Pale Face Research Articles

Treatment with Astragalus membranaceus Produces Antioxidative Effects and Attenuates Intestinal Mucosa Injury Induced by Intestinal Ischemia-Reperfusion in Rats

Astragalus membranaceus, also known as huang qi, a traditional Chinese medicine, is often used in formulas for deficiency of vital energy characterized by limb weakness, pale face, and dizziness. Previous studies have shown that Astragalus membranaceus could attenuate intestinal ischemia-reperfusion injury induced by hemorrhagic shock in rats; however, the underlying mechanism still remains unclear. Using a hemorrhagic shock rat model to examine the effect of Astragalus membranaceus on intestinal mucosa injury induced by ischemia-reperfusion, we found that treatment (20 g crude drugs/kg, i.v.) produced antioxidative effects in the intestinal mucosa of rats after ischemia-reperfusion (p < 0.05). We also found that Astragalus membranaceus could partly attenuate intestinal mucosa ischemia-reperfusion injury (chiu's score, apoptosis index p < 0.05). These results suggest that Astragalus membranaceus reduces intestinal mucosa injury induced by ischemia-reperfusion in rats, at least in part, through its anti-oxidative effects.

The Man with the Pale Face, the Shroud, and Du Fay's Missa Se la face ay pale

Guillaume Du Fay composed his Missa Se la face ay pale, based on his ballade of the same name, during his final sojourn at the Court of Savoy in Chambéry from 1452 to 1458. It has been suggested that the piece celebrated the consummation of the wedding of Amadeus of Savoy and Yolande de France in 1452, but the basis for assigning it to this occasion —that a song about a man whose "face is pale" for "reason of love" might refer to a bridegroom—is weak. A fresh look at this seminal composition points to a different rationale, one stemming from examination of the affective theology of the fifteenth century that influenced art in all its forms. Late medieval Passion treatises, dialogues, sermons, lives of Christ, along with related paintings often depict Christ as the man with the pale face. In his final hours on the Cross, Christ's physical aspect is described as "pale" or "pallid." The "reason" for his disfigurement is his "great love" for mankind. In sacred dialogues between Christ and the female soul ("anima"), the Man of Sorrows conveys his love and encourages her to "see" or "behold" his wounds and study his "bitter" passion. The language of Du Fay's ballade is strikingly similar: "If the face is pale / The cause is love, / That is the main cause; / And so bitter to me / Is love, that in the sea / Would I like to see myself." What prompted Du Fay to use this song in his Missa Se la face ay pale? This article proposes that an important Christological relic, the Holy Shroud, acquired by Du Fay's patron Duke Louis of Savoy in 1453 (and not moved from Chambéry to its present location in Turin until 1578), lies at the heart of the work, and that the composer incorporated theological symbols in the Mass to associate it with this sacred remnant. Recognition of early Christ-Masses such as the Missa Se la face ay pale helps to redefine the word "devotional" and illuminates the beginnings of Mass composition with secular tunes and of emotional expression in sacred music.

A New Mutation in MC1R Explains a Coat Color Phenotype in 2 “Old” Breeds: Saluki and Afghan Hound

Melanocortin 1 Receptor (MC1R) has been studied in a wide variety of domestic animals (Klungland et al. 1995; Marklund et al. 1996; Våge et al. 1997; Kijas et al. 1998; Newton et al. 2000; Våge et al. 2003), and also several wild animals (Robbins et al. 1993; Ritland et al. 2001; Eizirik et al. 2003; Nachman et al. 2003; McRobie et al. 2009) in relation to coat color variation. A variety of phenotypic changes have been reported including coat colors from pure black to pure red, as well as some phenotypes with hairs with red and black bands. One phenotype, called grizzle in Salukis and domino in Afghan Hounds, appears to be unique to these 2 old dog breeds. This pattern is characterized by a pale face with a widow's peak above the eyes. The body hairs on the dorsal surface of Salukis and Afghan Hounds have both phaeomelanin and eumelanin portions, even though they had an a(t)/a(t) genotype at ASIP. In addition, all had at least one copy of a newly identified mutation in MC1R, g.233G>T, resulting in p.Gly78Val. This new allele, that we suggest be designated as E(G), is dominant to the E and e (p.Arg306ter) alleles at MC1R but recessive to the E(M) (p.Met264Val) allele. The K(B) allele (p.Gly23del) at DEFB103 and the a(y) allele (p.Ala82Ser and p.Arg83His) of ASIP are epistatic to grizzle and domino.

Caveat emptor

Caveat emptor

Risk factors for neurological complications in complete hemolytic uremic syndrome caused by Escherichia coli O157

The aim of the present study was to investigate the predictive parameters for encephalopathy in complete hemolytic uremic syndrome (HUS) in a large outbreak of O157: H7 infection in 1996. A total of 182 inpatients, 71 of whom had complete HUS, including 12 patients with neurological complications, and 46 colitis patients were studied. Presenting signs and symptoms (n = 115) and laboratory data (n = 69) were analyzed using monovariate and multivariate analysis. After adjusting for age and gender, logistic regression showed that presenting symptoms such as bloody diarrhea (odds ratio [OR] = 7.39), proteinuria (OR = 6.16), hematuria (OR = 8.31), oliguria (OR = 17.4) and a pale face (OR = 10.7) were useful for predicting complete HUS. Also, increased white blood cell counts >12,000 microL/mL (OR = 10.0) and C-reactive protein >1.5 mg/dL (OR = 7.39) at the onset of infection, were useful as predictive laboratory parameters. To predict neurological complications in complete HUS patients, the average daily increase of lactate dehydrase >1200 IU/L per day (OR = 26.3) and creatinine >0.5 mg/dL per day (OR = 12) were found to be useful on multivariate logistic regression. There are useful predictive clinical factors for neurological complications in complete HUS.

First Nations/Indigenous People's Wisdom

Ever since the white man entered the new world, invading and then destroying First Nations/Indigenous People's territories, Native Americans have been second class citizens. At first, they were considered savages, barely human. They were certainly not considered worthy of equal standing with the pale face. The real reason? Europeans brought with them awe-inspiring explosives, gun powder and violence (also religion and diseases). And they used them as dictated by their more violent natures. This allowed them to conquer and decimate indigenous populations shamelessly. In spite of their power, achieved through violence, Europeans lacked the sense of responsibility to the Earth that had been a part of Native American cultures. Native Americans were our first true environmentalists. They had the knowledge—and the wisdom—that Americans from foreign countries are only now coming to appreciate. The great law of the Iroquis Confederacy reads as follows: “In our every deliberation, we must consider the impact of our decisions on the next seven generations.” The world would not have to face our current environmental crises if this law has been wisely followed by all people and countries. To illustrate Native American wisdom, we shall examine the words of a few of the great Chiefs and other prominent Native Americans where voices have prevailed, if only in the almanacs. Below we cite some examples that illustrate their appreciation of the Earth’s supportive biosphere. They provide guides for all walks of life, for all people, for a better world.

Catheter-based management for the congenital coronary arteriovenous fistula indicated by the stress 99 m Tc-MIBI SPECT

A 10-year-old boy, who had suffered Kawasaki disease 7 years ago, presented chest pain, pale face, and cold sweating in the stress 99 m technetium-methoxyisobutylisonitrile ( 99 m Tc-MIBI) single-photon emission computed tomography (SPECT), which showed reversible perfusion abnormality indicative of myocardial ischemia involving the right coronary artery. Angiography identified congenital coronary arteriovenous fistula (CAVF) from the right coronary artery to the main pulmonary artery, to which the patient's symptoms and signs of myocardial ischemia, by means of coronary steal phenomenon that entails reversible perfusion abnormality in the stress 99 m Tc-MIBI SPECT, could be ascribed. The penny shall finally be dropped without sudden cardiac event after coaxial transarterial coil occlusion on this boy with the congenital CAVF that is indicated significantly by the stress 99 m Tc-MIBI SPECT.

The iron status, clinical symptom and anthropometry between normal and anemic groups of middle school girls

This research analyzed the iron status, clinical symptoms and physical characteristics between normal and anemic group of middle school girls in the Ulsan metropolitan area. It was carried out with 237 subjects (normal 190, anemic subject 47). They were evaluated with a questionnaire and measurement of hematological indices. BMI (kg/m2) of the two groups were 19.54 ± 2.44 (normal girls) and 19.22 ± 2.27 (anemic girls). The hemoglobin concentration of the anemic girls were 10.84 ± 1.17g/dl and the serum iron of the anemic girls represent 35.15 ± 27.47 µg/100 ml. The TIBC (Total Iron Binding Capacity) of the anemic girls showed significantly high to 449.30 ± 64.87 µg/100 ml. The serum ferritin of the anemic girls was 20.53 ± 42.29 µg/ℓ, it represented significantly low. The symptom of 'pale face' of the anemic girls were higher than the normal girls. Hemoglobin and serum iron were negatively correlated with 'pale face'. The TIBC was negatively correlated with 'Get a cold easily'. The duration and amount of menstruation were correlated with iron status. This research is to be utilized as basic data for dietary support and nutritional education to improve their iron status.

Byronic Transmission and the First Poem for Caro

In April of 1812 Lord Byron found himself in the midst of a burgeoning love affair with Lady Caroline Lamb, the young, impulsive, married woman who had written in her diary after meeting the poet, his 'beautiful pale face is my fate'.1 For his part, Byron wrote to the object of his affection: your heart - my poor Caro, what a volcano! that pours lava through your veins, & yet I cannot wish it a bit colder [...]. I have always thought you the cleverest, most agreeable, absurd, amiable, perplexing, dangerous fascinating little being that lives now or ought to have lived 2000 years ago.2 As is well-known, the record of their relationship is marked by tempestuous quarrels and reconciliations, by jealousy and fascination. What is more, the affair became a celebrated scandal of Regency London, and really ended only when Byron left England for good in 1816. Not surprisingly, a great deal of attention has been paid to this episode in Byron's life and particularly to its written traces: their letters, diaries, memoirs - and especially the literary work that it produced, including 'Remember thee!' on Byron's side and Glenarvon on Caroline's. Sometime in the spring of 1812 Byron composed his first poem to Caroline in response to her gift of a gold chain. Neither chain nor manuscript is extant, and we have only Caroline's belated reportage as our source of the work. In other words, the poem was essentially a private lover's message until it was given to the public eye after the relationship had ended - and, indeed, after Byron's death. Further, one hardly knows how much of it is really Byron's, and how much Caroline's. In this uncertain process of publication, the text acquired a particular instability which speaks metaphorically to the content and context of the poem itself. Because of the avidity with which documents produced by Byron have been collected and published - even when no holograph manuscript survives - this case is far from unique in his work. My larger point is that we need to preserve the instabilities of such texts, not only because of the particular local revelations they enable, but because they are an irreducible feature of the scene of Byronic publication and transmission. In the Berg Collection at the New York Public Library there is a manuscript written by Caroline Lamb that reads: These are the first lines Ld Byron wrote to me - I had made him the present of a gold neck chain and these lines were written at the moment. Yet feign would I resist the spell That would my captive heart retain, For tell me dearest is this well Ah Caro! do I need the chain? Nor dare I struggle to be free Since gifts returned, but pain the giver, And the soft band put on by thee The slightest chain, will last for Ever! Byron wrote these lines in April of 1812, according to Caroline 'at the moment' of receiving her gift. Jerome McGann presents this manuscript as his copy-text in the Complete Poetical Works, and collates it with the poem's only other appearance, in the Mirror of Literature for 6 May 1826, two years after Byron's death.3 According to McGann, the periodical apparently published the poem from Caroline's manuscript, as no substantive variants occur between the two texts. This much is true. However, the manuscript and the magazine printing do share an unrecorded difference from McGann's text, in which the first line reads, 'Yet fain would I resist the spell' (my emphasis). …

Pale Face, Red Mask: Racial Ambiguity and the Imitation of “American Indian” Facial Expressions

Drawing on examples of white imitation, this article discusses the racialization of facial expression. Taking the white imitator Grey Owl as my principal example, I argue that the employment of facial expressions as racial symbols is beset by a tenacious ambiguity. The genesis of the stern yet fierce “Indian look” is discussed in the context of the employment and deployment of the “noble savage” within European primitivism and racism. The article concludes with an account of Grey Owl’s capacity to look “more Indian than an Indian” and his redemption as a hero of environmentalism.

The Play of Surface: Theater and The Turn of the Screw

He's nobody.... He has red hair, very red, close-curling, and pale face, long in shape, straight good features and little rather queer whiskers that are as red as his hair. His eyebrows are somehow darker; they look particularly arched and as if they might move good deal. His eyes are sharp, strange--awfully; but I only know clearly that they're rather small and very fixed. His mouth's wide, and his lips are thin, except for his little whiskers he's quite clean-shaven. He gives me sort of sense of looking an actor. actor! ... I've never seen one, but so I suppose them. (1) Thus the governess in Henry James's The Turn of the Screw (1898) describes man she has seen, later identified as Peter Quint. Why should he call to mind an actor? The strongly marked features and bold eyes suggest it, perhaps, as might the somehow showy contrast of fiery hair and whitish skin. There are his clothes, which appear to her costume: certainly, though indefinably, not his own. Yet it is also more than this. The sighting of Quint on the tower lasts only one unspeakable minute; nonetheless, his image leaps out at her, sharply defined as a picture in frame (16). An actor out of context, he has somehow too much presence, is too intense, too able to fix her his eye. But for all this force he lacks substance, since he is like Nobody she has ever met, for sure--but the words hint that nobody is what he is like. He is surface without center, impact without weight behind it. He fascinates yet repels, commands the gaze but alienates; an actor, he deceives. In the first part of this essay, I examine the theatricality of The Turn of the Screw, considering the presence of performance as metaphor within the tale, and the ways in which James's fascination the contemporary stage pervades the text. In this period of his career, James wrote several works that made self-conscious attempts to embody or scenic principles. What Maisie Knew (1897) and The Awkward Age (1899) are perhaps his most fully realized examples of the play-as-novel, to use Peter Brooks's phrase (2): each case, central situation is explored through series of presented episodes with no going behind, no telling about the figures save by their own appearance and action. (3) The Turn of the Screw belongs to this period, but my concern is less to examine its dramatic structure--an ambition that has been realized already by other critics (4)--than to draw attention to more elusive qualities of theatricality: to ideas of acting and role-play that produce, for reader as well as protagonist, conflicted sense of what is real; to qualities of shadow and stillness that heighten anticipation and create focus for action and speech that is shockingly compelling; to the way in which the theater auditorium itself--a space marked literally and figuratively the traces of past performance--becomes powerful and unsettling metaphor through which we can read the haunted scene of Bly. This story achieves its effect as much by suggestion and the deliberate withholding of information as by direct revelation. Famously, James claimed his intention was to make the reader the evil, make him think it for himself. (5) The second part of my discussion considers how reception is altered when the tale comes ready equipped visuals: here, in the form of theatrical adaptation. I examine William Archibald's 1950 stage play The Innocents, dramatization of The Turn of the Screw that later became the basis for Jack Clayton's better-known film. I argue that The Innocents is more than the fairly straightforward dramatic reconstruction Val Wilson terms it; (6) rather, Archibald's play undermines its own apparatus of realism, drawing on uniquely theatrical qualities to provoke sense of profound disquiet in its spectators. My second example is more recent. Jeffrey Hatcher's The Turn of the Screw (first produced in 1996) aims to stay true to the essence of James's story and themes, yet rejects virtually all the resources conventionally used to make the stage world resemble fictional one. …

Thomas Sully's Portrait of Lord Byron

If only Lawrence had painted Byron, sighs the connoisseur of portraiture, all too aware that Britain's greatest portrait painter never had a go at the age's most celebrated poet. Representations of Byron - pictures, sketches, busts, medallions - proliferated during his lifetime and long after. They continue to this day. With his auburn curls, luminous, bewitching eyes, and full, voluptuous lips, Byron, in Trelawny's dramatic juxtaposition, had 'the form and features of an Apollo, with the feet and legs of a sylvan satyr'.1 From 1812, when the author of Childe Harold's Pilgrimage woke up to find himself famous, to 1816, when he exiled himself from his native land, Thomas Lawrence stood at the height of his powers. Byron's was a face to faint for, and faint the ladies did. 'That pale face is my fate,' sighed the discarded Caroline Lamb, 'toute entiere a sa proie attachee.'2 'It was one of those faces,' she wrote in her novel Glenarvon (1816), 'which, having once beheld, we never afterwards forget. It seemed as if the soul of passion had been stamped and printed upon every feature.'3 Even Claire Clairmont, discarded even more brutally than Lady Caroline, mooned over the 'wild originality' of Byron's countenance.4 Not all or even most surviving descriptions of Byron are by women. In numbers and even in enthusiasm the men have it. The Byron they describe often appears otherworldly. The first and only time Coleridge saw Byron occurred during a magical halfhour on 10 March 1816: 'he has the sweetest Countenance I ever beheld - his eyes are really Portals of the Sun'. A few days later the sun still shone. 'If you had seen Lord Byron,' Coleridge wrote, you could scarcely disbelieve him - so beautiful a countenance I scarcely ever saw - his teeth so many stationary smiles - his eyes the open portals of the sun - things of light, and for light - and his forehead so ample, and yet so flexible, passing from marble smoothness into a hundred wreathes and lines and dimples correspondent to the feelings and sentiments he is uttering.5 'A brother poet,' Scott recalled in 1816, compared Byron's features 'to the sculpture of a beautiful alabaster vase, only seen to perfection when lighted up from within.' Most likely the 'brother poet' was Coleridge.6 The available engravings 'give one no impression of him,' thought Scott; 'the lustre is there, ... but is not lighted up. Byron's countenance is a thing to dream of.'7 For Scott, Byron's extraordinary personal beauty lay as much in the observer's mind and imagination as in reality. 'Lord Byron's head,' wrote his son-in law John Gibson Lockhart, 'is, without doubt, the finest in our time - I think it better, on the whole, than either Napoleon's, or Goethe's, or Canova's, or Wordsworth's.'8 Testimony from sources so varied - several not otherwise friendly to Byron - indicates the degree to which the poet's physical appearance mesmerized contemporaries. This is of course the younger Byron. In Italy after 1816, older and greyer, alternately bloated and lean, Byron nevertheless continued to dazzle onlookers. The Countess Albrizzi, a big fan, sighed in 1819, 'It would be to little purpose to dwell upon the mere beauty of a countenance in which the expression of an extraordinary mind was so conspicuous'. But like all the others she cannot resist the temptation: she details the forehead, the hair, the eyes ('expressive', 'azure'), the teeth, cheeks, neck, hands, figure.9 Trelawny, no fan at all, looking back in 1858, said that 'in external appearance Byron realised the ideal standard with which imagination adorns genius'.10 James Hamilton Browne, travelling with Byron to Cephalonia in 1823, portrays the older Byron in words that evoke the younger: The contour of his countenance was noble and striking; the forehead, particularly so, was nearly white as alabaster. His delicately formed features were cast rather in an effeminate mould, but their soft expression was in some degree relieved by the mustaches of a light chestnut, and a small tuft 'a la houssard,' which he at that time sported. …

Person perception based on rape-victim testimony

ABSTRACT Is it possible for a person's face to appear differently to observers depending on the perceived personality of that person? Subjects read about a sexual assault in which a male or female witness either smiled and watched the rape, or called for help and scared off the attacker. Those who read about the harmful witness rated him or her as consistently more hostile, socially deviant, dominant, sadistic, and more likely to take risks than the helpful witness, and as having less empathy and nurturance. The subjects then received a composite photograph of the witness and were asked to make several global and specific facial feature ratings. Those who previously perceived the male or female witness as having negative personality traits, also rated him or her as having a more thin, narrow, and pale face, a more narrow and square chin, with a long nose and thin lips, compared to the witness who was judged in more positive terms. We discuss these results in terms of the validity of eyewitness testimony.

“Ful Pale Face”: Agamben's Biopolitical Theory and the Sovereign Subject in Chaucer's Clerk's Tale

“Ful Pale Face”: Agamben's Biopolitical Theory and the Sovereign Subject in Chaucer's Clerk's Tale

“Ful Pale Face”: Agamben's Biopolitical Theory and the Sovereign Subject in Chaucer's Clerk's Tale

“Ful Pale Face”: Agamben's Biopolitical Theory and the Sovereign Subject in Chaucer's Clerk's Tale

Collection of Autologous Peripheral Blood Stem Cells (PBSC): Safety Evaluations during the Peri-Apheresis Period.

Background. The collection of PBSC, mobilized after chemotherapy by the use of granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF), is widely performed for autologous hematopoietic stem cell transplantation. However, the safety of this procedure has not yet been extensively evaluated. We investigated the safety of this procedure, focusing on the peri-apheresis period, by comparison to that in G-CSF-mobilized healthy donors for allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation.Methods. We retrospectively analyzed our patient/donor database from January 2000 to December 2003. A total of 118 consecutive patients (73 males, 45 females) were compared with 258 healthy donors (135 males, 123 females). The patient group was significantly younger (median 30 y, range, 2-67 vs 45 y, 7–71) and weighed less (median 56 kg, 11.2–116.7 vs 60.5 kg, 25.7–115.0) than the normal donors. For autologous PBSC collection, patients were given chemotherapy followed by G-CSF 2-5μg/kg after myelosuppression, and leukapheresis was performed during the recovery phase. In the allogeneic setting, a healthy donor was given G-CSF 10μg/kg subcutaneously and leukapheresis was done on the 4th - 6th days. A Spectra (Gambro) or AS104 (Fresenius) cell separator was used for leukaphereis. Other conditions during apheresis, including processed blood volume (median 10 liters), time and volume of ACD solutions used, did not differ significantly between the two groups.Results. The total/median numbers of leukapheresis per subject in the patient and the donor groups were 149/1.3 and 490/1.9, respectively. The frequency of symptoms and signs observed during leukapheresis, i.e. such as numbness, chill, nausea, vomiting, light headedness, dizziness, etc., was significantly less in the patient group than in the donor group (34.9% vs 47.1%, p<0.01), while the types and grades were similar. However, in the patient group, the degree of platelet loss after each leukapheresis procedure was significantly lower, and the platelet count recovered to above the pre-apheresis level on the next day without any add-back of platelet-rich plasma in all cases. The frequency of discontinued apheresis was similar; 4 (2.68%) in patients and 13 (2.65%) in donors. However, the reasons for such discontinuation in the patient group included shivering with chill, high fever, poor general condition and pale face, which might lead to serious events, whereas the primary cause in the donor group were vasovagal reflex and hypocalcemia due to anticoagulant. In patients, systolic blood pressure tended to fluctuate more and heart rates had remained higher than 90 per min throughout procedures, whereas the heart rate remained between 70 and 80 in donors.Conclusions. There were unexpectedly fewer adverse events during the peri-apheresis period in patients than in healthy donors. Considering that patients had been ill and treated heavily, it is likely that they were more familiar with medical procedures and could cope better with stress. Nevertheless, it is presumed that they more easily became seriously ill because they were less stable with regard to their hemo-dynamics and general condition. We conclude that leukapheresis for autologous PBSC collection might carry a higher potential risk than in healthy donors, and careful monitoring and the application of appropriate guidelines are required, as in healthy donors.

The Stealers of Fire

The Stealers of Fire

Excerpt From Laura Curtis Bullard's Writings: From &amp;quot;The Field is the World,&amp;quot; Chapter 20 of Christine: or, Woman's Trials and Triumphs (1856)

Excerpt From Laura Curtis Bullard's WritingsFrom "The Field is the World," Chapter 20 of Christine: or, Woman's Trials and Triumphs (1856) Laura Curtis Bullard [In this excerpt, Christine tells her Aunt Julia Frothingham that she plans to become a woman's rights lecturer. Christine has been living with her wealthy aunt, but then at the end of the chapter moves to the home of a sympathetic friend, Mrs. Warner.] It was with a faint heart, though, to all appearances, outwardly calm, that Christine entered the library, where Mrs. Frothingham was seated. How could she tell that lovely woman, who had so schooled herself in the ways of the world that any deviation from its strictest proprieties she regarded almost as a sin—that she, her niece, was about to break through all conventionalities—that she was about to devote herself to what her aunt would consider the most absurd of all Quixotic schemes? But it must be done, and in a few brief words, Christine announced her determination. Julia looked at her a moment, fixedly. "What did you say? I did not fully understand," she said—and poor Christine was obliged to repeat all that she had before uttered. "Christine Elliot, you are insane!" was Mrs. Frothingham's reply. "You are fit for nothing but a lunatic asylum. A lecturer! A woman's rights lecturer! What wild notion will you get next into that foolish head of yours?" and she laughed, a scornful laugh that abashed her niece not a little. "You, with your pale face, now crimsoned with blushes, and your slight figure, trembling with agitation before one auditor, you think of facing an audience and lecturing them? Poor baby! Let other women unsex themselves if they will, do you banish all such thoughts from your mind, and I will forget all this rhapsody, and some of these days you will laugh with me at your crack-brained scheme." But Christine, during this time, had recovered herself, and again firmly declared her fixed determination to devote herself to this work. She grew excited, as she went on to speak of the hardships of the poor, the few employments open to women, and the injustice of the small pay they received; she pictured the idle aimless life of the rich, and then contrasted all this with what might be. She drew up her slight form to its fullest height, her eyes flashed, her voice rung out full and clear, as she described the woman of her imagination, a being fully developed, mentally, morally, and physically, as God intended her to be. Even Julia was astonished at the eloquence of her words; new thoughts filled her mind, but she would not allow her niece to see the impression she made. "I see," she said, "that your mule-like obstinacy, with which I have already had sufficient experience, has settled on this hobby. It is useless for me to argue with a young lady who considers herself infallible—who has voices in her [End Page 83] heart, and sees paths of duty in which she must walk! Who should presume to dictate to such a highly-favored young woman? No, Christine Elliot, I have done with you for ever," she went on; "you have been a constant annoyance, a thorn in the flesh to me, ever since we met...." Meanwhile, Christine worked day and night on her essay, and to Mrs. Frothingham's unspeakable horror, placards, posted upon the walls and fences, in a day or two, announced the forthcoming lecture. All the town was in a ferment, and most assuredly Mrs. Frothingham would have laid violent hands upon her niece, and put a stop to the lecture by summarily sending off the lecturer, had she not prudently taken refuge in the house of Mrs. Warner. Mrs. Frothingham was almost frantic with passion, but what could she do? She could not drag her from Mrs. Warner's, though she felt very much like doing so; she must let her take her own course. Copyright © 2004 The University of Nebraska

Effects of Nutritional Education and Iron Supplementation on Iron Nutrition and Anemia of Middle School Girls

The objective of this study was to investigate the effects of iron supplementation and nutrition education on the iron status and anemia of middle school girls in Ulsan city in Korea. The subjects were already diagnosed as having anemia (hemoglobin＜12 g/dL) or iron deficiency (ferritin＜12 ng/mL and/or transferrin sataturation＜14%). Over a period of three months, one iron tablet (80 mg Fe as ferrous sulfate/day) was administered to the iron deficient subjects and two tablets (160 mg Fe as ferrous sulfate/day) were administered to the anemia subjects. Total calorie intake of subjects was 82.1% of RDA. The iron intake of subjects was 91.3% of RDA and the Ca intake was 78.8% of RDA. The basal hemoglobin concentration of subjects averaged 12.8±1.2 g/dL, and this increased significantly (p＜0.001) to 13.2±0.9 g/dL after iron supplementation. The basal ferritin concentrations were 14.9±14.2 ng/mL and these significantly increased to 26.6±19.8 ng/mL (p＜0.001). The level of total iron binding protein (TIBC) significantly decreased from the initial 523.1±108.7 μg/dL to 462.2±90.2 μg/dL (p＜0.001) after iron supplementation. Anemia symptoms such as ‘Being bruised easily', ‘Inflamed inner mouth’, and ‘Pale face' improved significantly after iron supplementation in the subjects. There was a negative correlation between their class & year ranking and serum iron level, transferrin saturation after nutritional education and iron supplementation. It was shown, therefore, that the higher the improvement of their anemia level after iron supplementation, the higher their academic performance. It was shown that there was some improvement of their dietary attitudes after nutritional education, and that their serum level related to anemia symptoms and iron nutrition was improved after iron supplementation.

Helicobacter pylori Infection is a Risk Factor for Iron-Deficiency Anemia in Korean High School Girls

This study investigated the relationship of Helicobacter pylori (H. pylori) infection to iron-deficiency anemia in high school girls. Four hundred and fourty-five subjects resided in Ulsan City in Korea were evaluated by questionnaire or blood analysis for serum indicators of iron status, daily nutrient intakes, symptoms of anemia, and H. pylori IgG antibody status. In H. pylori infected subjects, total energy intake of was 1534.14±350.81 kcal (73.0% of the Korean RDA), the iron intake of subjects was 11.38±3.90 mg (71.1% of Korean RDA) and calcium intake was 467.63±175.96 mg (58.3% of the Korean RDA). Carbohydrate (p＜0.05), vitamin A (p＜0.05), vitamin C (p＜0.01) intakes were significantly lower in infected subjects than in non-infected subjects. The prevalence of anemia (hemoglobin (Hb)＜12 g/dL) in H. pylori infected subjects was 22.7% as compared to 14.7% in non-infected subjects. The mean serum ferritin of infected subjects (21.71±21.50 ng/ mL) was significantly lower than in non-infected subjects (p＜0.05) (as was the mean Hb concentration (12.54±1.51 g/dL) and hematocrit (37.99±3.64%)). Total iron binding capacity (TIBC) of H. pylori infected subjects (449.09±78.23 μg/dL) was significantly higher than that of non-infected subjects (432.99±76.15 μg/dL) (p＜0.05). The levels of iron, red blood cell (RBC) and transferrin saturation were similar in infected and non-infected subjects. Two symptoms of anemia, ‘pale face (p＜0.01)’ and ‘decreased ability to concentrate (p＜0.005)’, were significantly higher in H. pylori infected subjects than in non-infected subjects. High school girls are known to be more vulnerable to iron deficiency than other age groups, and this research demonstrates that infection with H. pylori increases their risk of iron-deficiency anemia.