Political Organization Research Articles

Colectiva Feminista en Construcción

Abstract Colectiva Feminista en Construcción (La Cole) is a Black feminist political organization that emerged in 2014 in San Juan, Puerto Rico. This article discusses the ways La Cole’s public discourse around sexism, racism, and homophobia in the archipelago is articulated through the collective’s presence at marches, demonstrations, and on social media. While core membership is small, La Cole has been able to convene collaborators and supporters to organize against the imposition of neoliberal economic and public policies that negatively impact the most dispossessed populations in Puerto Rico, namely Black, poor, queer, and trans women. La Cole has constructed a transnational intersectional feminist pedagogy as a means of political education both within the organization itself and more broadly in Puerto Rico’s public sphere. The organization’s pedagogical strategies include the rewriting of Christmas songs and plenas, an Afro Puerto Rican musical genre, and their Radical Feminist School, a political education space open to nonmembers. Through these pedagogical interventions La Cole simultaneously calls attention to the ways state and structural gender-based violence and femicides, housing precarity, and austerity measures affect the most marginalized sectors of the archipelago while carving out their identity as a decolonial Black feminist political organization.

“Ka Aina No Ka Poe o Hawaii”

Abstract This article examines the independent newspaper Huli, published at the birth of the modern Hawaiian sovereignty movement from 1971 to 1973 by the grassroots political organization Kokua Hawaii. Reading through the surviving issues of Huli available in institutional archives, the article considers the variety of perspectives promoted within its pages to position Kokua Hawaii in relation to international understandings of anticolonial liberatory politics of the Global South. Revisiting prominent critiques of Kokua Hawaii, it argues that insights provided by Huli trouble lasting understandings of the organization and underscore the periodical’s relevance for navigating rising waves of political struggle in Hawaiʻi today. Moreover, the article contends that Huli—a timely revival of Hawaiʻi’s politically engaged print culture that flourished during the nineteenth century—offers one foundation for constructing a counterhegemonic lineage of socially concerned artists and cultural workers in Hawaiʻi. Through an analysis of Huli’s content, imagery, and context of production, the article uses the name of the periodical and its call to “huli” as a means of tracking the influence of Kokua Hawaii’s politics and aesthetics into the present, with Huli acting as a medium for insurgent inspiration.

Do Organizational Politics Triggers Counterproductive Work Behaviors in Hospitality and Tourism Organizations: The Roles of Job Stress and Distributive Justice

Do Organizational Politics Triggers Counterproductive Work Behaviors in Hospitality and Tourism Organizations: The Roles of Job Stress and Distributive Justice

Intersectionality of Queer Female Characters in Alice Oseman’s Young Adult Series of Graphic Novels Heartstopper

The global success of Alice Oseman’s series of young adult graphic novels, Heartstopper, may come as a surprise. Initially published as a webcomic on Tumblr and Tapas, it attracted an online audience of over 50 million views. The project’s publishing fundraising goal was met in just two hours, and Hachette Children’s Group published Heartstopper: Volume One as a graphic novel in 2019, followed by four other volumes and extras, all released by 2023. While most readers and critics have focused on the issues of male homo- and bisexuality in Heartstopper, this article seeks to analyse the multifaceted identities of trans and cisgender female characters in Oseman’s graphic novel series through the lens of intersectionality, focusing on gender, sexuality, race, and ethnicity, while addressing the call for diversity in YA literature. Remembering that young adult literature often aims to raise questions about political organisation, ideal society, and the need for social change, the reading of Oseman’s Heartstopper presented in this paper argues that it is a part of utopian young adult literature due to disregarding many issues connected to the characters’ intersections, especially the experiences of women of colour.

중국공산당의 대국민당전략과 실천(1945-1946)

This article sought to reveal whether the Chinese Communist Party at the time truly intended to achieve the communist revolution it hoped for through peace and negotiation through a review of the political negotiation process within China after the victory in the Anti-Japanese War and the Chinese Communist Party’s preparations for civil war. Mao Zedong’s theory of coalition government was to build a new China by establishing a formal government that included representatives of all parties and factions, as well as independent and non-party factions. The coalition government theory was supported by various political parties and organizations because it went far beyond national-public cooperation in terms of government composition. While Mao Zedong was holding talks in Chongqing at Chiang Kai-shek’s request, the Communist Party leadership in Yan'an was accelerating preparations for civil war. The Chinese Communist Party Army established the strategic policy of “Northward Development and Southern Defense”(向北發展 向南防禦) to disrupt the monopoly of the Nationalist Government Army in the Manchuria region and prevent the Chinese Communist Party Army's individual defeat in the southern Huazhong region. In addition, the units were expanded through the creation of field corps and field forces, and from an operational perspective, an attempt was made to transition from guerrilla warfare to mobile warfare. In particular, the reinforcement of 300,000 troops in Manchuria, who were acquired from the Soviet Army and equipped with new Japanese weapons and heavy equipment, immediately raised the military power of the Chinese Communist Party to the next level. In this way, the Chinese Communist Party demonstrated its willingness to negotiate externally by promoting the theory of a coalition government, while internally it was gradually narrowing the gap in military power with the Nationalist government army by strengthening its military power.

2차 미소공동위원회 당시 정치고문단의 창설과 활동

The Political Advisory Group(PAG) was organized based on the recognition that the U.S. Army Military Government in Korea(AMG) had no dedicated advisory body to consult on political issues in South Korea, despite the fact that AMG dealt with numerous political issues in South Korea in addition to its military duties. The creation of the PAG was the final destination of the ‘decentralized’ and ‘fluid’ organizational transformation of AMG’s political advisory machinery. AMG had previously utilized the military intelligence agencies, political advisors dispatched by the US State Department, Hodge’s personal political advisor, and the American delegates for U.S-U.S.S.R. Joint Commission as political advisory organizations. PAG was comprised of Korea experts and political analysts from AMG. PAG collected and analyzed political intelligence through continuous contact with South Korean political figures. Then, PAG framed and implemented AMG’s occupation policy In particular, PAG actively supported the American delegates for 2nd U.S-U.S.S.R. Joint Commission based on the political intelligence and understanding of South Korean political parties accumulated through its activities. Throughout the 2nd U.S-U.S.S.R. Joint Commission, PAG’s focus was on “creating a situation led by right-wing forces” in the list of Korean political parties and social groups that U.S-U.S.S.R. Joint Commission would consult. The existence and activities of PAG clearly show the way and perspective of AMG’s reorganization of South Korean politics at the time. In addition, the fact that the PAG was established as a permanent organization with a single function as a “political advisor” only in 1947 can be seen as evidence that the political advisory function of the AMG in the early days of the occupation was weak.

Dynamics of everyday practices of urban parents

In order to further improve family policy, the article aims to analyze the dynamics of everyday practices of parents. The empirical basis is the databases on individuals of the Comprehensive monitoring of living conditions (GKS-KOUZH — 2011,2016, 2018, 2020, 2022 years), which is conducted by the Federal State Statistics Service. Subsamples of urban fathers and mothers living with children under the age of 15 have been formed. The daily practices of parents are analyzed based on the indicators of work, leisure, sports, health, smoking and alcohol consumption contained in the database, depending on gender, educational level and number of children. The article presents an analysis of studies on the transmission of constructive and destructive parenting practices to children. It is shown that during the analyzed period, the proportion of parents who work in their specialty, attend various leisure facilities, participate in the activities of political and public organizations, engage in sports and drink alcohol is stable. The proportion of mothers attending religious institutions and meetings of believers has decreased. There are positive trends in a significant increase in the proportion of both fathers and mothers who are satisfied with their profession and salary, who make tourist trips, who positively assess their health and a decrease in the proportion of fathers who smoke. According to the analysis of the KOUZH-2022, more parents with higher education work in their specialty, are satisfied with wages, have the opportunity to work distantly via the Internet, practice buying food and goods over the Internet, make tourist trips, visit the theater, museums, exhibitions, restaurants, participate in social activities, do not smoke, play sports or active recreation compared to parents without higher education. Parents with many children are similar in terms of types of professional activities and level of education to one- and two-child parents. The absolute advantage of parents with many children is a significant proportion of religious fathers and the lowest level of alcohol consumption by fathers and mothers. Positive trends in the daily activities of parents inspire optimism about the prospects for fertility and the quality of parenthood.

Signs of political contacts between Lithuanian and Polish emigrants in 1940–1990

After annexation of Lithuania by the USSR in 1940, Lithuanian political diaspora in Western countries actively joined the movement for Lithuania’s liberation. Maintenance of relations with emigrants from Eastern and Central European countries, which became dependent on the Soviets, was considered as one of the factors of its enhancement. All this had to contribute to consolidation of powers of all the nations of the aforesaid part of Europe, which were united by the similar goal: to seek liberation and restoration of independence of their homelands. Next to close collaboration with Latvians and Estonians, who shared common destiny, the contacts of Lithuanians with Polish, their historical neighbours, were of utmost importance. Lithuanian-Polish contacts in the West may be described from three perspectives. Firstly, meetings of Lithuanian political leaders with representatives of the Polish government in exile have to be mentioned. Secondly, exchange of opinions between Lithuanian emigrant organisations and relevant Polish institutions in the West is important as well as communication of Lithuanian emigrants with famous Polish personalities in emigration. In the 1940s (1947) already, Vaclovas Sidzikauskas, a representative of the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK), which consistently protected the right of Lithuania’s sovereignty abroad, established relations with Adam Tarnowski, a representative of Polish government in exile. The emphasis was laid on the common goal of both nations to restore the independence and on purely peaceful solution to contentious issues. In the 1950s the relations between the Committee for Free Lithuania (LLK) set up in the USA and Polish Political Council (Polska Rada Polityczna) were established. For example, during the meeting of 18 January 1954 they discussed international situation, evaluated the Soviet policies and discussed perspectives of liberation of Lithuania and Poland. Individual initiatives, which promoted the dialogue between Lithuanians and Polish, were also frequent. As early as the middle of the 1950s, the Polish journal “Kultura” published in Paris, already contained articles about perspectives of coexistence of Lithuanian and Polish nations written by Juozas Girnius, Jerzy Giedroyc, Jerzy Iwanowski, Tadeusz Kotelbach, and later by Czesław Miłosz, Zdzisław Rurarz and Tomas Venclova. The relation between Lithuanian and Polish emigrants never seized during the whole period of Lithuania’s liberalisation movement in the West. In the 1970s (October 1978), even before emergence of “Solidarity”, J. Giedroyc met Dr. Juozas K. Valiūnas, Chairperson of VLIK, in Paris. Then the idea of signing the declaration of friendship between Lithuanians and Polish was put forward. In the 1980s, when liberation of Poland and later that of Lithuania were becoming more and more realistic, the agendas of both nations started embracing the relevant issues of dependence of Vilnius region, Archdiocese of Vilnius, Western Ukraine and Belarus and it is not by chance that these issues were also included into the agenda of the Yalta Conference. The most active participants in the discussions were new social-political organisation “Pomost” on the Polish side and the World Lithuanian Community (PLB) on the Lithuanian side. The aspirations of the Lithuanian and Polish nations were expressed in the most moderate way through the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN) founded in the USA in 1954 and consisting of Eastern and Central European nations. The latter organisation, which regularly organised meetings with the US Administration and clearly determined the goals of the nations, significantly contributed to formation of moral and political support from the West and strengthening of movement of resistance against soviet dependence in Eastern Europe. Generalising, it can be stated that political organisations, which actively participated in the movement for Lithuania’s liberation in the West, maintained contacts with Polish institutions in emigration and built bridges for future alliance of free states of Lithuania and Poland.

Constitution development cyclicity and factors that influence it

The article is dedicated to the study of certain aspects of the constitution development cyclicity and the factors that influence such cyclicity. The author emphasizes that the state, society and the constitution are in constant interconnection with each other, and therefore formation of cyclicity of constitution development is inseparable from other legal phenomena. It was found that cyclicity is characterized by stability (invariability of the stages (phases) forming cyclicity of constitution development) and survivability (dynamics that forms the constitution’s ability to adapt to new challenges and tasks arising in society). The author draws attention to both actual and legal constitutions. It was established that: a) actual and legal constitutions are indeed independent juridical phenomena, however, they interact with each other and that is manifested in the aspect that de facto relations which influence emergence of an actual constitution contribute to changes of a legal constitution; b) the factors under which de facto relations are formed in the state serve as prerequisites for beginning, development or termination of the stages of adoption, reform and invalidation of the constitution. The author specifies that, since the constitution functions within the political organization of society, all factors relating to cyclicity of its development in relation to the state can be divided into internal factors arising in the state (social, cultural, economic, political, etc.) and foreign policy factors (adoption of international acts, unilateral acts of other states, etc.) which influence determination of a political course and orientation of the state and contribute to dynamism of the constitution’s life cycle. The author gives an example of an internal (political) factor influencing cyclicity of the constitution development – a choice of a new vector of Ukraine’s policy towards membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization that resulted in introduction of amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine in 2019. The other example given is associated with a foreign policy factor – constitutional changes in Germany in 2022 aimed at increasing the budget expenditures of the state for its army’s defense capability because of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Does the leadership style influence the office politics in performance appraisal? Empirical study from Malaysian financial sector

Employees play a pivotal role in the Malaysian financial industry, as this sector requires individuals capable of meeting the demands of the global financial market and enhancing Malaysia's position as a leading international financial hub. Consequently, employees' behavior and practices can significantly impact the institution's reputation. Previous research has identified office politics as a detrimental factor in organizational performance, prompting this study to investigate the impact of leadership styles on organizational politics within the context of performance appraisal. A survey was conducted through the distribution of questionnaires among 274 officers and clerical staff, selected using proportionate stratified random sampling from a Malaysian government financial institution based in Kuala Lumpur. Of the distributed questionnaires, 105 were completed and deemed usable. The study identified three reliable dimensions of politics in performance appraisal: acquiring benefits, human relations, and control. In examining leadership styles, the study found that the integrative leadership style was the only reliable dimension. Correlation analysis revealed that integrative leadership style generally correlates significantly and negatively with politics in performance appraisal. Specifically, integrative leadership style had a significant negative impact on the human relations and control dimensions. Regression analysis further indicated that integrative leadership style significantly and negatively influenced only the control dimension of performance appraisal politics. The study discusses the implications of these findings for future research and practice, as well as the limitations of the current study.

CUSTOMARY LAND GOVERNANCE AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION AMONG THE DEBNE AND WEIMA AFAR CLANS, NORTHEAST ETHIOPIA

This study is based on three months of fieldwork among the Debne and Weima Afar clans in Amibara woreda (district), Afar National Regional State (ANRS), Ethiopia, which was conducted in three rounds in 2016, 2018 and 2022. The purpose of the study is to explore the customary organisational structure and the rules and regulations employed by the local communities in managing natural resources on their rangelands as well as in resolving conflicts. While the clan system provides the basis for the Afar social and political organisation, claims to land are made at subclan and lineage levels. The formal administration largely functions using the clan structure, as it has more legitimacy than the state itself. Given the infrastructural limitations and legitimacy deficits of the government in the region, this paper argues that the clan system continues to play a dominating role when it comes to social organisation, resource management and conflict resolution. This article was published open access under a CC BY-NC 4.0 licence: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ .

The Role of Political Parties in Making Japanese Public Policy (Liberal Democratic Party as a Model)

Political parties are considered one of the most important political organizations and have a role in making and drawing up public policy. In Japan, they play a role, but there are not enough opportunities to assume governance. The Liberal Democratic Party is the most prominent party in Japan and plays a role in shaping and directing public policies in the country, and seeks to achieve a balance between the economy and the economy.And securityIn social affairs, the party played a vital role in promoting democracy and achieving political stability in the country. The party also seeks to manage the economy effectively and strengthen international relations through diplomacy and international cooperation, relying on its political orientations. The Liberal Democratic Party represents a model for political parties in Japan, which contributes to Effectively in making public policy and shaping the future course of the country, through its effective participation in governments, parliament and other democratic mechanisms, the Liberal Democratic Party remains a fundamental pillar in the Japanese political system, and a major partner in formulating and implementing policies that directly affect the lives of citizens and the future of the country. In its entirety.

Overcoming organizational politics and unlocking meaningful work through ethical leadership

Overcoming organizational politics and unlocking meaningful work through ethical leadership

The Mixed Communities as an Innovative Form of Political Organizing

The Mixed Communities as an Innovative Form of Political Organizing

The Evolution of Mediation in International Conflicts from 1940s to 2020s

The article analyzes the evolution of international mediation from the middle of the 20th century to the present day. How do changes in international environment influence mediation and research on it? The paper’s hypothesis is that the transformation of international order and political organization of the world, the dynamics of (de)globalization and changes in the nature of international conflict determine the specifics of international mediation and shape the relevant research. Over the last 80 years international mediation evolved through three stages. During the first stage, shaped by the cold war, conflicts were mostly of interstate nature and were settled by states and international organizations. Meanwhile, the growing activity of non-state actors led to the emergence of mediation via “track II diplomacy”. At this stage, the study of international mediation becomes an established research area. The second stage, since the end of 1980s to the beginning of the 21st century, witnessed a rapid progress in the settlement of many protracted regional conflicts, aided by the mediation efforts of the USSR and the United States. In Russia, research on international mediation, previously fragmentary and legalistic, developed into a separate subfield of international studies. During the third stage, in the 21st century, the political organization of the world has been undergoing a turbulent transformation at all the three levels: Westphalian system, the system of interstate relations, and political systems of individual states. The all-encompassing nature of this change increases conflict potential and changes the nature of international conflicts, which become multidimensional and involve a variety of actors. Responding to the demand for managing complex conflicts, new trends in mediation emerge, such as the growth in mediation attempts by developing nations, engagement of peacekeeping missions in mediation, the use of digital technologies for mediation purposes. At the same time, the erosion of the old political organization of the world triggers the rise in identity-based conflicts that involve disagreement over values. As parties to such conflicts are less likely to seek interestbased compromises, the likelihood of successful mediation decreases.

The Sociolinguistic Implications of Body Marks in Ngwaland

Africa has a rich culture of body markings, which is an integral part of its society, history and traditions. Body markings were and are both temporary and permanent modifications of the body, which transmit complex messages about identity and social status. In some African communities, body markings were like wearing one’s identity card on the face or having them printed on one’s skin. The study was carried out in Isiala Ngwa in Abia state, where a corpus of about 30 different body marks was documented and 20 participants were interviewed on the types, motivation, cultural significance, ranking, perception of body marks and reasons for the subsequent decline in the use of indigenous body marks in the Ngwa society. The data collection method involved semi-structured interviews, participant observation and formal conversations on the history and use of body marks in the target group. The Semiotic theory of identification was used as the basic framework for the analysis. The research findings reveal that body markings in Ngwaland are sources of traditional medical intervention, aesthetics/beautification, spiritual fortification/protection, identification, preventing death through reincarnation and warding off aggression. The work concludes that the undeniable roles of body marks in Ngwa land cannot be allowed to go into extinction, as the story of the Ngwa people would be incomplete without body marks, which is the window through which political, social and religious organizations in the past were dissected. Thus, a sociolinguistic, anthropological and documentary approach to body markings in Ngwa land is necessary towards the exploration and preservation of traditional communication patterns, identity formation and semiotic values of this aspect of embodiment.

Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK) 1986–1992: the Mission of Liberation Accomplished

In the second half of the 1980s, the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK), which aimed at “restoration of the enforcement of the sovereign rights of Lithuania”, called on other Lithuanian emigrant political organisations, together with emigrants from all Baltic countries, to organise a broader campaign to this end during the meeting of the European Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) in Vienna (for example, in 1986 Lithuanians, together with emigrants from all Baltic countries, took part in a joint demonstration in Vienna).

Employee disengagement: the catalytic role of leader-induced defensive cognitions and perceptual politics

PurposeThe study aims to attain insights into the role of destructive leadership and perceived organizational politics as catalysts for employee disengagement through the perspective of social identity theory. The research further considers employees’ defensive cognitions for a comprehensive understanding of these interrelated phenomena in the workplace.Design/methodology/approachIn order to ascertain the pertinence and contextual relevance of the proposed framework, literary review was complemented by a survey-based study encompassing 114 full-time employees purposively selected from the six systemically important banks of Pakistan.FindingsThe findings accentuate the significance of destructive leadership in inducing withdrawal behaviours among employees directly and indirectly through continuance commitment. The results also underline perceptions of politics as a significant work environment impediment amplifying employees’ propensity to undergo psychological withdrawal.Originality/valueThe study contributes to strategic human resource management literature by offering an identity-based explanation for employees’ disengagement, considering Pakistan’s power-distant and collectivist orientation. The research further introduces an empirical novelty by postulating a total effect moderation model.

Climate change adaptation mainstreaming through strategic environmental assessments. An in-depth analysis of environmental indicators from spatial plans in Friuli Venezia Giulia Region (Italy)

Climate change adaptation, CCA henceforth, is nowadays a shared concern, deeply investigated and advocated by international research and political organisations. However, both CCA implementation and its monitoring and evaluation (M&E) are challenges yet to be properly addressed. From a spatial planning perspective, local plans are the land-use-oriented tools with the highest potential to enhance CCA operativity. Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) is also acknowledged to be a key instrument to integrate climate change concerns and hence, to monitor and evaluate climate change (CC) risks and CCA efforts. This study addresses two hypotheses, i.e., i) indicators included in SEAs' spatial plans may be used at the service of CCA M&E, ii) the full extent of indicators can be captured by multi-level planning analyses. To this aim, this study provides an in-depth analysis, through a multi-step systematic categorization, of the indicators used within the SEA of regional and municipal plans in the Friuli Venezia Giulia Region (Italy). This study brings novelty in the SEA research field by bridging the climate risk theoretical principles to the methodological approach for analysing SEAs' indicators, which are classified within the risk function frame. Key insights come from the metrics, the indicators' explicitness for CCA, and the indicators' extent into the climate risk function. Finally, the paper paves the way for further research of CC- and CCA-related indicators in both spatial planning and other public sectors to support CCA mainstreaming through SEAs.

Analyzing the Relationship Between Organizational Politics, Emotional Intelligence, and Employee Behavior: A PLS-SEM Modeling

Background This study explores the complex relationship between organizational politics, emotional intelligence and employee behavior in contemporary settings. Organizational politics, which is widespread in organizational settings, has a substantial impact on different aspects of employee behavior. Emotional Intelligence has become a vital factor in individuals' capacity to successfully traverse the complexities of an organization. This study consolidates current material to offer insights into the impact of organizational politics on employee behavior and the mediating role of emotional intelligence in this connection. Methods A survey was undertaken with a sample size of 500 employees hailing from several Information Technology (IT) and Information Technology Enabled Services (ITES) firms in the Dehradun (Uttarakhand) region. The study employed quantitative methodologies to investigate the correlations between Emotional Intelligence, Perceived Organizational Politics and Employee Behavior. The data were evaluated using Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM) to examine the hypothesized correlations and mediation effects. Results The study identified substantial correlations between Emotional Intelligence, Perceived Organizational Politics, and Employee Behavior. Emotional Intelligence was discovered to have a positive impact on Behavioral Dynamics. Perceived Organizational Politics had a substantial influence on both Emotional Intelligence and Behavioral Dynamics. Factors such as Need for Power, Relationship Conflict, Resource Constraints, Role Conflict, and Workforce Diversity were discovered to have an impact on Perceived Organizational Politics. Conclusions The results confirm strong connections between organizational politics, emotional intelligence, and employee behavior, highlighting the significance of these concepts in comprehending employee behavior in organizational environments. The study proposes that enhancing employees' emotional intelligence can alleviate the adverse effects of organizational politics, resulting in enhanced behavioral dynamics. The study also addresses the limits, outlines potential areas for further research, and highlights the managerial implications. It suggests that firms should prioritize the development of emotional intelligence to cultivate a favorable work environment.