chronique, an account of his first year in Quebec, Laferriere, who now lives in Miami, resists the possibility of establishing roots in the pays d’accueil, yet he also frustrates the possibility of return to the pays natal:

Escitalopram: A consistently effective antidepressant

La prise en charge thérapeutique des patients atteints de dépression sévère reste encore un challenge pour les médecins. Par rapport à la forme légère ou modérée, la dépression sévère se caractérise souvent par une durée plus longue, une co-morbidité supérieure, une plus faible probabilité de rémission spontanée et un taux de rechute plus important. Par ailleurs, si l’efficacité des nouveaux antidépresseurs est bien établie dans la dépression légère à modérée, beaucoup moins d’études ont été réalisées dans la dépression sévère. Probablement parce que la dépression sévère n’est pas perçue comme une entité à part, mais comme un continuum dans la clinique de cette pathologie, et aussi peut-être en raison d’une absence de consensus clair sur la définition même de cette sévérité. Après avoir utilisé les définitions basées sur la clinique et sur le mode de prise en charge, les auteurs semblent désormais privilégier l’utilisation des échelles cliniques avec un seuil spécifique pour cette définition. En utilisant l’échelle MADRS (Montgomery-Åsberg Depression Rating Scale) et la valeur seuil de 30 pour définir la sévérité de la dépression, nous avons réalisé une analyse poolée avec les données des trois essais cliniques comparant l’efficacité du escitalopram à celle du citalopram. Les résultats montrent de façon constante une meilleure efficacité du escitalopram par rapport au citalopram, dans cette indication particulière qu’est la dépression sévère.Escitalopram is a highly selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI). It is the therapeutically active S-enantiomer of citalopram. It has been shown, compared with placebo, to be an effective and well-tolerated treatment for major depressive disorders (MDD) in both primary and specialist care settings. A recent meta-analysis has found that escitalopram-treated patients showed significant higher response rates and increased mean change from baseline in the Montgomery-Åsberg Depression Rating Scale (MADRS) total scores at weeks 1 and 8 compared with citalopram-treated patients. Each of these active drugs shares similar safety profiles. Although the efficacy of newer antidepressants has been well established for the treatment of mild-to-moderate depression, there are very few studies concerning severe depression.To determine if escitalopram is more effective than citalopram in patients with severe depression.Data were pooled from three different clinical trials, each similar in design and inclusion/exclusion criteria, primary endpoints and assessment schedules. This analysis was exhaustive because it included all trials in which the maximum dose for escitalopram (20 mg) could be administered. According to the cut-off point taken to define severe depression based on the MADRS total score ( 30), 506 patients were considered as severely depressed patients and so included in this analysis. Among them, 169 received escitalopram, 171 received citalopram and 166 received the placebo. The primary efficacy parameter was the mean change from baseline to end of treatment in MADRS total score between escitalopram and citalopram groups, based on last-observation-carried-forward method. The change from baseline to endpoint of the Hamilton rating scale for Depression (HAM-D) and the Clinical Global Impression of Improvement and Severity (CGI-I and CGI-S) were also analysed as secondary criteria. Clinical response was defined by at least a 50 % reduction in baseline MADRS total score or by at least a 60 % reduction in baseline HAM-D score or by a score of 1 (very much improved) on the CGI scale, and remission by a MADRS total score £ 12. Results - Results showed that the mean change from baseline in the MADRS total score was significantly higher in the escitalopram group compared with the citalopram group (− 17.3 vs − 13.8 respectively, p = 0.003). This significant difference was observed as early as week 1 (p = 0.01). Response rates were significantly higher for escitalopram than for citalopram (56 % vs 41 % respectively, p = 0.007). A borderline significant difference was found for remission rate in the observed-cases analysis (43 % vs 33 % respectively, p = 0.07). Analyses of the HAM-D, CGI-I and CGI-S scores revealed consistent results.This study shows that the new SSRI escitalopram has better efficacy in the treatment of severe depression than citalopram, its racemic parent. Mean differences between treatments groups were in favour of escitalopram for all scales. The benefits of escitalopram compared with citalopram, as demonstrated by both magnitude of effect and time of onset, are superior to the benefits of citalopram, an antidepressant drug with proven efficacy. This evidence clearly supports the use of escitalopram as a legitimate first-line treatment for MDD.

Subjectivity in the Fictional Ruin: The Caprice Genre

What a clever chap that architect is, though; how he takes his client's measure! Edith Wharton (1) After Roland Mortier's La Poetique des ruines en France the study of the motif of the ruin in poetry and prose was extended to many schools, periods and types of representation, such that research on the topic, particularly on literary uses of the ruin seems to have little left to uncover. However, the question of how to extricate the ruin as a subject of poetics from references to real ruins remains and as with most questions of a theoretical order, should engage the research community for some time to come. The fine line between fiction and reality disappears in most critical treatments of ruins when the presupposition that the architecture being analyzed could exist encounters no obstacle. Such a presupposition cannot be made with respect to the caprice, a genre of ruin painting developed in the eighteenth century. This genre designates an imaginary arrangement of celebrated ruins and monuments. These representations announce their distance from reality and invite the viewer to marvel at the ingenuity with which the artist juxtaposed monuments far away from each other in reality. For this reason, we have chosen the caprice as the point of departure for this study of the ruin as a fictional structure. In painting, as in literature, the ruin often furnishes the landscape in which a narrative is set. As an element of landscape, however, ruins constitute the background of the principal representation. The caprice represents the move of the ruin in painting from the background to the status of subject. We can speak of the poetics of a representation when it has become the subject of invention and thus a work of art unto itself. In the case of the caprice painting, ruined architecture has become the focal point of the artist's invention. The first part of our argument will therefore examine the development of the ruin as a subject of invention in painting and analyze how Diderot first defined the poetics of this genre in the Salon de 1767. Diderot's ruin poetics takes leave of ekphrasis and the viewer's reaction to a caprice by Hubert Robert. One can say that Diderot invents the reaction because he describes it as another painting: an extension of the original. In the latter half of our argument, we hope to demonstrate that the fictional ruin in a literary text is likewise first an extension of and ultimately a departure from ekphrasis. From the sketch of the architectural ornament in Gian Battista Piranesi's texts to the ekphrasis of Piranesi's work in the fantastic genre, the fictional aspects of the representation of ruins appear as elaborate extensions of an existing edifice. In literature, the traces of a subjective reaction to architecture eventually translate into the complete portrait of the viewer and his passions. In the fantastic genre's variations on the theme of Piranesi's Prisons, the final portrait of the devastated artist constitutes, as we hope to demonstrate, the literary response to his ruin fantasies as well. The Ruin in Narrative Painting Throughout its history in painting, the ruin served only as a setting for religious subjects, among the more famous: the martyrdom of Saint Sebastian, the stoning of Saint Etienne, the grotto or run-down stable in the Nativity and Christ chasing the merchants from the Temple. In Nativities for example, the ruin symbolized a humble beginning, or as Chateaubriand wrote: [...]le dernier degre des conditions humaines, parce que nous etions tombes par l'orgueil[...]. (2) Jean Starobinski attributes a deictic funtion to ruins as indicators of an oriental desert landscape in the background of paintings of the martyrdom of Saint-Sebastian and in Nativities: [...] Tres tot [...]les peintres ont imagine des ruines pour en faire un decor intermediaire entre les structures factices et le monde naturel, entre le palais et le roc[. …

The impact of connectives and anaphoric expressions on expository discourse comprehension

This study focuses on the impact of linguistic markers of coherence on the comprehension of expository discourse. The impact of such markers on comprehension (i.e., off-line) is a highly controversial topic in current studies, especially for connectives for which a facilitating as well as an interfering role has been demonstrated. As a matter of fact, it seems that connectives facilitate the comprehension process in that they improve the reading process, but that they do not increase comprehension of the text. It might even be possible that they ease the reading task in such a way that they provide the reader with the 'impression' of having understood the text instead of a real understanding. The objective of the experiment was to test this far-reaching hypothesis for the use of connectives in expository texts. We wanted to determine the impact of causal connectives such as because ('parce que') and so ('donc') on comprehension and on the feeling of understanding, contrasting it with the impact of anaphoric expressions. Contrary to previous results, our experiment shows that the presence of connectives actually improved comprehension while it did not have an impact on the perception of understanding.

Swann, Vinteuil et Marcel, et la mémoire involontaire

Swann, Vinteuil involontaire Joseph S. et Marcel, et la memoire Jenkins in F Sharp follows the move- Un Amour de Swann. The Phrase is also La petite phrase from Vinteuil's Sonata in ments of Swann's love for Odette a figure through which A la Recherche du temps perdu performs both the movements of involuntary memory and the powerful images this memory can unveil. Swann's revelations regarding Odette's love, occasioned by a perfor- mance of the Sonata at the Sainte-Euverte (Guermantes) reception, parallel the narrator's (Marcel's) ecstatic realization, recounted in the work's final volume, of the nature of artistic creation and his own vocation as a writer. Marcel there finds that episodes of involuntary memory liberate the essence of things and thus make is possible the work of artistic creation. A subject accidentally experiences a sensation similar to that subject in its past; not one experienced by at that only the memory of that past sensation involun- tarily stimulated, but so are the memories of sensations contiguous all prior point in time. tions is Because the subject's perspective on (it these prior sensa- one of extra- or a-temporality experiences them vividly — as present, but not in the present) the reality of prior impressions may be perceived. Unlike the moi of the temporal present, ceives reality (including its this essential, atemporal mot per- own) free of concerns for utilitarian means and ends (III, 872), the vicissitudes of the future, and death (873). For this Marcel of the final volume, reality and the aesthetic ideal are practically identical: both are antidotes for the ennui in this text: mondain that is chronic [J]'avais pu trouverle monde et la vie ennuyeux parce que je les jugeais d'apres des souvenirs sans verite, alorsquej'avais un tel appetitde vivremaintenantque venait de renaitre en moi, a trois reprises [de memoires involontaires], un veritable moment du passe. (872) This moment of truth unleashes so strong a desire that its superlative importance cannot be denied. subjective first impressions acts Marcel expresses no doubt that uncovering may perhaps be less important than engaging in is of direct political significance. For Marcel, pohtical engagement just work that of plumbing the depths of the atemporal moi (878). It is those who plumb these depths who are rewarded. When impressions of the atemporal moi are discovered, intense (but ephem- an excuse to avoid more difficult

Les incertitudes du mot graphique au XVIIIe siècle

J.-P. Seguin : « Variations in Written Word Forms in the 18th Century » In the 18th Century, awareness of the written word appears to be fixed. However, this awareness is not related to contemporary theoretical definitions of the word, such as can be found in the works of Restaud, Buffier, Girard, Beauzée or Féraud. On the other hand, the actual segmentation of texts into words, as practised by some grammarians, or by a writer like the self-taught window-glass maker Menetra, may show elements of an unconscious system. We find, for instance, that some authors tend to join the definite article, or the preposition en to the following words in writing, as well as using joined forms such as delà. Moreover, some grammarians systematically use joined forms such as parconséquent, àmoins, parce que, and so on.

Endings in Autobiography: The Example of Enfance

any form of narrative. In autobiographical genre especially, they draw attention to narrative as construct. By definition, birth and death belong to field of autobiography. By definition equally, they lie beyond reach of autobiographer. For existential events which are inaccessible, he has therefore to invent literary equivalents.1 Where birth and beginning are concerned, Stendhal gets over ground with an allusion to Tristam Shandy: aprA s tant de considA©rations gA©nA©rales je vais naA®tre. During discussions, it is implied, a longdrawn-out birth process has been taking place. In next sentence, he jumps straight to Mon est d'avoir mordu A la joue ou au front Madame Pison du Galland, ma cousine. HB, when he is born, is born as fully-fledged monster: Je me rA©voltai, je pouvais avoir quatre ans.2 Where death and ending are concerned, autobiographer is equally dependent on sleight-of-hand. Graham Greene chooses title of A Sort of Life on grounds that if one cannot close a book of memories on deathbed, any conclusion must be arbitrary. He then finds a way of doing what he says he cannot do: he chooses, as an ending for that first volume, an experience which is equivalent of death. The publication of his first novel was followed by years of failure of which he says, Failure too is a kind of death.3 Enfance, its author assures us, is not an autobiography: Je n'ai pas essayA© d'A©crire l'histoire de ma vie, parce que elle n'avait pas d'intA©rAat d'un point de vue littA©raire.4 But it belongs—the opening phrases of text itself make this explicit—to that sub-genre of autobiography, sometimes called d'enfance (Jacques Lecarme5), childhood (Richard Coe6—an abbreviation for what he refers to as the clumsy Reminiscences of childhood and adolescence) or simply souvenirs d'enfance as text itself has it. Where beginnings are concerned, genre and sub-genre join forces: Bruno Vercier's study of premier souvenir refers us to Leiris and Loti; Lejeune's piece on rA©cit de naissance makes no generic distinctions.7 What of endings? Jacques Lecarme, in his attempt to define genre, points to difficulty of

Desire and Writing in Scudéry’s “Histoire de Sapho”

Desire and Writing in Scudéry’s “ Histoire de Sapho” Patricia Hannon S CUDÉRY SCHOLARSHIP often focuses on her 1654 novel Clélie, which contains the “ Carte de Tendre,” the best known of the many amorous geographies in vogue during the second half of the seven­ teenth century. Scudéry’s sometimes ambiguous distinction between the friendship or “ amitié tendre” of the land of Tendre and the passionate love of the “Terres Inconnues” has elicited divergent critical interpreta­ tions: certain critics emphasize the novel’s intellectual, spiritual love reflective of the purgation of passion, whereas others stress its apology of passion, valorizing of the affective dimension, and legitimation of sentiment.1However, the issue of eroticism in Madeleine de Scudéry’s works is seldom addressed.2 My reading of “ Histoire de Sapho,” the tenth and final volume of Artamène ou le Grand Cyrus (1653), reveals that what appears to be an idealized or intellectualized love includes an important erotic dimension.3 The argument for eroticism in Scudéry’s œuvre is strengthened by selecting a text written prior to Clélie: “ Histoire de Sapho” can be conceived of as a kind of hiatus before the lines sep­ arating love from friendship, the land of Tendre from the “Terres In­ connues,” are more forcefully delineated.4 For in this anterior text, love’s body is defined by “ inclination” —“ pente qu’on a naturellement à quelque chose” (Pierre Richelet, Dictionnaire françois, 1680)—guaran­ teed by its very irrationality to be free of ulterior motives. “ Si je dois votre amour à quelque chose,” explains Sapho to Phaon, “ c’est à votre inclination” (560). Love is born not of the marriage contract—“ Je veux un Amant sans vouloir un Mari” (415)—but arises rather from “ inclina­ tion,” “ une liaison avec quelqu’un qu’on peut choisir” (412): Jugez donc, Phaon, si je trouverais bon que vous puissiez m’aimer par nulle autre raison que parce que vous me trouvez aimable, & parce que vous ne pouvez vous empêcher d ’avoir de l’affection pour moi. (561)5 The nature of Sapho and Phaon’s “ inclination” is clarified by ana­ lyzing the scene in which the heroine poses for her portrait under the watchful eyes of the salon habitués. Although the eroticism of this scene is usually neglected in favor of a more traditional reading of Vol. XXXV, NO. 2 37 L ’E spr it C réa teu r “ saphonisme” as the sublimation of passion, its literal encoding of the body into gestural language could easily be transposed to the boudoir, which here seems to trespass on the limits of the public drawing room. Salon society is the third term in a triangular configuration wherein a mute Sapho and Phaon communicate through well-placed glances and meaningful blushes. The lovers’ glances, “ il savait si bien l’art de parler d’amour sans en parler” (444), are signs to be deciphered in an amorous game where mediated expression is the rule. Just as their glances are a kind of broken sentence interrupted by the group surrounding them, so too are the lovers’ bodies fragmented into synecdoches against the encompassing scene. Sapho is reduced to an “ aimable rougeur,” “beaux yeux,” and especially “ rêverie” ; while Phaon is dispersed into “regards,” “ visage,” and “ un air si languissant & si amoureux dans ses yeux” (444-45). The references to Sapho’s blushing and daydreaming underscore the erotic components of this passage where the painter reveals the soul of his subject already undressed by her lover’s glances: “ par un aimable rougeur qui paraissait sur le visage de Sapho, . . . elle trouvait que les regards de Phaon lui en disaient trop” (444). The numerous references to Sapho’s “ rêverie” which close the passage sug­ gest a jouissance compatible with the restraints of this social gathering: “ Sapho, rêvant assez profondément, arrêta ses beaux yeux sur le visage de Phaon, qu’elle ne voyait pourtant pas. . (445). Scudéry’s Sapho recalls the original poetess of sexual desire when she loses control: “elle regardait Phaon sans le voir,” and “ en rougit” (445). On yet another level, Sapho’s embarrassment results from her violating the ideal of sociability by a personal...

Charles-Louis de Montesquieu: Lettres persanes (review)

376 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FICTION 3:4 Les essais de Kibédi Varga, Gerald Prince, Michèle Weil, et Ian Lancashire constituent des réflexions théoriques sur le concept de topos. La convergence de leurs conclusions offre une vision plus rigoureuse de la nature et du fonctionnement des topoï romanesques. Le lecteur y trouvera un classement des différents types de lieux, un aperçu des rapports entre topoï et dénarré, celui-ci se présentant comme "centre d'accueil privilégié" par sa fonction interprétative, une description du topos comme "configuration narrative récurrente," permettant son repérage et une mise au point des problèmes que pose encore la recherche informatisée sur le topos. Maria Joâo Brilhante Université de Lisbonne Jean Goldzink. Charles-Louis de Montesquieu: Lettres persanes. Paris: Presses universitaires de France (Etudes littéraires, N0 23), 1989. 123pp. "Nos ancêtres étaient gens un peu rudes," Jean Goldzink writes (p. 91), referring to Daniel Mornet and other older critics who, neglecting the fictional element in the Lettres persanes, read the work as an account of Montesquieu's opinions (summed up as "relativism ") on a number of philosophical topics. However, since about 1960, "grâce aux progrès de la technique et de la coopération internationale, nous ne sommes plus aussi naïfs" (p. 91); in other words, Montesquieu's early masterpiece is now accepted as a work of prose fiction—indeed, some modern critics see it as a fully fledged novel with a coherent plot (the harem story) and psychologically complex characters. Goldzink, though loudly congratulating himself on being a "modern," makes no such extravagant claim; he speaks of "la double nature du livre: mixte de philosophie et de récit" (p. 31); his aim is to do justice to the hybrid nature of the work. Goldzink argues that récit (or story) and ideas are not separate or separable compartments : the story is essentially the Persians' voyage of discovery and its consequences, which include not only the revolt in the harem but also the travellers' reactions to the Western way of life. This is a story which generates ideas and, conversely, the ideas are dramatized in the story, for the experiences of Usbek and Rica are related in a series of dated letters which must be read in context—in the context of time and place, and also in the context of destinateur and destinataire. This is the heart of the matter: Montesquieu is not speaking in his own voice, but inventing a multi-voiced fictional correspondence in which he orchestrates a rich variety of epistolary strategies where the status of any particular énoncé is highly ambiguous. Readers, confronted with "les rouages de l'ingénieuse machine textuelle imaginée par Montesquieu" (p. 94), inevitably have difficulty in finding their bearings in a work which dissolves into a cacophony of conflicting voices. There is a point in his book where Goldzink, having expelled the author and shattered the text into a multiplicity of subjective views, seems to accept that we should simply revel in "le plaisir du texte": "Pourquoi ne pas lire les Lettres persanes comme une juxtaposition de discours, philosophiques, religieux, satiriques, qui se succèdent, se croisent, se détruisent, sans qu'il y ait à chercher une voix d'auteur, des valeurs assum ées, parce que le sens du livre se confond avec le tressage même des discours?" (p. 42). Here we seem to be at the opposite pole from the older academic criticism; however , in the next sentence Goldzink makes the surprise announcement that beneath the motley surface of the Persians' correspondence, it is possible, after all, to discover the REVIEWS 377 voice of the author, whose philosophy is that, at the deepest level of human experience , there is a rational moral order. To demonstrate this, Goldzink follows a procedure not easily distinguishable from Mornet's, which is to assume that certain "enlightened" ideas expressed by the Persians are endorsed by Montesquieu. Thus he refers to letter 83, where Usbek offers a rational proof of the existence of God and Natural Law; but the reader will surely feel that this tells us nothing about Montesquieu's...

Le Récit impossible by Uri Eisenzweig

L ’E sprit C réateur Uri Eisenzweig. L e R é c it im po ssib l e . Paris: Christian Bourgois, 1986. Pp. 357. The traditional roman policier, which emphasizes the reasoned inquiry into the mystery surrounding a crime, more than the crime itself, often presents its own critical gloss, as in the case of A. Conan Doyle’s Watson whose faulty judgment serves to reenforce the functioning and credibility of the text, “puisque le mystère qui fonde celui-ci exige, non pas que l’on se taise, mais bien que l’on parle tout en ne disant précisément pas ce qui est à savoir” (p. 6). Uri Eisenzweig views the confrontation of literary criticism with the roman policier as operating similarly, because by the very fact that it fails to assimilate what it treats, fails to “intégrer le récit de détection aux normes littéraires et sociales dominantes,” it constitutes it as a separate genre. At the heart of the récitpolicier lies the fact that it is the account of an inquiry justified solely by the absence of the account of a crime. Eisenzweig points out that, in effect, the principle underlying the genre exists largely in the textual production which puts into ques­ tion what is presupposed, that is, “la capacité de représenter, d’expliquer, de montrer un monde en le racontant” (p. 7). Eisenzweig’s study is comprised Of three parts, the first of which, entitled “L’invention du genre,” examines the roman policier as concept, as part of a historically determined social discourse that is by its very nature impossible. The second part, “Le pouvoir narratif en question,” picks up on the nature of what this generic impossibility implies to treat the formal or rhetorical functioning of the roman policier as text and its efforts to fabricate a coherent image of itself that has recourse to specific themes and narrative strategies. The third and final part, “L’imaginaire géopolitique,” considers the modalities of its social and historical presence and the ideological-political implications that inhere in it. More specific­ ally, he shows the “occultation de la réalité industrielle moderne [qui] est à la source d’une vision du monde redondante, où toute altérité est théoriquement suspecte parce que for­ mellement exclue” (p. 189). Emerging in the last years of the 19th century, the police narrative arose at a time when a “crise du roman” was occurring. By using the roman policier as an example of bad or inferior literature, because it violated the notion of la vérité comme récit (remindful of what Lyotard calls the truth-functional discourse), and thereby attempting to reaffirm the integrity of conventional novelistic prose, the critical establishment constituted the roman policier as genre. Behind this judgment, Eisenzweig perceives a shift in literary criticism from theme to narrative technique, that allowed critics to view the roman policier as a nonserious work based on deviant related concepts of code and contract, which established the condition of possibility of the roman policier asjeu (p. 44). Its contractual form constitutes “une véritable composante [. . .] de son univers imaginaire” (pp. 47-48), the result being that, in representing the genre policier, “l’univers narratif est en grande partie régie par cette représentation elle-même.” Thus, owing to thisjeu, critical discourse, undergoing an epistemological crisis, is thematically interiorized in the work which it scrutinizes. In this sense the contract is an anti-literary one. The narrative structure of the roman policier is a radical inversion of traditional narra­ tive. The absence of traditional characters of psychological substance as well as the dis­ appearance of the linearity of narrative events become the forms for the impossibility of the police narrative (“de tout mystère véritable”). This derives from a profound cleavage between enigma (the story to be told) and narration (the story told). In other words, the enigma in the récit exists as the impossibility of telling another récit—what happened (the crime). Thus, the roman policier is a récit in search of a récit (p. 53). All efforts of the narrative concur in concealing the narrative proper...

Thematic Development in Jodelle's Contr' Amours

Thematic Development in Jodelle's Conti*'Amours by Gale Crouse# When Etienne Jodelle's works were first published in 1574, just over a year after the poet's death, his editor and lifetime friend, Charles de La Mothe, grouped seven sonnets under the heading "Contr'Amours." In his introduction to this first edition, La Mothe commented that he could include only seven sonnets "par ce que l'on n'en a encore peu recouvrer le reste,"1 and he went on to explain that the "Contr'Amours" should contain over three hundred works. Balmas has recently uncovered two additional sonnets and two longer poems which he convincingly attributes to Jodelle (pp. 529-30), but the total number remains far short of the three hundred attested to by La Mothe. The few poems which are known, however, offer valuable insight into Jodelle's work as a poet, especially in terms of poetic structure and thematic development. The "Contr'Amours" present a bold and original poetic statement of the anti-Petrarchan sentiment which was common in the midsixteenth century, especially among the Pléiade poets. Both Du Bellay, in his "Contre les Pétrarquistes,"2 and Ronsard, in the "Elegie à son livre"' and in an "Odelette à sa maistresse,"4 had criticized the excesses and the effusiveness of the traditional expressions of love. In a "Chanson" (pp. 320-335) Jodelle himself had made a similar criticism.5 Jodelle's "Contr'Amours" are unique, however, in that they constitute an illustration rather than merely a statement of anti-Petrarchism. •GAI.E CROUSE (Ph.D.. University of Wisconsin-- Madison) teaches French and integrated humanities courses at the University of South Dakota where he is chairman of the Department of Modern Languages. He has taught at San Diego State College and at the Ecole Normale d'instituteurs in Chateauroux. France. He is editor of the Language Rt>und Table Bulletin of South Dakota and a member of the Advisory Council of the Central States Conference on the Teaching of Foreign Languages. His affiliations include AATE. ACTKI.. RMMl. A. and SDKI. A. 1 Etienne Jodelle. Oeuvres completes. cá. Enea Balmas (Paris: Gallimard. 1965), I, 72. Kurt her references to this edition will he given in the text of the study. ; Oeuvres françaises de Jitachim du Bel/ai . ed. Charles Marty-I.aveaux (Paris: Lemerre. 1867). II. .'3.1-3.18. 'Oeuvres comp/eres. ed. Gustave Cohen (Paris: Gallimard. 1950), I. 112. 'Ibid. II. 798 ^ Balmas suggests that Du Bellay's anti-Petrarchism may have been inspired by Jodelle. See his Cn poeta del Rinasfimento francese: Flienne Jodelle. La sua vna. 11 suo lempo ( Klorence: I.. S. Olschki. 1962), p. 445. ROCKY MOUNTAIN REVIEW7 Contr'Amours Unrequited or even rejected love is Jodelle's alleged reason for the creation of the "Contr'Amours," an interpretation supported by the poet's contemporary, Etienne Pasquier, who writes that Jodelle "estoit d'un esprit sourcilleux, et voyant que tous les autres poetes s'adonnoient à la célébration de leurs dames, luy, par un privilege spécial, voulut faire un livre qu'il intitula Contr'Amours, en haine d'une dame qu'il avoit autresfois affectionnée___6 There is no real evidence to substantiate the notion that Jodelle's poems were actually inspired by an unfortunate love affair, however, nor should this be a major consideration since the question of sincerity is often meaningless in a sixteenth-century context.7 As Piéri points out in his study of the style of the Petrarchists, "Leurs développements enthousiastes sont un procédé de rhétorique. Jodelle, dépité contre l'amour, explique comment il savait embellir l'objet de sa passion, transformer ses défauts mêmes en qualités."8 What the "Contr'Amours" present most notably is a vivid example of Jodelle's verve for writing. In these works he finds the perfect occasion to parody the traditional themes oflove poetry, especially the much-used and much-abused Petrarchan mode. Thematic modification allows him a new vocabulary and opens the possibility for unusual poetic effects. Into the sonnets of the "Contr'Amours" Jodelle pours his love for language and rhetorical innovation. The poet's creative enthusiasm is manifest...

Church and Reform in Enlightenment Italy: The Sixties of the Eighteenth Century

When we speak of the we mean something more than just a decade. We mean rather the years from 1758 to 1774, the years which mark the springtime of the Italian Enlightenment. It was during this period that Cesare Beccaria's Dei delitti e delle penee the Caffe of the Verri brothers and their collaborators, and Antonio Genovesi's Lezioni bli (ommercio appeared. This same period was that of the greatest tension between the Catholic church and the Italian states and of the most incisive reforms in the relationship between civil and religious society. It was the period that included the expulsion of the Jesuits and the transformation of the schools, as well as the debate on mortmain, on the regular orders, on papal power, on the Inquisition, on censorship, and so on. Hence the sixties seem truly to be the period in which we are best able to observe the similarities and the differences, the divergences and the coincidences between the enlightened and the religious reforming movements. Furthermore, this period is the one in which the debates in Italy were most closely related to those in the other European countries. Beccaria and his Milanese friends considered themselves a sort of colony of Parisian encyclopedistes in Lombardy. On January 26, 1766 Beccaria wrote to Morellet: ' 'Croyez, monsieur, que les philosophes francai s ont dans cette Amerique une colonie et que nous sommes leurs disciples, parce que nous sommes disciples de la raison.''1 Genovesi in Naples, was an avid reader of Forbonnais and Uztariz, Hume and Victor Riqueti de Mirabeau.2 The mid-century wave of European culture reached into the farthest corners of Italy and penetrated deeply even where we might least expect it. Religious discussion was dominated, more so than on the other side of the Alps, by the echoes of the policies of Pombal in Portugal and of Charles III in Spain, by the rebirth of

ECONOMIC EVALUATION OF BIG GAME HUNTING: AN ALBERTA CASE STUDY*

This article deals with moose hunting activity in the northern half of the Province of Alberta. Canada, for the purposes of reporting the method used in estimating extra‐market benefits and summarizing the research findings. An attempt was made to determine the ecologic and economic implications of a significant increase in Northern Alberta moose hunters as a result of a government program in effect since 1967. Notwithstanding aesthetic, scientific, and other social values, the net social benefits of hunting activity alone amounted to an estimated three‐quarter million dollars for society in general during 1968 and nearly double that amount because secondary net social benefits are included for the people of Alberta for the same season. However, even greater annual social net benefits could result if public policy were implemented to increase hunter activity and ensure its distribution within Northern Alberta in a manner compatible with patterns of moose harvest potential. Cet article traite de la chasse àľorignal dans le nord de la province. Elle a pour but de faire un reportage sur les ‘méthodes employées pour évaluer les bénéfices supplémentaires au marché el de résumer les conclusions de ľétude. Un essai a été fait pour déterminer les implications écologiques el économiques de ľaugmentation du nombre de chasseurs dans cette région depuis le changement du réglement par le gouvernment provincial en 1967, Néanmoins les valeurs esthétiques, scienlifiques et sociales, la chasse àľorignal a rapportéà la société en général environ trois quarts de million de dollars et presque le double à la province parce que les bénéfices secondares sont inclus en Alberta pour la même saison. Cependant un plus grand profit pourrait être réalisé si la politique était changée pour assurer une augmentation du nombre de chasseurs et la répartition de ceux‐ci dans le nord de la province ďune façon plus compatible avec la population de ľorignal.SummaryThe moose resources of Alberta Big Game Zone 1 are of considerable value to society as a whole and to the people of Alberta in particular. Notwithstanding aesthetic, scientific, and other values, the net social benefits of hunting activity alone amounted to approximately $750,000 for society in general during 1968 and nearly double that amount for the people of Alberta for the same season (Table 4). However, the moose resources in Zone 1 as a whole are currently underutilized. At least 7,000 harvestable surplus moose will be available into 1972 (Table 1). To the extent that social net benefits to the province are directly a function of the number of resident and nonresident hunters, substantial increases in these benefits can be realized. For example, should the projected 23 percent increase in Zone 1 resident hunters for 1973 relative to 1968 (Table 2) be accompanied by a smiliar increase in nonresident hunters, annual social net benefits to the province would be in the order of 1.8 million dollars (1968 dollars) by 1973.22 However, gradual increase as exemplified here depends largely upon implementation of policy to ensure a distribution of hunters compatible with area harvest potential.

Pre-Raphaelitism, Ruskinism, and French Symbolism

Parisians first saw English Pre-Raphaelite art at the Universal Exposition of 1855, but their initial excitement on cooled and the reputation of the movement fell into decline; the popularity of Pre-Raphaelitism in France was not solidly established until 1884, when, in his novel Rebours, J. K. Huysmans linked the British movement with the native Decadent-Symbolist movement which suddenly was growing extremely fashionable. The Symbolists headed a rebellion against naturalism, and we might think that when, in 1888, a Symbolist movement in painting was arising, rebelling against the “naturalistic” art form of Impressionism, the French painters would have turned to the British Pre-Raphaelites in same way. Such expectations, however, are not immediately satisfied, since the French painters themselves do not seem to have recognized any debt to the English. Charles Chasse says in his study of the Nabis: “Je ne m'attarderai pourtant pas a disserter sur ce preraphaelisme parce que, en realite, nos Nabis ont ete, ...

RECENT TENDENCY OF COMPOUND IN EUROPE AND AMERICA

It is often said that popularity of perfumes does not so much change year after year as that of colors or costumes. We can see, however, transitions in popurality retracing their developments from old till latest days.Formerly the perfumes appeared in such simple types as Hungarian Water or Eau de Cologne, succeeded by single floral, floral bouquet or oriental types, for example as Quelques Fleurs, Narcisse Noir or Mitsouko.With gradual appearance of aliphatic aldehyde, so-called aldehyde types like Reve d'Or, Chanel, Arpège, etc. were created one after another in the nineteen-twenties which can be said the first golden age of French perfumes.These basic tones had not changed so much until the end of the World War II when remarkably new perfumes such as Miss Dior, Bandit, Ma Griffe, etc. were introduced. The characteristics of these perfumes may properly be said to have green, spicy and animal notes added as modifiers.In these several years Madame Rochas, Calèche, Cabochard and more recently Graffitti, Idole, Eau, Chant d'Aromes, Enthousiasme, Parce Que, Fete, Diorling, L'Insolent, kalispera have entered as new creations. In my own opinion, however, the perfumes of this series seem to be not so unique, but the variants in some point or another of the traditional perfumes introduced after the War.From a viewpoint of transitions in European notes it can be said that heavy balsamic notes in Chypre de Coty, Mitsouko or Emeraude are now dying out and aldehyde notes are declining compared with the age of Chanel No. 5. On the contrary we see light floral top-notes of Muguet, Gardenia, Carnation, etc. have become emphasized with use as modifiers of green notes such as leather or quinoline, or of fruity and spicy notes. It may be described on the whole that the perfumes now in vogue have become more of a simple Bouquet type with modest expression of characteristics, consealing, as it were, their individualties within.Meanwhile in America such sharp and pungent notes in as those Ma Griffe are more popular than straight floral, olassic and heavy oriental notes.As to new chemicals they have been utilized throughut the world particularly in recent years, and in America it seems that this tendency is most remarkable in the perfumes of middle class used in make-ups, creams, soaps, and so on.The above descriptions are my general idea with regard to the tendency of odors represented by Extraits.

NOTE ON THE PUBLICATION OF BAUDON'S BRACHIOPOD SPECIES, 1855

rarer in these beds, and although Lamarck (1819) described Terebratula bisinuata and Deshayes (1832) T. succinea, it was not until 1855 that Baudon described and figured seven rare and tiny brachiopods. These species, all referred by him to Terebratula, were named aculeata, crassicostata, semicostata, collardii, tenuistriata, squamulosa and putonii; the first four are now placed in the genus Argyrotheca, and the other three in Terebratulina. Baudon's communication appeared in the Mem. Soc. Acad. d'Archeol., Sciences et Arts du depart, de l'Oise, Vol. 2, Pt. 4, p. 687-691, PI. 15, published in 1855. His separates or reprints, of which his presentation copy to Thomas Davidson, the English brachiopod monographer, is in the author's possession, differ only from the five-page article in the bound volume in the British Museum (Natural History) library by the addition of a title-page with the verso blank, separate pagination 1 to 7 of the resulting seven pages, and the omission of the reference to the plate-number from the numbered figure-references under each species-description. It is dated 1855. On the appearance of this little paper, Bouchard-Chantereaux informed Baudon that three of his species-names were pre-occupied. This was correct for Terebratula tenuistriata Leymerie (1846) and T. aculeata Catullo (1825); Sowerby's Spirifer crassicostatus (1847) did not pre-occupy T. crassicostata and is given in any event as a nomen nudum by Sherborn. Baudon corrected this situation by issuing further reprintswith an additional note on the blank portion of page 7: change les noms de T. aculeata, crassicosta, tenuistriata parce que ces denominations ont deja ete employees pour des Terebratules d'autres terrains. Je dois cette remarque a l'obligeance de M. Bouchard-Chantereaux. The copy in the British Museum (Natural History) library pamphlets is one of these, probably Davidson's second copy. The names are changed for the relevant species-descriptions on pages 4 and 5, but not in a list on page 3 nor on the plate. Aculeata is replaced by angularis, crassicostata by cochlear, and tenuistriata by tenuilineata. When Deshayes monographed the Paris Basin brachiopods with the mollusca (1856-65) he apparently recognised the confusion over the validity of crassicostata since he gave this species as Argiope crassicostata (Baudon). He must also have realised that Terebratula angularis was an unlucky choice to replace T. aculeata, for it was pre-occupied by T. angularis Phillips (1841), a fossil later transferred to Rhynchonella (Davidson 1865), but too late to help Baudon. Deshayes did not refer to the species under either name, but his own Argiope cornuta is the same or a very similar fossil from the same geological formation but from a different locality. Baudon seems to have been most unfortunate in naming the tiny brachiopods he so patiently collected, for Deshayes, in describing Terebratula baudoni, commented that a manuscript

IX. On the posterior lobes of the cerebrum of the quadrumana

Tiedemann states that the hippocampus minor is not found in the brain of Monkeys, or of any other animals which he had examined, but is peculiar to Man*. In his figure of a horizontal section of the brain of Simia nemestrina , a part is described as “scrobiculus parvus loco cornu posterioris,” and the drawing corresponds with the description. Many writers on human anatomy have followed Tiedemann’s statement; thus Cruveilhier observes, “ Du reste, l’ergot [hippocampus minor] de même que la cavité digitale [posterior cornu of the lateral ventricle] n’existe guères que chez l’homme, sans doute parce que l’homme seul présente un grand développement de la partie occipitale du cerveau†.” More recently, the presence of a “posterior lobe” of the cerebrum, a “posterior horn of the lateral ventricle,” and a “hippocampus minor” have been affirmed by an eminent authority in this country, to be the distinguishing characteristics of the human brain‡.