Origins Of Fascism Research Articles

Defining fascist pluralism's role in the development of modernity

In the sphere of politics, particularly in the area of governance, fascism is a fluid and undefined phenomenon whose nature, despite the best efforts of theorists and philosophers in the political and social sciences, remains shrouded in mystery. In a metaphor, populism is like a mirror room where every essence that is put in it gets lost among thousands of other images of a similar kind. This confusion is the point that fascist aspires to get at among various socioeconomic strata. In order to determine which political component or components fascism, with such a fluid nature, seeks to achieve, we attempt to provide general results from the origins of fascism; its characteristics and patterns of behavior, especially in the field of pluralism and how it treats modernity, by providing explanations of fascism research. In a way, the goal of this paper is to explore, clarify, and show how to use the markers of modernity and the relationship between fascist institutions. This article used a descriptive-analytical research design to discuss the topic using an interpretive-critical framework. This article's study is based on a methodical approach using the terms "fascism" and "modernity."

Explaining the Relationship between Fascist Pluralism and Modernity

Fascism is a fluid and unknown phenomenon in the world of politics and especially in the field of governance, a phenomenon whose nature; despite all the efforts of theorists and thinkers in the field of political and social sciences, remains in an aura of ambiguity. Fascism is like a mirror room in allegory, every essence that is placed in it is lost in thousands of images of its kind and this confusion is the same populism that the idea of fascism seeks in different social strata as its destination. In this article, we try to provide general results from the origins of fascism; its characteristics and patterns of behavior, especially in the field of pluralism and how it treats modernity, by providing explanations of fascism research, to finally find out which political component or components fascism with such a fluid nature seeks to achieve. In a sense, the purpose of this article is to investigate and explain the relationship between fascist institutions and modernity and how to use its indicators. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical which has explained the subject with an interpretive-critical approach. The analysis of this article is based on a systematic method based on the keywords of fascism and modernity.

Book Review: The Coming of the American Behemoth: The Origins of Fascism in the United States, 1920–1940 by Michael Joseph Roberto

Book Review: <i>The Coming of the American Behemoth: The Origins of Fascism in the United States, 1920–1940</i> by Michael Joseph Roberto

Aesthetics and Politics: Reflections on Love and the Origins of Fascism

Aesthetics and Politics: Reflections on Love and the Origins of Fascism

The great trasformismo

ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to explore the commonalities and differences between Karl Polanyi and Antonio Gramsci in their assessment of the origins of fascism as located within the rise of capitalism in the nineteenth century and its structural impasse in the twentieth century. Specifically, the aim is to trace a set of associations between Polanyi and Gramsci on the transformations wrought across the states-system of Europe prior to the crises that engulfed capitalism leading to the rise of fascism in the twentieth century. Focusing on the class structures that emerged out of the expansion of capitalism across Europe in the nineteenth century reveals that there was less a ‘great transformation’ in terms of a rupture with the past through the rise of liberal capitalism. Rather, there was more a slow and protracted process of class restoration known as passive revolution, or a ‘Great Trasformismo’, referring to the molecular absorption of class contradictions marking the consolidation and expansion of capitalist social relations. In sum, it is argued that The Great Transformation is understood better if read through the epoch of passive revolution, or The Great Trasformismo, which entailed the restoration and maintenance of class dominance through state power. This approach therefore opens up questions, rather than forecloses answers, about the historical geographies constituting the spaces and places of the political economy of modern capitalism.

Simon Lewis Sullam. Giuseppe Mazzini and the Origins of Fascism.

Simon Lewis Sullam. Giuseppe Mazzini and the Origins of Fascism.

Giuseppe Mazzini and the Origins of Fascism. By Simon Levis Sullam. Translated by Sergio Knipe and Oona Smyth. Italian and Italian American Studies. Edited by Stanislao G. Pugliese.Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Pp. x+206. $95.00 (cloth); $69.99 (e-book).

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsGiuseppe Mazzini and the Origins of Fascism. By Simon Levis Sullam. Translated by Sergio Knipe and Oona Smyth. Italian and Italian American Studies. Edited by Stanislao G. Pugliese.Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Pp. x+206. $95.00 (cloth); $69.99 (e-book).Anthony L. CardozaAnthony L. CardozaLoyola University Chicago Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 89, Number 4December 2017 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/694372 Views: 184Total views on this site For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Origins of European Fascism: Memory of Violence in Michael Haneke’s The White Ribbon

Michael Haneke’s film The White Ribbon (2009) narrates violent attacks that disrupt the cyclical life of a German village in 1913–14. The narrator frames the violence as a study of the origins of fascism: the alleged perpetrators are children, who rebel against the disciplinary powers of patriarchal authority. Coming to maturity during World War I, they will have become the generation of Nazism’s followers. In contrast to psycho-historical readings of The White Ribbon as a cinematic exploration of the causal relationship between the authoritarian formation of the juvenile subject and her susceptibility to fascism’s redemptive illusions, I propose an anti-psychological interpretation of the film. This reading seeks to understand The White Ribbon in terms of Haneke’s aesthetic and formal choices, which underpin his notion of “ethical spectatorship.” I argue that the film offers a dual metaphorical construction of the nexus between memory and the cinematic image, and of the mnemonic and affective aspects of the history of violence. Haneke forges a link between the European attitude to its history of fascism and its ongoing politics of exclusion, arising from its covert fascist desire for the unified self. The significance of The White Ribbon in the ongoing debate on history/memory thus lies in its critique of Europe’s current self-understanding as having outgrown its violent past.

Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought

Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought. By A. James Gregor. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. 288p. $35.00.A. James Gregor is the leading authority on Italian fascist ideology in the English language. Mussolini's Intellectuals is the conclusion of 40 years of scholarship on fascist intellectuals and the ideology they produced. While specialists will find little if anything new in this volume, the uninitiated will find a cogent presentation of the author's long-standing claim: that Italian fascism was not simply the violent, irrational, anti-intellectual phenomenon so often misrepresented in the historical and social scientific literature but, rather, a movement with a serious ideological core that responded to the historical failings of the liberal state, as well as to the conjunctural problems of the interwar period. The book's major strength derives from a firm grasp of the intellectual origins of fascism, particularly the unredeemed promise of the Risorgimento to develop a morally regenerated and unified nation.

Democracy and Fascism: Class, Civil Society, and Rational Choice in Italy

The origins of fascism remain a major concern to social scientists. Because fascism emerged in societies seeking transitions to democracy, a better understanding of these failed attempts at democratic transitions improves our understanding of both democracy's possibilities and the strengths and weakness of democratic theory. Indeed, theoretical arguments employed to explain fascism have their analogues in theories of democracy. Three arguments have been advanced to explain both democracy and fascism: class, civil society, and rational choice. This research examines the rise of fascism in Italy, 1919–21. The evidence contradicts the class theory of fascism and offers mixed evidence for the civil society theory, while supporting the rational choice theory. Fascism will always be a minority movement. It cannot move beyond the cities.Mussolini (1919)This paper is developed from research sponsored by the National Science Foundation under Grant SBR-94-2281. The Foundation's support is gratefully acknowledged. The Istituto Cattaneo of Bologna, the Dipartimento di Politica, Istituzioni, Storia of the University of Bologna, the Ministero dell'Intero, and the Istituto Nazionale di Statistica in Rome also provided invaluable assistance. Preliminary findings of this research were presented at the Organization and State Building Workshop, University of Chicago, May 11, 1998, and the Workshop on Political Processes and Spatial Analysis, Florida International University, March 5–6, 2001. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the European Consortium for Political Research Workshops in Torino, Italy, March 22–28, 2002. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions expressed here do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation, the Istituto, the Dipartimento, or the Ministero. Particular thanks are extended to Professor William Brustein of the University of Pittsburgh for his comments on early drafts and for sharing his data. Additional gratitude is extended to Professors Paolo Pombeni and M. Serena Piretti of the Dipartimento di Politica, Istituzioni, Storia of the University of Bologna, to Professors John Grove and Rob Preuhs of the University of Denver, and to Gary King of Harvard University for comments on an early version.

Maistre, Donoso Cortes, and the Legacy of Catholic Authoritarianism

According to the late Isaiah Berlin, the origins of fascism can be found in Joseph de Maistre's political thought.' This well-known thesis was anticipated by Carl Schmitt, a conservative Catholic intellectual who served as one of the most prominent jurists of the Third Reich. He rescued the intellectual contributions of Joseph de Maistre and Donoso Cortes from obscurity by identifying them as the forerunners of his own theories of dictatorship. I suggest that by advancing such a claim Carl Schmitt paved the way toward a theoretical understanding of the notion of political authoritarianism characterized by what he defined as non-normative decisionism. By interpreting Maistre and Cort6s in this way, Schmitt was preparing his own political shift away from Catholic conservatism towards political authoritarianism, fascism, and National Socialism. At the same time, by removing the legitimacy of political decisionism embedded in traditionalist political thought, he eliminated the possibility of that middle road between fascism and liberalism known as traditionalist authoritarianism.

Nazism, Nationalism, and the Sociology of Emotions: Escape from Freedom Revisited

The recent worldwide resurgence of militant nationalism, fundamentalist intolerance, and right-wing authoritarianism has again put the issues of violence and xenophobia at the center of social science research and theory. German psychoanalyst and sociologist Erich Fromm's work provides a useful theoretical microfoundation for contemporary work on nationalism, the politics of identity, and the roots of war and violence. Fromm's analysis of Nazism in «Escape from Freedom» (1941), in particular, outlines a compelling theory of irrationality, and his later writings on nationalism provide an existential psychoanalysis that can be useful for contemporary social theory and sociology of emotions. «Escape from Freedom» synthesizes Marxist, Freudian, Weberian, and existentialist insights to offer an original theoretical explanation of Nazism that combines both macrostructural and micropsychological levels of analysis. After forty-five years of research into the social origins of fascism and with recent theorizing in the sociology of nationalism and emotions, «Escape from Freedom», its analysis of Nazism, and Fromm's larger theoretical perspective are worth reconsidering

Interpretations of the Origins of Fascism

Interpretations of the Origins of Fascism

Counterfactuals and Hypothesis Testing in Political Science

Scholars in comparative politics and international relations routinely evaluate causal hypotheses by referring tocounterfactual caseswhere a hypothesized causal factor is supposed to have been absent. The methodological status and the viability of this very common procedure are unclear and are worth examining. How does the strategy of counterfactual argument relate, if at all, to methods of hypothesis testing based on the comparison of actual cases, such as regression analysis or Mill's Method of Difference? Are counterfactual thought experiments a viable means of assessing hypotheses about national and international outcomes, or are they methodologically invalid in principle? The paper addresses the first question in some detail and begins discussion of the second. Examples from work on the causes of World War I, the nonoccurrence of World War III, social revolutions, the breakdown of democratic regimes in Latin America, and the origins of fascism and corporatism in Europe illustrate the use, problems and potential of counterfactual argument in small-N-oriented political science research.

From Unification to Nazism: Reinterpreting the German Past

Originally published in 1986, and bringing together essays written over a 10 year period, this volume offers a coherent and challenging interpretation of the German past. The book argues that the German Empire between 1971 and 1914 may have enjoyed greater stability and cohesion than is often assumed. It suggests that Imperial Germany’s political institutions showed considerable flexibility and capacity for growth and puts forward the idea that without WWI, or in the event of a German victory, the Empire might well have demonstrated its viability as a modern state. In that case, the origins of fascism should be sought mainly in the subsequent experiences of war, revolution and economic crisis and not so much in the Empire’s so-called structural backwardness.

Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship. A. James GregorYoung Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism. A. James Gregor

<i>Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship</i>. A. James Gregor<i>Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism</i>. A. James Gregor

Reviews : David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1979. x + 410pp. £16.00. A. James Gregor, Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism, Berkeley and London, University of California Press, 1980. 271pp. £10.00. A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1980. xv + 427pp. £16.60 hard covers,

Reviews : David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1979. x + 410pp. £16.00. A. James Gregor, Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism, Berkeley and London, University of California Press, 1980. 271pp. £10.00. A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1980. xv + 427pp. £16.60 hard covers,

The Origins of Fascism in Italy

(1974). The Origins of Fascism in Italy. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 2, No. 7, pp. 180-180.

The Rise of Fascism

The best scholarly description of European Fascism available. (American Historical Review). Professor Carsten surveys the major and minor European fascist groups which flourished between the world wars, including such movements as were active in Romania, Austria, Hungary, Finland, Britain, and Belgium. In doing so, he has produced a useful, if brief, addition to the growing number of studies on this subject. (The Historian). A short, responsible survey of how fascism came to power in Italy and Germany, with some valuable comparative data on fascist movements in other European countries. (Foreign Affairs). The core of this factual, but extremely readable book consists of an account of Italian fascism up to 1929 and Nazism up to 1934. (International Review of Social History). To date, this is the best study on the origins of fascism .... (Library Journal).

Italy 1919–21: The Current State of Research

It seems rather obvious to say that the main problem concerning the study of the years I919-2I in Italy is the problem of the origins of fascism. Nevertheless, Italian life in those years also presents a set of particular issues worthy of the historian's attention, on account both of the special impact that these issues had on the development of fascism, and of some of the longer-lasting effects on the general course of Italian history. In foreign policy, for instance, in the years I919-2I there were the bitter disputes over and the final settlement of the peace treaties and Italy's political frontiers. In domestic policy there was the foundation of the two political parties which are to this day the main actors of Italian political life: the Catholic Party and the Communist Party. Furthermore, there were some profound changes in the social and economic life of Italy, both in the structure of the productive system and in the way of life of the working classes, indeed, of the whole people. It may be convenient, therefore, to review the current state of research concerning Italy in those years according to the main topics briefly outlined above. We do not have many general works on Italian history for the years I919-2I. Because of the lack of freedom in Italy during the period of fascism, no critical work on the origins of fascism was produced inside the country in those years.1 We had, instead, a long series of partisan works written in praise of the fascist regime, which hardly deserve the name of history books but which can sometimes be quite useful, either for the vast documentation they contain (e.g. the five volumes of Chiurco, Storia della Rivoluzione Fascista, I929), or for the clear account of the official version of those events which they provide, that is, fascism as a revolution which saved