Higher Education Output Research Articles

Causes for Non Adequate of Higher Education output the Requisites of the Saudi Labour Market

Causes for Non Adequate of Higher Education output the Requisites of the Saudi Labour Market

Assessment of curriculum quality through alumni research

In today's output defined society, alumni are the output of higher education. This article shows how alumni research can be used as an important indicator of curriculum quality. This relatively unexplored area of engineering education research in Europe is highlighted using a case study carried out in the Netherlands, the outcomes of which have served as a useful input for curriculum development at the institute where it was carried out.

Effect of changes in state funding of higher education on higher education output in South Africa: 1986–2007

During the last two decades state funding of higher education in South Africa has decreased substantially (especially if public expenditure of HE as a percentage of GDP is used as a yardstick). HE institutions were forced to increase tuition fees and rely more on the third income stream to balance their books. In the process increases in instruction/research staff did not keep up with the increase in student numbers. During the period 1986–2003 qualifications awarded to students per full-time equivalent instruction/research staff member increased over time – indicating greater efficiency of the HE sector in delivering more teaching output. High-level research in the form of publication units in accredited journals, however, stagnated during this period. In recent years until 2007, however, publications in accredited journals increased substantially. This was mainly the result of broadening the number of accredited journals by the Department of Education. In this article two indicators, linked to the current funding formula for higher education, to measure academic output of HEIs are defined and applied to the output of institutions for the period since 2002. It is concluded that there is large variability between HEIs as far as teaching and research output are concerned. A cause for concern is that the majority of the research is conducted by just a few HE institutions.

Cost Efficiency in Public Higher Education Institutions

Carolinians have come to doubt that public colleges are using their tax dollars wisely,... and this has made lawmakers reluctant to spend more on higher (Austin Gilbert of South Carolina's Commission on Higher Education, quoted in Schmidt, 1997, p. A26). Introduction South Carolina is one of many states to question whether higher education institutions operate efficiently. Government officials suggest that using performance measures and limiting state appropriations for higher education will control higher education costs and force institutions to provide an education more efficiently. For example, the 1999 Almanac issue of The Chronicle of Higher Education reported that 22 states provide appropriations to individual public colleges partly based on their meeting specific performance measures. Although state appropriations for higher education have generally increased in recent years due to a strong economy, it is a matter of time before the economy slows. In some cases, even a strong economy is not enough to increase state appropriations. For example, Governor Pataki's 1999 budget proposal sought reductions in state appropriations for the State University of New York and City University of New York systems. Appropriation reductions were sought to encourage what Governor Pataki called continued efforts to improve cost-efficiency and productivity (Chronicle of Higher Education's Daily Report, January 28, 1999). Why some universities are more efficient at providing public higher education to students and the relationship between efficiency and an institution's revenue structure are not adequately addressed in the literature. This article attempts to partly fill this gap with a three-step analysis. First, the changed structure of public university revenues between 1991 and 1995 is documented. Reductions (or limited growth) in state appropriations combined with increases in tuition revenue resulted in universities receiving a smaller proportion of revenues from state appropriations and a larger proportion from tuition. [1] The second step analyzes how this changed revenue structure influenced cost efficiency defined as the difference between actual costs and an estimated minimum cost. Attention is focused on whether public sector universities that received a larger proportion of funds from state appropriations were relatively more or less efficient than schools that received a larger share of funds from other sources such as tuition. [2] The third step examines how universities' cost efficiency and revenue structure changed between 1991 and 1995. In particular, this paper determines whether schools with a greater decline in the share of revenues from state appropriations improved efficiency relative to schools with a smaller decline in the share from state appropriations. Literature Review Before getting to these questions, we discuss some of the literature examining higher education costs (e.g., Adams, Hankins, & Schroeder, 1978; Brinkman, 1981; Brinkman & Leslie, 1986; Brovender, 1974; Hoenack, Weiler, Goodman, & Pierro, 1986; Koshal & Koshal, 1995; Tierney, 1980; Verry & Layard, 1975). Early studies concentrate on a single output in higher education, namely undergraduate students measured by full-time equivalent students, number of credit hours, or number of students. This is problematic, for colleges and universities have various different outputs. James (1978) noted that focusing only on undergraduate students and ignoring other higher education outputs, such as graduate education and research, overstates the cost of providing an undergraduate education and creates biases across types of institutions. Recent studies overcome this problem by considering universities to be multi-product firms producing undergraduate education graduate education, and research. Cohn, Rhine, and Santos (1989) use Higher Education General Information Survey data on more than 1,000 institutions to estimate cost functions for public and private schools. …

What Do Developments in the Labour Market Imply for Postcompulsory Education in Australia?

Growth in full-time educational participation since 1975 has been effective in reducing measured levels of youth unemployment. Had full-time participation not grown since 1975, it is estimated that an additional 86 400 15 to 19-year-olds would have been seeking full-time work in August 1985 and the unemployment rate for the age group would have been 31.5% rather than 20.3%. Future increases in school retention rates such as those envisaged by the Quality of Education Review Committee will have implications for levels of demand for the labour of youth as well as for the supply of youth labour. Reductions in unemployment among 18 to 19-year-olds as the result of educational initiatives will require full-time tertiary places to grow significantly. Whether growing full-time participation is of itself sufficient to improve the way in which postcompulsory education supplies productive skills to the economy is open to question. Comparisons between Australia and other OECD countries suggest that issues of vocational preparation, and not levels of senior secondary participation or higher education output, should be seen as central within Australian debate on education's link to the economy. On a number of educational expenditure, participation and output measures, Australia is at least on a par with the OECD average. However the proportion of young Australians in programs of vocational preparation is less than half the OECD average, and is the second lowest of 20 OECD countries for which data are available. Recent Australian reports on postcompulsory education generally reject a role for schools in vocational preparation. This is probably sensible in view of the way in which the traditions and values of Australian schools limit their capacity to provide access to vocational programs. However, it begs the question of why other advanced industrial economies take a contrary view, and prevents attention being paid to questions of how the postcompulsory system as a whole can increase young people's access to recognised programs of vocational preparation. Rather than a quest for a common curriculum in the postcompulsory years, effort to create common credentials that can link schools and technical and further education (TAFE) is urged.

The International Market for Overseas Students in the English-Speaking World

British higher education has for many decades been a popular destination for students from abroad. This is partly because of the cultural links formed by the Commonwealth. In 1984 exactly a half of overseas students in Britain were from Commonwealth countries. The second major reason for Britain's popularity is the high quality of her higher education system. Although it is difficult to identify and measure the outputs of higher education, the British system has long had the reputation of being one with restricted entry and high unit expenditures on the students who are admitted. To be admitted by a British university is, therefore, a mark of recognition of merit for individual students: in addition they can expect to receive substantial welfare provision (help in finding accommodation, professional counselling services, etc.) during their courses of study. Thirdly, the attractiveness of higher education in Britain has been enhanced by the extraordinary development of English as the world's principal international language. This third advantage is also shared by other major Englishspeaking countries such as Australia, Canada and the United States. The United States is, of course, in a special category since it caters for over a third of all the students who are studying outside their own countries. As well as the attractiveness of the English language the United States is seen as being the world's most technologically advanced nation and individual students, and countries which wish to benefit from modern technological development, see particular benefits from study in that country. In this context a particularly interesting recent development is the growing attractiveness of Japan as a country in which to study. British universities have, therefore, during most of the twentieth century, seen themselves as international as well as national institutions. In the period up to the mid1960s they attempted to fulfil their international obligations partly by accepting foreign students on exactly the same basis as home students and partly by stimulating the development of indigenous universities in developing Commonwealth countries. Many African countries in particular have a higher education system closely modelled on the high-cost well-staffed collegial British university system. In contrast to this welcome to students from abroad there has never been the same interest in sending British students to foreign countries. According to UNESCO statistics the number of British students abroad in 1982 was 15,000 compared with 46,000 foreigners studying in British institutions. In this sense it is legitimate to suggest that the dominant attitude of British higher education to study abroad has traditionally been one of cultural imperialism: it is still widely believed that foreigners may have something to gain from studying in high quality British institutions but British students will derive little academic benefit from study abroad. There are two important

The Great American Degree Machine: An Economic Analysis of the Human Resource Output of Higher Education.

The Great American Degree Machine: An Economic Analysis of the Human Resource Output of Higher Education.

The Great American Degree Machine: An Economic Analysis of the Human Resource Output of Higher Education.

The Great American Degree Machine: An Economic Analysis of the Human Resource Output of Higher Education.

A Growth Model Forecast of Faculty Size and Salaries in United States Higher Education

ONE of the principal inputs in the process of producing higher education is past higher education. In order to turn out individuals with university degrees, it is necessary that some of the past recipients of such degrees shall have chosen to join university faculties. The recognition that university graduates are the output of higher education, that faculties are the capital stock, and that the hiring of recent graduates to faculties is the investment process, permits the future growth of higher education in the United States to be analyzed within a Harrod growth framework. Although other concepts are needed even at a high level of abstraction, the capital-output ratio (i.e., the faculty-student ratio) and the investment-output ratio (i.e., the ratio of increments of higher education faculties to past recipients of degrees), are central to this analysis of higher education. The essential difference between this paper and typical growth models is that output in higher education is here treated as a parameter rather than a variable. It is possible that the pressures of rapidly increasing applications to institutions of higher education might result largely in increasing rejections, but the more likely course is the expansion of existing universities and the establishment of new ones.' The purpose of this paper is to show the kinds of pressure and the extent of the pressure which may appear in American higher education as a result of various plausible enrollment rates between now and 1980.2 In the growth model of this paper and the forecasts that result from it will be seen the tremendous strain which the next decade will probably place upon American universities and colleges. What is interesting is not, of course, the existence of this strain long ago realized by educators but the measures of its depth and duration. If the faculty investment rate is not increased, faculty-student ratios will very probably fall by 23% (from .089 to .069) between 1957-1958 and 1967-1968. But the very process of producing this vastly increased amount of higher education produces a greatly increased potential later rise of faculties. After 1967-1968, again if the faculty investment rate remains unchanged, faculty-student ratios will begin to rise almost as dramatically as they fell and will re-attain levels above .08 by 19791980. The strain on faculties during the 1960's tends automatically to reduce this strain in the 1970's and possibly to produce slack thereafter. If faculty salaries adjust to prevent, at least partially, these strains and slacks, faculty pay may nearly double during the next two decades, but the rise will not be smooth. Salaries may rise by 7 % per annum during the 1960's but only by 1% per annum in the 1970's. The financial future of those who profess in higher education may be neither so stable nor so bright as is commonly believed.