Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four Research Articles

One step too far – about WADA's whereabouts rule

This article attempts to demonstrate the potentially dehumanizing and counter-productive nature of the World Anti-Doping Agency's whereabouts rule, which came into force with the World Anti-Doping Code in 2004, and to show that the rule may run counter to basic ethical and human rights principles. It begins with a critical review of an article by Dag Vidar Hanstad and Sigmund Loland regarding the defence of the whereabouts requirements. Then it presents the rationale and logic behind the surveillance regime and it is argued why the French historian Michel Foucault's classical analysis of the panopticon is unhelpful for the attempt to understand the kind of surveillance the whereabouts rule represents before it moves on to the more fruitful perspective of George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four. Orwell's novel demonstrates in artistic form the dehumanizing effect of stringent surveillance and this article concludes with the Danish theologian and philosopher K.E. Løgstrup who argues that trust is an essential condition of human living and society.

The Contribution of the Polish Intelligentsia to the Breakthrough of 1989

In his recollections of the events of June 1979, the former Solidarity advisor Adam Michnik has described this moment in history as a time of three Polish miracles. First, John Paul II returns triumphantly to Poland as the Pope, making a mockery of Stalin's jibe about the Pope having no divisions; then the second miracle occurs a little more than a year later in August 1980, when Lech Walcsa leads the shipyard strike and the first non-communist trade union is formed within the Soviet Bloc. The third miracle occurred some two months later when the exiled poet Czeslaw Milosz was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature. Michnik wrote: John Paul II became the emblem of Poland's Catholic Church at its best. The Gdansk strike and Lech Walcsa became symbols and the crowning point of the Polish workers' rebellion and Czeslaw Milosz symbolized the defiance of Poland's intelligentsia. Those three symbols marked the three trends within Solidarity. One of them stressed the movement's national and Catholic character, another followed the working class vindication line, another still concentrated on democratic and humanist values. These tendencies were neither inconsistent nor conflicting; for us they were complementary.1 This chapter will focus on the humanist values of the Polish intelligentsia, which were not only significant for the third miracle of 1980 but greatly contributed to the final breakthrough of the summer of 1989. For a whole decade, they offered sustained intellectual critiques of existing Marxism and reflections on the alternatives available in Western political thought. Included within this body of work were the contributions of Karol Wojtyla (Pope John Paul II), who was both a Polish intellectual and a powerful world figure. While members of the Polish intelligentsia were offering critiques of various forms of totalitarian government from the 1930s onwards, the work of anticommunist scholars and writers became more organised in the 1970s with the formation of the Workers' Defence Committee (Komitet Obrony Robotnikow), known by its initials KOR. KOR was distinctive in that it was an initiative of intellectuals to assist workers and their families, particularly those prisoners detained after labour strikes in 1976. It raised money through the sale of its underground publications, through fundraising groups in Paris and London, and grants from Western institutions. KOR sent open letters of protest to the communist government as well as organising legal and financial support for the families of detainees. The group also smuggled in printing machines to produce its underground publications such as Robotnik, a biweekly that had a circulation of about 20 000 by 1978, and to publish books under the banner of its own publishing house called NOWA.2 The latter were often Polish translations of works published in Western countries that were regarded as politically dangerous by the communist authorities. George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four, with its esoteric critique of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, and Gunter Grass's The Tin Drum were prominent in this category. Jan Jozef Lipski concluded that the achievement of NOWA was 'truly impressive', with more than 100 publications including political and economic works, which were 'indispensable to an understanding of intellectual and political culture'.3 In 1977, KOR leaders collaborated with intellectuals in the Warsaw community to establish the 'Flying University' (Uniwersytet Latajqcy), a series of lectures organised by unofficial student groups to discuss political topics that could not be debated in public. The concept was revived from a similar organisation that had operated between 1885 and 1905 in the context of Imperial Russian domination of the Polish capital.4 As a consequence of their collaboration with the organisers of the Flying University, KOR members were harassed by the secret police, beaten up and in some cases jailed. KOR, however, became an inspiration for the nation when the Polish government declared amnesty for jailed workers in the spring of 1977. …

Truth and Freedom in Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four

Did Orwell regard truth as a political virtue? Yes, and the case Orwell makes for truth is a subtle one. Truth, he suggests, can never be adequately theorized - hence the different and rival descriptions of truth provided in Nineteen Eighty-Four are either empty or mistaken. For Orwell, truth will always elude our theories, but it must serve as the ground and even the goal of our freedom nonetheless.

Orwellian Language and the Politics of Tribal Termination (1953–1960)

From 1953 to 1960, the federal government terminated sovereign recognition for 109 American Indian nations. Termination was a haphazard policy of assimilation that had disastrous consequences for Indian land and culture. Nonetheless, termination cloaked latent motivations for Indian land within individual rights rhetoric that was at odds with Indian sovereignty. Termination highlights the rhetorical features of social control under capitalism portrayed in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), in which opposing principles are fused and inverted. This essay critiques termination's Orwellian language to show how ideographs of social liberation are refashioned by the state to subvert Indian sovereignty and popular dissent.

<i>Utopian Dreams, Apocalyptic Nightmares: Globalization in Recent Mexican and Chicano Narrative</i> (review)

Reviewed by: Utopian Dreams, Apocalyptic Nightmares: Globalization in Recent Mexican and Chicano Narrative Jorge Bastos da Silva Miguel López-Lozano . Utopian Dreams, Apocalyptic Nightmares: Globalization in Recent Mexican and Chicano Narrative. Purdue Studies in Romance Literatures, Vol. 42. West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 2008. ix + 294 pp. Paperback, ISBN: 978-1-55753-484-2. Miguel López-Lozano's Utopian Dreams, Apocalyptic Nightmares sheds light on a hitherto relatively unknown area within the territory of the utopian imagination. It is a study of the contributions of four Mexican/U.S. Chicano authors of narrative fiction to the ecocritical current of dystopian writing, which "addresses the effects of industrialization on the environment, proposing alternative worlds in which humankind lives in harmony with nature" (26). It focuses on works published in the last two decades of the twentieth century that for the most part amount to imaginative representations of Mexico City: Carlos Fuentes's Cristóbal Nonato (1987); Alejandro Morales's The Rag Doll Plagues (1992); Carmen Boullosa's Cielos de la Tierra (1997); and two novels by Homero Aridjis, La Leyenda de los Soles (1993) and its sequel, ¿En quién Piensas cuando Haces el Amor? (1996). López-Lozano postulates a genre for these works by suggestively comparing them (albeit in passing) with Zamyatin's We, Huxley's Brave New World, Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four, and [End Page 360] Bradbury's Fahrenheit 451. The point is more argumentative than analytic: it is not so much that there are specific textual correspondences to be detected as that those earlier works can function as a background by way of (apposite) historical analogy. López-Lozano's main interest lies in "cautionary tales of ecoapocalypses" and "the excavation of the history of exclusion" (5—the notion that history is indeed rewriting being at the core of his project). This he proceeds to do by providing a context that allows him to interpret his canon of works within the larger dynamics of South American social and political history. The introduction very much focuses on what may be described as the utopian invention of the Americas, taking two dates as symbolic: 1492, the arrival of Columbus, and 1992, the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Going back to the colonial period, López-Lozano examines the utopian projections that were made to bear upon the New World as the earthly paradise, briefly considering how "the discovery of the Americas . . . provided Europe with a locus upon which to project its own preconceived myths and desires" (7). After independence, he points out, "Latin American elites began to conceptualize modernization as a new kind of utopia, one that encapsulates the desire to achieve the levels of productivity, comfort, and consumption associated with the nations and economies of the First World" (5-6). Both conceptualizations of South American identity are perceived to entail the establishment of a sense of domination over the peoples, the territories, and the cultures of the Americas, and both are challenged by the authors López-Lozano has chosen to study as they explore the potential of dystopian science fiction to question prevailing assumptions. Specifically, their work is seen to reflect the obvious ambivalence—in a country that was left behind in the process of modernization—between a striving for progress and the cultural and psychological dangers of life in industrialized society. López-Lozano describes the process of Mexico's belated industrialization, which took place only decisively after World War II, and traces the story of industrialized capitalism through several political and economic crises, seeing modernization itself as the utopia par excellence of Mexican elites (see 26-40). In such conditions, López-Lozano submits, art emerges "as a viable form of resistance to the rules of the market, since local artists can create awareness of social issues and problems, thereby forming a critical voice that questions the illusory logic of unlimited progress that supporters [End Page 361] of neoliberalism propose" (40). Does this mean, one wonders, that all relevant works stand in direct opposition to the establishment as a whole, or do they connect to significant social or ideological movements that remain within the accepted rules of the states...

Huxley's Brave new world: essays

Aldous Huxley was one of the most prophetic intellectuals of the twentieth century, and his best-known work was a novel of ideas that warned of a terrible future then 600 years away. Though Brave New World, was published less than a century ago in 1932, many elements of the novel's dystopic future now seem an eerily familiar part of life in the 21st century.These essays reiterate the influence of Brave New World as a literary and philosophical document and describe how Huxley forecast the problems of late capitalism. The topics include the anti-utopian ideals represented by Brave New World's rigid caste system, the novel's influence on the philosophy of 'culture industry' philosophers Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, the Nietzschean birth of tragedy in the novel's penultimate scene, and the relationship of the novel to other dystopian works including Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man and George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four.

Archaeologies of the Future: Jameson's Utopia or Orwell's Dystopia?

AbstractThis paper begins with the proposition that Fredric Jameson's Archaeologies of the Future (2005) is the most important theoretical contribution to utopian and science-fiction studies since Darko Suvin's Metamorphoses of Science Fiction (1979). It argues that Jameson's derivation of 'anti-anti-Utopianism' from Sartrean anti-anti-communism will provide 'the party of Utopia' with as good a slogan as it is likely to find in the foreseeable future. It takes issue with Jameson over two key issues: his overwhelming concentration on American science-fiction, which seems strangely parochial in such a distinguished comparativist; and his understanding of Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four as an 'anti-Utopia' rather than a dystopia. The paper argues that, for Nineteen Eighty-Four, as for any other science-fiction novel, the key question is that identified by Jameson: not 'did it get the future right?', but rather 'did it sufficiently shock its own present as to force a meditation on the impossible?'. It concludes that Jameson fails to understand how this process works for dystopia as well as utopia, for barbarism as well as socialism.

A Linguistic Approach to David Mitchell's Science-Fiction Stories in Cloud Atlas

This paper focuses on the language of the two science-fiction stories among the six stories that comprise Mitchell's 2004 novel Cloud Atlas. "An Orison of Sonmi~451" and "Sloosha's Crossin'an' Ev'rythin' After", renamed 'Sonmi' and 'Sloosha' here for greater convenience. We aim at studying the extent to which the two craftily-carved languages, which are radically different both syntactically and semantically, give birth to completely opposed worlds. The highly-engineered language of the 22nd century in 'Sonmi' creates the image of a plentiful consumer society whereas the mutilated words in 'Sloosha' mirror a humanity which is only the shadow of its former self after the explosion of the atomic bomb. Yet, in keeping with the image of Deleuze's rhizome, the apparently diminished language of the middle story (Sloosha) seems to germinate again, finding its source in what is most natural and essential, while the other language actually produces an arborescent-like hierarchical society, leaving no space for imagination to grow. In Cloud Atlas Mitchell plays on intertextuality, his own distortion of the linguistic medium recalling other linguistic utopias such as George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four or Russell Hoban's Riddley Walker.

How Do Stories Convince Us? Notes Towards A Rhetoric of Narrative

This essay posits the conceptual rudiments of "rhetoric of narrative." Approaching contemporary narrative theory according to the classical trivium, the essay explores what and how stories mean and argue. It focuses on the relevance and value of the rhetorical tradition for illuminating distinctive features of a "rhetoric of narrative," showing how a "rhetoric" of narrative builds upon a "grammar" and a "logic" of narrative. Ultimately the essay posits that narratives can be positioned at some point along a continuum represented by poles roughly characterized as "aesthetic" and "ideological," with propagandistic argument lying at the latter extreme. The chief literary example for applying the conceptual distinctions emerging from our investigations is George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four.

Lies, Damned Lies and Literature: George Orwell and ‘The Truth’

This article sets out to illustrate the value of imaginative literature as a tool of political analysis. It investigates the nature of truth and lies principally through a discussion of Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four. Hannah Arendt's concerns about new forms of political lying provide a platform for a detailed analysis of Orwell's depiction of the struggle between the individual and the state over the nature of reality and truth. We consider the plausibility of the Party's attempt to recreate the truth in its own image, especially through the control of language. Orwell's novel, we shall conclude, stands as a stark warning against allowing civil society to atrophy and the state to subvert ordinary language, thereby destroying the basis of representative government, trust.

Three Modes of Terror: Transcendence, Submission, Incorporation

In this article I discuss three modes of terror. The first, derived from George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-four, sees terror as an operation of the narcissistic fusion of self and other: terror is produced when the ways of the world are reduced entirely to the narcissistic confines of the self.1 The second conception of terror, which emerges from Kazuo Ishiguro's The Remains of the Day, understands terror as a mode in which the desires of the self are forgone in deference to the authority to which one submits. This second mode of terror is thus characterized by a willing submission to the other. A third notion of terror, taken from Lucile Hadzihalilovic's recent film, Innocence (France, 2004), posits terror as something that must be accepted as part and parcel of human existence. From this perspective, terror is not something which the human being should strive to transcend (as occurs in Nineteen Eighty-four) or to which one must submit (as is the case with The Remains of the Day). Rather, for Innocence, terror is something which must be incorporated. These claims are made from within the context of psychoanalysis, most specifically by way of an understanding of Jean Laplanche's challenge to psychoanalysis: that the unconscious constitutes an 'internal etrangeretli' (alienness) which is both put in place and maintained by an 'external etrangerete'.3 For Laplanche, the origins of the unconscious are external. The unconscious does not spontaneously or biologically arise from within the human subject, but is instead an internalized externality, an external alien inside me. Orwell's and Ishiguro's novels narrate ways of quashing or expelling the external, alien qualities of the unconscious, whereas Hadzihalilovic's extraordinary film offers a version of the implantation of the internal etrangerete which is fundamental to the formation of

The Laws of Hospitality: Liberty, Generosity, and the Limits of Dissent in William Morris's 'The Tables Turned' and 'News from Nowhere'

This article scrutinizes recent critical claims that William Morris's The Tables Turned (1887) and News from Nowhere (1890) constitute exceptionally tolerant and accommodating visions of the ideal society. The first section provides evidence in support of Morris's liberalistic concern for the rights of minorities. The second and third sections complicate this analysis, stressing Morris's parallel commitment to informal regulatory methods. Particular attention is directed towards the role of hospitality in these utopias, a form of generosity whose combination of freedom and control is comparable to the operation of gift-exchanges as understood by Marcel Mauss. ********** In the postscript to his revised edition of William Morris: Romantic to Revolutionary (1) E. P. Thompson considers M.M.-H. Abensour's now influential reading of News from Nowhere (1890). (2) Referring primarily to Abensour's guiding conception of an 'education of desire', he identifies the French critic's approach as a useful and productive way of reappraising Morris's utopianism. Thompson's enthusiasm for Abensour has not been uncontroversial. Perry Anderson, for one, notoriously characterized it as a brief insinuation of that 'Parisian irrationalism' which favours 'metaphysical vacancy' over 'clear and observable meaning'. (3) Among the more receptive responses to Thompson's postscript has been that of Ruth Levitas, who takes into account the views of both Thompson and Anderson, and synthesizes them: Morris's utopianism, Levitas argues, is no vague expression of frustrated desire, but rather a disciplined, politically effective, form of dream. (4) Most critics have adopted a less guarded approach in accounting for the imaginative processes that inform this vision of the ideal society. In recent discussions of News from Nowhere one hears less of discipline than of Morris's exceptional openness, receptivity, and pluralism. (5) William Morris @ News from Nowhere (1990), a collection of essays issued to mark the centenary year of the work's publication, is typical in this respect. Morris is presented here as a kind of anarcho-communist forebear of recent trends. The views of the volume's editor, Stephen Coleman, are especially germane. He suggests, first, that 'in Nowhere cohesion is not the product of compulsion', and second, that our recurrent failure to endorse Morris's insistence on the achievability of political liberty is merely 'a reflection of the intensity of the modern fear of freedom' (p. 89). (6) What limits Morris may have placed on the scope of these freedoms, or more specifically on the conduct of his utopians, have received far less attention. Of course the troubled history of utopian experimentation in the twentieth century makes this emphasis unsurprising. It is now a precondition of any favourable appraisal of Morris's work that it echo A. L. Morton's assertion that 'Morris' is the first Utopia which is not utopian'. (7) All the same, it is my purpose in this article to insist on the limited nature of Nowhere's openness. This does not mean that I dispute the common assertion that News from Nowhere constitutes a libertarian utopia. As the first part of this discussion should serve to demonstrate, much evidence exists to support such a reading. It has simply become necessary to register the fact that, in certain respects, Nowhere remains typically utopian, that it constitutes a vision of happiness achieved by means of an act of exclusion. Morris, this is to say, exercises his sovereignty as a utopist: he leaves out what displeases him. 'News from Nowhere': A Tolerant Utopia? In the first half of the twentieth century Karl Popper and Friedrich Hayek began to express the view that the crimes of Fascism and Communism were directly attributable to the historicism latent in utopian thought. (8) The misgivings prompting such critiques were only strengthened by the publication of Yevgeny Zamyatin's We (1920-21), Aldous Huxley's Brave New World (1932), and George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), all three of them dystopias. …

Entering Dystopia, Entering Erewhon

Abandon hope all ye who enter here: a society cannot be truly dystopian if travellers can come and go freely. Anti-utopias and 'satirical utopias' - that is, societies considered perfect by their advocates but not by the implied reader - must be well-regulated enough to prevent the possible disruption caused by a visitor. There is no exit at all from the classic twentieth-century dystopias, which end either in an actual death, like that of the Savage in Huxley's Brave New World (1932), or in a spiritual death like Winston Smith's in Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). Any glimmers of hope that the protagonist may have felt are quickly destroyed.

Multivariate Analysis and the Study of Style Variation

This paper investigates style variation in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four and William Golding's The Inheritors using multivariate analysis, specifically, cluster analysis of the frequencies of frequent words. Baseline tests on a corpus including these and four other novels show that traditional authorship attribution techniques correctly distinguish all sections of each novel from all sections of the other five and correctly cluster all sections of each novel. They are also very successful in distinguishing the section of Nineteen Eighty-Four that purports to be a political tract by Emmanuel Goldstein from the rest of the novel. They are less successful in distinguishing the style of the final chapter of The Inheritors, where critics have argued that a sudden shift of point of view leads to a radical variation in style. The nature of this stylistic variation suggests a modification in the way that frequent words are selected for analysis - a modification that gives improved results for both novels and sharply distinguishes the final chapter from the rest of The Inheritors. A further test of the modified technique on an unusual section of The Picture of Dorian Gray suggests that it may be more widely useful in studies of style variation.

Imaginary communities: utopia, the nation, and the spatial histories of modernity

Acknowledgments Introduction: Reality of Imaginary Communities 1. Genre and the Spatial Histories of Modernity Institutional Being of Genre Space and Modernity Estrangement and the Temporality of 2. and the Birth of Nations Re-authoring, or the Origins of Institutions Utopiques and Conceptualized Space Crime and History and the Nation-Thing and the Work of Nations 3. Writing the New American (Re)Public: Remembering and Forgetting in Looking Backward Remembering Contemporary Cul-de-Sac Fragmentation Consumerism and Class The Associations of Our Active Lifetime Forgetting 4. Occluded Future: Red Star and Iron Heel as Critical Utopias Red Star and the Horizons of Russian Modernity Long Revolution of Iron Heel Nameless, Formless Things Gaseous Vertebrate Simplification and the New Subject of History 5. A Map of Utopia's Worlds: Zamyatin's We and Le Guin's Dispossessed Reclaiming We for City and the Country Happiness and Freedom Play of Possible Worlds We's Legacy: Dispossessed and the Limits of the Horizon 6. Modernity, Nostalgia, and the Ends of Nations in Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four From Utopian Modernism to Naturalist Orwell and Mannheim: Nineteen Eighty-Four as Conservative Utopia Crisis of Modern Reason Modernization against Modernity: Culture Industry and Secondary Orality If there was hope...: Orwell's Intellectuals Notes Index

Privacy and Power: Computer Databases and Metaphors for Information Privacy

Journalists, politicians, jurists, and legal academics often describe the privacy problem created by the collection and use of personal information through computer databases and the Internet with the metaphor of Big Brother - the totalitarian government portrayed in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four. Professor Solove argues that this is the wrong metaphor. The Big Brother metaphor as well as much of the law that protects privacy emerges from a longstanding paradigm for conceptualizing privacy problems. Under this paradigm, privacy is invaded by uncovering one's hidden world, by surveillance, and by the disclosure of concealed information. The harm caused by such invasions consists of inhibition, self-censorship, embarrassment, and damage to one's reputation. Privacy law has developed with this paradigm in mind, and consequently, it has failed to adapt to grapple effectively with the database problem. Professor Solove argues that the Big Brother metaphor merely reinforces this paradigm and that the problem is better captured by Franz Kafka's The Trial. Understood with the Kafka metaphor, the problem is the powerlessness, vulnerability, and dehumanization created by the assembly of dossiers of personal information where individuals lack any meaningful form of participation in the collection and use of their information. Professor Solove illustrates that conceptualizing the problem with the Kafka metaphor has profound implications for the law of information privacy as well as which legal approaches are taken to solve the problem.

Privacy and Power: Computer Databases and Metaphors for Information Privacy

Journalists, politicians, jurists, and legal academics often describe the privacy problem created by the collection and use of personal information through computer databases and the Internet with the metaphor of Big Brother - the totalitarian government portrayed in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four. Professor Solove argues that this is the wrong metaphor. The Big Brother metaphor as well as much of the law that protects privacy emerges from a longstanding paradigm for conceptualizing privacy problems. Under this paradigm, privacy is invaded by uncovering one's hidden world, by surveillance, and by the disclosure of concealed information. The harm caused by such invasions consists of inhibition, self-censorship, embarrassment, and damage to one's reputation. Privacy law has developed with this paradigm in mind, and consequently, it has failed to adapt to grapple effectively with the database problem. Professor Solove argues that the Big Brother metaphor merely reinforces this paradigm and that the problem is better captured by Franz Kafka's The Trial. Understood with the Kafka metaphor, the problem is the powerlessness, vulnerability, and dehumanization created by the assembly of dossiers of personal information where individuals lack any meaningful form of participation in the collection and use of their information. Professor Solove illustrates that conceptualizing the problem with the Kafka metaphor has profound implications for the law of information privacy as well as which legal approaches are taken to solve the problem.

‘We are the dead … you are the dead’. An examination of sexuality as a weapon of revolt in Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four

This article examines sexuality as a weapon of revolt in Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four. The sexual relationship between Winston and Julia is scrutinised in terms of its effectiveness as a means of mutiny against, both, the omnipresent Party surveillant mechanisms and the underpinning thought-control and sex-control exercised by the Party. Some discrepancy is noted in Orwell's depiction of women and an attempt made to contextualise this within Orwell's own experiences as described through various biographers.

Cross-Lingual Sense Determination: Can It Work?

This article reports the results of a preliminary analysis of translation equivalents in four languages from different language families, extracted from an on-line parallel corpus of George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four. The goal of the study is to determine the degree to which translation equivalents for different meanings of a polysemous word in English are lexicalized differently across a variety of languages, and to determine whether this information can be used to structure or create a set of sense distinctions useful in natural language processing applications. A coherence index is computed that measures the tendency for different senses of the same English word to be lexicalized differently, and from this data a clustering algorithm is used to create sense hierarchies.

Utopia, Dystopia, and the Middle Class in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four

Utopia, Dystopia, and the Middle Class in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four