Palace Architecture Research Articles

Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture: 2. Access to, and Use of, Minoan Palace Roofs

Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture: 2. Access to, and Use of, Minoan Palace Roofs

The Early Minoan Occupation of Knossos: A Note on some new Evidence.

Following their discovery of the “Burnt Palace” at Beycesultan in the mid 1950's, Seton Lloyd and James Mellaart drew attention to a number of features of its architecture which seemed to indicate links with the palace architecture of Minoan Crete, and discussed the possible significance of these similarities (Lloyd and Mellaart, 1956 118–123, 1965 61, 62). Whatever this may be in terms of relationships between the two areas in the second millennium B.C., however, it seems clear that they cannot throw any light on the first appearance of palaces in Crete. The problems of the origin and development of the Cretan Bronze Age palaces are complex, and though they have been much discussed since the first excavations in the early years of the century, a major obstacle to progress has always been the lack of precise evidence, or even of any evidence at all, for the early stages of the process. As they stand, most of the palaces are the product of a series of rebuildings and remodellings over a long period, and it is not always clear just what they were like when first erected. Most frustrating of all, however, is the lack of evidence bearing on the question of whether they were preceded, during the Early Bronze Age, by buildings which were in any respect analogous in form and function. It has long been clear that the sites of some of the major Middle and Late Minoan palaces were occupied during the Early Minoan period, but at Phaistos and Knossos at any rate extensive clearing and levelling in preparation for the erection of the Middle Minoan palaces has obliterated practically all traces of the Early Minoan buildings. At Phaistos Branigan has hinted that the fragments of walls found by Pernier (1935, pl. VI) on the highest point of the hill might have belonged to a building of some consequence, possibly similar to the Early Minoan II mansion known as the House on the Hill at Vasiliki (Branigan 1970, p. 41). Branigan thinks that in addition to the rooms mentioned by Pernier, there may be traces of a corridor similar to that in the Vasiliki building. Only the bottom two courses of the walls survive, so that it is difficult to say much about their construction, though it seems to be poorer than that of the walls of some Early Minoan private houses later found by Levi on another part of the site.

Antik och medeltid

Summary The author discusses with keen appreciation L'Orange's view's on the expressive art of late imperial and early Christian times, on apotheosis in ancient portraiture and on late imperialand early Christian architecture (H. P. L'Orange, Fra antikk til mid‐delalder. Apotheosis in ancient portraiture. Instiluttet for sammenlignende kulturforskning. Oslo 1947). Criticising Shelley's famous words “one of the first efforts of Christian religion was to destroy the power of producing beauty in art,” he—following L'Orange and M. P. Nilsson (Grekisk religiositet. Stockholm 1946)—emphasizes that the Christians in that respect only shared the conversion, typical for all the world at the end of antiquity (fig. 1–4), from the classical predilection for beauty and classical standards of life. The world crisis of the third century had broken down the values of classical culture. New modes of expression were demanded. Among these new modes were the hieratic style of the late empire, expressive art (which strikingly represented the spirit of (the late empire) and also the ‘late imperial palace architecture. A last form of ancient culture arose, destined to have a dominating influence on medieval times. Christian art, architecture and ceremonies got their shape from this preponderant, late phase of ancient culture, though reinforcing it by new religious ideas. L'Orange traces the late expressive art back to the realism of late republican times. Though—at least seemingly— underrating “the grand tradition” of Roman classicistic art from Augustus to Marcus Aurelius (Hamberg, Studies in late imperial art. 1945), he very well in‐terprets the development to the high strung illu‐sionism of the third century portraits (fig. 5) and from them to the expressive art and its endeavours to depict spiritual values. L'Orange's analysis of apotheosis in royal and imperial portraiture follows the same lines. He defines the Hellenistic royal portraiture, with its gaze towards heaven, suggesting the kings’ close connections with the gods, its heroic arrangement of the hair etc. (from Alexander onwards). Caligula, Nero and Domitianus adopted that type of portraiture in obvious contrast to the civic portraits of Augustus, Vespasianus, Nerva and Trajanus. It was a part of their efforts to strengthen the imperial power after oriental models. After the crisis of the third century Diocletianus and Constantine needed new ways of expressing their power and divine inspiration; in the field of portraiture the expressive art of the time interpreted the might of the emperors who claimed divine authority for their title. Discussing L'Orange's chapter about late imperial and Christian architecture the author classifies the types of basilicas “court yard basilica” (Ardea, Bascilica Julia, Ulpia etc.) with tablinum and Roman axiality (Pompeji, Vitruvius V, 1. 6 ff.); “normal basilica” with nave and aisles and “basilica scoperta” with the nave under the open sky (fig. 6. Marusinac). E. Dyggve (in Ravennatum palatium sacrum. Copenhagen 1941) has revealed to us that the reception suites of the imperial palaces, comprising a basilica and a basilica scoperta, were a most important architectural type, created in close connection with the court ceremonies. The origin of this architectural unit should be traced back to the imperial pallaces of the first century A.D. as shown by the reception wing of the palace of Domitianus and the imperial vestibule at the Forum Romanum (St. Maria Antiqua, fig. 7). Dyggve (1. c; (D⊘dekult, keiserkult og basïlika. Copenhagen 1943) has also very well expounded the architectural demands and traditions of the Christian cult from its hidden life as a vast, outlaw movement. That is very important, but L'Orange seems to over‐rate the architectural importance of these traditions. They, no doubt, caused important modifications and also gave a new, inspiring meaning to both decorative motifs and architectural features such as for instance the axiality. But it is evident that monumental Christian architecture, when it began after 312 A.D., was characterized by the choosing from among the great architectural creations of late imperial Rome which suited the demands of the Christian cult. The basilicas of the age (with stern brickfaced exterior and wooden cellings r vaults), the lavacra (Sjöqvist, Acta instituti romani regni Sueciae XII, 1946, p. 99 ff.), circus‐shaped courtyards with surrounding porticoes (S. Sebastiane, cf. Dyggve, Gravekirken i Jerusalem, 1941, p. 19; Sta Agnese, cf. Deichmann, Rivista di archeologia cristiana 22 (1946),p. 213 ff.), the imperial reception suites (Magnaura, Ravenna, S.Pietro.S.Am‐brogio, cf. Dyggve, Ravennatum palatium sacrum) and other architectural types from the storehouse of late imperial Rome belonged to this age of early Christian expérimentation. As a result of this develop‐ment, which took place in various forms all over the empire, emerged the fixed types of Christian, monu‐mental architecture, in the west, especially the basilica, reshaped in conformity with its new Chris‐tian purpose.