Political Organization Research Articles

Роль республиканских КГБ в создании народных фронтов и движений Прибалтики (на примере Латвийской ССР) в годы перестройки

This article examines the problems of the development of socio-political processes in the Latvian SSR and the possible cooperation of political actors with the republican KGB, both before and during perestroika. The author of the article refers to archival materials that have recently begun to be published on the official website of the National Archives of Latvia. The aim of the article is to determine the role of the KGB in the formation of the People’s Fronts and movements of the Baltic during the years of perestroika (using the example of the Latvian SSR). The author turns to the analysis of personal registration cards, which were started in the KGB of Latvia for both full-time and freelance employees. These cards were filled in completely in Russian. Among the employees were representatives of social and political organizations and groups (Latvian People’s Front, Latvian National Independence Movement, and others), which made a significant contribution to the sovereignization processes in Latvia. The main sources are the registration cards of the Latvian KGB agents, which began to be published on the website of the National Archives of Latvia in late 2018 – early 2019. Also, for a detailed disclosure of the topic, sources of personal origin are used: the memoirs of A. Klauzen, V. Shved; an interview with J. Trubins, the former Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the Latvian SSR; B. Petersone’s testimonies in the collection The Baltic Way to Freedom. The study of the sources made it possible to identify the main participants in the political development of Latvia, who provided certain services to the republican KGB during the years of perestroika. Representatives of the intellectuals took an active part in the formation of new social and political forces in the Baltic republics, including Latvia. Some of them, as it turns out now, went to cooperate with the Latvian KGB. However, in their speeches at the turn of the 1990s, they criticized the activities of the CPSU and the KGB. In his research, the author came to the following conclusions: many representatives of the Latvian People’s Front, despite their anti-Soviet activities at the late stage of perestroika, agreed to cooperate with the Soviet special services and were agents of the republican KGB. In this regard, the political situation in the Baltic republics from the very beginning of perestroika was under the full control of the republican KGB, which through its agents influenced the formation and further activities of mass social and political organizations in the region. The activities of such agents were strictly regulated by the instructions and orders of the relevant department, which received direct instructions from the structures of the Union Center.

ХАРАКТЕР АГРАРНОЙ ЭКОНОМИКИ КАЗАХСКОГО ХАНСТВА (вторая половина XV – первая половина XVIII вв.)

The study of the history of any society and its political organization, the state, will be completely logical and complete only if we proceed from the realities of the economic system. The purpose of our research is the economy of the Kazakh state in the second half of the XV th - first half of the XVIII th centuries. All major events, such as the causes of war, subsequent political unions, the actions of individual khans, sultans, biys and mass processes in the lower classes of society will become understandable if you know the specifics of the economy of Kazakh society, which in a given historical period could only be of an agrarian nature. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that since the abandonment of the formational concept in Kazakh science, this work examines historical processes from a basic, economic platform. Moreover, the author clearly demonstrates the non-livestock sectors of the economy of the Kazakh Khanate in the XV-XVIII centuries, as a factor in the stability of the state. This study is based on the civilizational methodological concept. Uses historical-comparative, historical-systemic, historical-typological and other methods of scientific knowledge. In accordance with the goals and objectives of this work, the author showed scientific results. In accordance with the objectives, he clearly proved on written, archaeological and partly ethnographic materials that the Kazakh state of the period under study was based not only on pasture animal husbandry. The Kazakh economy was based on such full-fledged industries as agriculture, crafts, trade, crafts, etc. The main conclusion of this article is that in Kazakh historical science it is necessary to change the approach to the study of Kazakh statehood and society. It is necessary to refuse to view these institutions only through nomadism. The stability of the state of the Kazakh Chinggisids was based not only on extensive livestock farming, but also on other equally important agricultural sectors of the economy, including oasis settlements and cities.

Factors influencing global citizenship competencies: A structural equation model of adult learners in Taiwan

Compared to formal education, adult education is one of the most crucial systems for social education and lifelong learning. This paper examines learners' global citizenship competencies and analyzes the influence of demographic variables. Moreover, this article employs structural equation modeling by developing a survey instrument to measure global citizenship competence. The researchers sampled learners from community colleges in Taiwan, distributing 1,400 paper questionnaires, and receiving 1,280 responses. Research findings are: (1) Adult learners' performance in global citizenship competencies is uneven. Participation in multiculturalism, economic phenomena, and political organizations needs to be more advanced. (2) Adult learners' global citizenship competencies were significantly affected by demographic variables such as educational attainment, occupation, monthly personal income, and in an urban or rural area. (3) Results showed that the structural equation modeling is appropriate and has good explanatory power. Implications and suggestions are given at the end.

From “compassionate conservatism” champion to Thatcher 2.0: Storytelling, ethos building and the evolution of Tory leadership (2005-2022)

When he became leader of the Conservative Party in 2005, David Cameron’s ambition was to change the negative image of his party. After years of internal disputes over Europe, immigration or gay rights, Cameron wanted to shake off the “Nasty Party” label that was hanging around the neck of his political organisation. This makeover process amounted to what some political scientists defined as the “decontamination of the Conservative brand”, and Cameron was meant to embody the new direction. In a similar vein, when she replaced Cameron, Theresa May tried to create the image of a healer who would mend the divisions caused by the Brexit referendum. Boris Johnson seems to have ignited another kind of leadership, more confrontational and aggressive, and perhaps more in tune with the legacy of Margaret Thatcher. Liz Truss, who took over from Johnson, did not seek to move away from this new – or rather traditional – path, as she repeatedly tried to emulate the heritage – and the political image – of the Iron Lady.This article proposes to study the evolution of Tory leadership, from 2005 to 2022, in order to assess whether Johnson’s mandate marks a clear break from his direct predecessors, Cameron and May, who seemed to have favoured One-Nation, compassionate conservatism, in direct opposition to the Thatcher years. To reach this objective, we will examine how recent Conservative leaders (Cameron, May, Johnson and Truss) used storytelling to build their ethos and reinforce their leadership, in their annual Conference keynote speeches.

МЕХАНІЗМ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО ПОЛІТИЧНОГО СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВА В ІСТОРІЇ ЗОВНІШНЬОЇ І БЕЗПЕКОВОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СПІВТОВАРИСТВА (60 – 80-ТІ РОКИ ХХ СТ.)

The article reflects the results of the study of the history of the formation of foreign and security policy of the European Community at the stage of functioning of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) mechanism. The prerequisites for the formation of the foreign policy mechanism of interaction between the EEC member states are shown. The formation of political conditions and institutional and functional dimensions of the EPC is analyzed. The main international problems that had to be solved by the participants of European integration through the EPC mechanism are highlighted. The author takes into account the specifics of this segment of cooperation of the European Community States, which for a long time did not have an official status and was in fact experimental. The author points out the defining contradictions and controversial issues of the development of the foreign policy segment of the European Community in the context of the maturation of transformations in the system of international relations and world security in the second half of the 1980s. The study concludes that the establishment of the EPC format meant only the beginning of a complex process of formation of a full-fledged subjectivity of the European Community in the international arena. The period from 1970 (formal creation of the EPC mechanism) to 1986 (adoption of the Single European Act) can be interpreted as the initial period in the history of the formation of the European Community’s foreign and security policies. In general, the usual weakness of the mechanism for coordinating the foreign policy of the EEC states was manifested due to the diversity of their international interests and, most importantly, the lack of effective means of implementing common positions. However, this does not diminish the historical significance of this period. After all, at that time the Community formed the principles and basic approaches to its political organization and activities in the international arena. Also, its leadership learned to respond as quickly as possible to the challenges of world politics and form its policy in different regions of the world, diplomatic representation, and international image. The result of these changes provided invaluable experience for the establishment of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The inclusion of foreign and security policy in the regulatory framework of the EEC in the Single European Act of 1986 meant only the beginning of a complex process of forming a full-fledged subjectivity of the European Community in the international arena.

The Role of Political Leadership in a Hybrid Regime: The Case Study of Alexei Navalny’s Team

The article aims to explain Navalny’s team’s political strategy after his arrest, focusing on the activity before the State Duma elections. This is an important issue from the point of view of the impact of leadership on a political organization in a system evolving from a hybrid regime to an authoritarian regime. As confirmed by the author’s research, the organization adapts to new conditions without a leader. Still, it is predestined to disintegrate and reduce the effectiveness of implementing the updated political strategy.

INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL VALUES AND TURKIC IDEOLOGY IN KAZAKHSTAN

This work is devoted to the study of the influence of Turkic ideology and political values on Kazakh-stan. In modern Kazakh society, organizational forms can be traced aimed at developing and improving perception as a Turkic people. The purpose of the work is to determine the factors influencing the forma-tion of political values and Turkic ideology in Kazakhstan, as well as to determine the degree of influence of these factors. The relevance of the work is due to the increased interest in the politics of Central Asia and the growing political influence of Kazakhstan. The research methodology was a survey of residents using analysis of the data obtained. The basis for the study was the works of domestic researchers such as: Zhetpysbaev S., Ayimbet Zh., Zhenis Zh., Sapiev E., Turkish researchers: Oktem K., Seytak B., Chemil D. and foreign scientists: Avatkov A., Khlikhor E. and others. The work examines the reasoning of researchers on the issue of the formation of Turkic ideology and identity. The ideas of a nomadic way of life, a common history, as well as linguistic similarities are presented as the basis for the formation of Turkic identity. This work will present a different approach to the formation of Turkic identity and ideol-ogy, namely the study of everyday aspects of society. As the basis of political values, many researchers highlight such aspects as: political organizations, cultural proximity, social interaction.

How do leaders’ political influence tactics affect dissent, cynicism and negligence? A research into medical representatives in Turkey

The primary objective of this study was to investigate the influence of leaders' deployment of Political Influence Tactics (PIT) on the manifestation of articulated/upward dissent and negligent behavior among employees, with a specific focus on the mediating role of employee cynicism (EC). The study was theoretically grounded in both Psychological Contract Theory and Independent-Mindedness Theory. Data for this investigation were collected through surveys from a sample of 308 medical representatives in Turkey. The collected data underwent rigorous analysis employing the Partial Least Squares Based Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) method with the assistance of the SMART PLS 3.3.3 software. The findings of this study revealed that EC serves as a partial mediator in the relationship between pressure and ingratiation tactics and employee negligence. Notably, existing research within the realm of organizational politics often centers on Perceptions of Organizational Politics (POP), which encapsulates the subjective aspect of perceiving politics within an organization. In contrast, there has been relatively limited exploration into PIT, which adopts an objective standpoint. Furthermore, this study represents a pioneering effort as it identified a gap in the existing literature where no prior research has directly assessed the linkages between PIT and other key variables within the proposed model, namely cynicism, negligence, and articulated/upward dissent. Consequently, this study is poised to contribute significantly to the organizational politics and organizational behavior literature by addressing this notable gap.

Differences in Perception on Organizational Politics among Male and Female Employees: A Case Study of a Public Institute

Differences in Perception on Organizational Politics among Male and Female Employees: A Case Study of a Public Institute

Infâncias, movimentos sociais e cidade: reflexões urgentes em meio à “fadiga da compaixão”

ABSTRACT This article aims to approach the broad theme of childhood, social movements and the urban environment and its relationship with teacher training processes and the relationship with school curricula, which often disregard what is around schools , from daycare centers, and other forms of political and social organization, as fundamental elements to be developed in a sensitive and in-depth manner in all educational segments: childhood, poverty, indigenous and street populations, urban life, participatory processes, heritage and the city , are themes that are related to the production of the lives of all people, from babies onwards, who also invent and produce cities. There is no intention to present the state of the art or knowledge, but only to touch on important issues and produce thoughts about them. In the end, we seek to guide the display of articles contained in this dossier and that address the topic, offering contributions to the continuity of the debates started here.

Между дегерманизацией и славянизацией: концепции интеграции Возвращенных польских земель после Второй мировой войны

The article examines the integration concepts of “recovered territories” (former German lands) as part of the post-war Poland, proposed by various political forces represented in the Polish Resistance Movement during World War II, in order to determine their influence on the subsequent development of the state, whose borders in 1945 changed radically. This study is based on acts and memoranda of the Polish government in exile, documents of new authorities created by the Communists and their allies in the liberated territory, programs of political and public organizations, press materials, and memoirs. The author pays special attention to the terms “de-Germanisation” and “Slavianisation”, which the program settings of the government in exile in London and its supporters, as well as the plans of the Polish communists, contain. The article traces the gradual transition to a common understanding of the mechanism of future integration processes as “re-Polonisation”. First of all, it was a radical change of population in the newly annexed territories and at the same time the forced deportation of German citizens to Germany and the settlement of the vacated spaces by Poles from the central voivodships of the country and repatriates from the USSR. On the other hand, the local Poles (former German citizens) were not deported. According to the Polish authorities, this autochthonous Polish population was subjected to forced Germanisation for many centuries, they needed to return their native language and Polish appearance in full. As a result, various groups of inhabitants of Polish origin with diverse cultural backgrounds had to transform into a homogeneous ethnocultural community, which was to become part of a single Polish nation. Re-Polonisation also implied a whole range of measures aimed at changing the cultural landscape and national symbols, restoring the former Slavic toponyms, and identifying and consolidating historical and cultural evidence of the Polish past of the new territories in the public consciousness. However, the analysis of the integration concepts of the opposing Polish political movements shows serious differences in the understanding of the term “re-Polonisation”, in the development and application of specific mechanisms for its implementation in the new Polish territories. Polish emigrant circles in London gave priority to the national-cultural aspects of integration, while the left-wing forces finally came to the conclusion that socialist-type transformations would become a universal means of integration for all groups of Polish society. With the victory of the Communists, the latter approach prevailed, which led to the underestimation of many factors and errors in the sphere of the national-cultural policy in the newly annexed lands in the first post-war years.

The Political Organization of Human Resource Management Practices and the Engagement of Employees at Work

The Political Organization of Human Resource Management Practices and the Engagement of Employees at Work

La sociedad contra las élites: aproximación a las bases sociales del apoyo electoral a Petro en Colombia

Objective/Context: One of the effects of the internal war in Colombia was to hinder the expression of the social conflict and of the organizations that mobilize the popular sectors. The plebiscite to ratify the Peace Accord aimed at putting an end to the war was a politically polarized juncture channeled through the electoral process. The shift in the centrality of the issue of the internal war after the signing of the Accord opened the possibility of expression of the social conflict. However, in a country with weak social and political organizations to shape this conflict, it is expressed: 1) without politically aligned framings; 2) as a generalized discontent with the elites and a feeling of “tilted playing field”. Therefore, political polarization after the plebiscite is low. We develop this argument based on the analysis of voters’ positions in relation to the most important issues of the political agenda: Peace Agreement, redistributive agenda (taxes and welfare) and governmental management of the COVID pandemic, and gender agenda. Methodology: The article is based on 16 focus groups conducted between September and November 2021 in three regions of Colombia —Bogotá, Antioquia and the Caribbean— in which voters from the two main 2018 electoral options participated, with gender balance and variation in occupation and between middle and lower classes. Conclusion: The data show that there is no political polarization at the citizen level. Instead, a high level of discontent towards political and economic elites is observed, which may be at the basis of electoral support for Petro in 2022. Originality: The article offers an alternative look at the perception that many Colombians have that they live in a polarized society and contributes to the understanding of electoral support for an “anti-system” force in the 2022 election.

Книжная серия «Есть стать в строй!» как образец советской военно-патриотической пропаганды

The article considers the history of the military-patriotic book series Est’ Stat’ v Stroy! [Back in lines! - Yes, sir!]. This series was published in 1967-1986 in the Molodaya Gvardiya [Young Guard] publishing house of the Central Committee of the Komsomol. The authors of the article set three research objectives: (1) to examine the composition of the studied book series; (2) to study the sociopolitical conditions of its occurrence: (3) to analyze the features of the subject of books and forms of presentation of the material, and to consider the stages of prepress preparation of these publications. The books of the book series were used as sources. Archival materials from the funds of the Russian State Archive of SocioPolitical History (RGASPI) were also involved. The latter are the documents of the Molodaya Gvardiya publishing house, the so-called author’s files for published products. They included author’s applications, publishing agreements between authors and editors, fee sheets, reviews of manuscripts, and correspondence with authors, reviewers, censorship authorities. A significant part of the documents are introduced into scholarly discouse for the first time. The study resulted in the following. The series Est’ Stat’ v Stroy! was the outcome of a political order, as evidenced by the revealed correspondence between the publishing house and political bodies of various types and branches of the armed forces. But the editorial staff also worked on these publications willingly and proactively. Unlike other “custom-made” ideological publications, which were not sold out and occupied the shelves of Soviet bookstores for years, the books of the series very quickly became scarce and inaccessible even in libraries. The work on compiling the collections of the series was a difficult organizational task. It was necessary to coordinate the activities of the authors of sections and essays, reviewers and designers, to obtain visas of political organizations and censors. In some cases, work on books was delayed due to the author’s unreliability or the unsatisfactory quality of the materials. The editors of the publishing house very carefully approached the issue of reviewing the books of the series and involving specialists from leading higher military educational institutions of the relevant profile in this procedure. The books to a certain extent reflected their era, the level of development of both book production technology and propaganda techniques. The books in this series may be of interest to researchers in a number of aspects: as a source on the history of book publishing, on the order of prepress preparation, design of publications; as a source on the forms and methods of military-patriotic propaganda, methods of ideological work in the 1960s and 1970s; and as a source of a general historical nature. The authors declare no conflicts of interests.

TWO WORDS ABOUT THE PRINCIPLE OF RUSSIAN STATE-BUILDING: DERZHAVA OR EMPIRE

The article is devoted to the problem of the correlation of the words-concepts "empire" and "power" in the context of the ideological foundation of Russian state-building. The authors proceed from the fact that the national language is a universal form and an integral result of the cumulative activity carried out by the community of people speaking it and thinking through it. The word-concept is the primary element of language–thinking. Its content gradually includes, with a greater or lesser degree of intensity, the entire experience of people's activities. Constant words-concepts that define the semantic horizon of language-thinking are of the highest interest. The substitution of constant elements entails a violation of the stability of the ideological system as a whole. "Empire" and "power" are considered by the authors as semantically conditionally oppositional words-concepts due to their different (on the one hand, Western, on the other — Russian-Russian) cultural and historical geneology. Turning to the historical material, the authors reveal the fundamental differences in the semantic content of the words-concepts "empire" and "power", revealing the features of the civilizational strategies of the West and Russia. The article emphasizes that metaphysically, the intuition of empire presupposes war as a seizure, appropriation, domination on the basis of political organization. At the same time, the New European, i.e. bourgeois interpretation of the empire, the seizure unfolds in the modality of colonialism, appropriation — in the modality of alienation, domination — in the modality of exploitation. Sovereignty as a principle of political organization unfolds in the modalities of donation, consular service, economic development, in which the essence of each element of the objective world is fulfilled, i.e., the essence of each element of the objective world is fully realized.

“Школьная забастовка за климат” и контуры будущих идентичностей

This article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of “Fridays for Future” (FFF) – a young movement of climate activists, whose leader since 2018 has been a Swedish (former) schoolgirl Greta Thunberg. The author’s goal is to consider the contours of the future collective identity that is currently being formed among its participants. A special chapter of the article is devoted to the modern structure of the FFF community, which has transformed significantly, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. The movement has successfully taken advantage of the Worldwide Network and diversified its activities. Therefore, even a partial loss of interest from the “big media” did not negatively affect its effectiveness. In another section, the results of the teenage activists’ practices are evaluated. It is argued that at present, their achievements in terms of climate and political goals are not great yet compared to full-fledged “adult” organizations. However, such results are very significant for the community of underage citizens who do not yet have electoral rights, because it will definitely improve in the future. The author unequivocally shares the opinion of researchers who conclude about the “glocal” type of identity that develops in the FFF environment: its activists are focused on solving both global and local problems. It is also noted that young FFF participants use transformative tactics – this is a community of a purely reformist, absolutely not conservative kind. There was a split in their ranks into “moderate” and “radical” wings. This, on the one hand, generally testifies to their acceptance of traditional schemes for building political organizations. On the other hand, the young activists themselves are already enriching the current political mainstream with new influence.

On Black Radical Feminist Pragmatism

A “reckoning” is an opportunity to settle a score. It is a moment of collision between what is and what is due. Woodly's excellent book not only espouses the formation and political organization of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) coalition, but it also describes how social movements challenge the status quo and demand transformation in light of systems that work only for the powerful few. This transformation, Woodly shows, is brought about by the grassroots theorizing and political praxis of social movement organizers. Reckoning models the development of these new ideas, demonstrating both their intellectual and practical legacies. In this essay, I consider Woodly's theoretical formulation of the M4BL's philosophy of “radical Black feminist pragmatism” and what I see are (1) its promise for centering the reorienting practices of radical Black feminist politics and (2) the ways “pragmatism” as a frame stands in tension with those radical elements of the movement.

The surge for local innovative institutions for transformation: community-based monitoring in the Andes

Abstract Non-technical summary There is abundant research about the impacts that large-scale mining produces on territories to the detriment of their social and environmental sustainability. However, during our research in Chile and Peru, we also identified local transformative initiatives that pursue sustainable development by proposing alternatives to how the socio-ecological impacts of natural resource extraction are produced and distributed throughout society. Specifically, we ask the question: How do local communities in Chile and Peru that are affected by mining activities engage in community-based environmental monitoring (CBEM)? Technical summary By examining how local communities in Chile and Peru engage in community environmental monitoring, this paper argues that local political organisation and institutional innovations are crucial for the emergence of transformations towards sustainability. Local political organisation and mobilisation can create a window of opportunity for discussion about extractive activities and their impacts, as well as possible proposals for alternatives. Institutional innovations triggered by local political work can lead to the implementation of such initiatives. Our findings are based on qualitative case studies of CBEM in Chile and Peru, in areas with high levels of environmental degradation due to mining. In Chile we analysed a case of community air monitoring in a copper processing area, and in Peru a case of community water monitoring in a mining area. Drawing on debates on social transformation and political ecology theory, this study aims to show CBEM promotes changes towards a more democratic and preventive environmental governance, and encourages the recognition of environmental injustices. Social media summary This paper analyses how local communities in Chile and Peru engage in community environmental monitoring in areas affected by the presence of extractive industries. We identified local transformative initiatives that pursue sustainable development by proposing alternatives to how the socio-environmental impacts of natural resource extraction are produced and distributed in society. Our findings are based on qualitative case studies of community-based air and water monitoring in extractive areas in Chile and Peru.

Public Liberty Appeals in Algerian Political Nationalism and French Anti-Colonialism Discourse (1919-1954)

In this contribution we have tried to follow through political discourse stemming from Algerian nationalist parties as well as progressive French political organizations and anti-colonial appeals within the frame of a colonial protection for access to public liberty By trying to give a glance at the idea of public liberty among the Algerian political elite before the first war beforehand; and the different historical stages, during which appeals have become more and more radical until total rupture happening with the start of the Algerian Liberation war.

A CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA DE LÊNIN: PARTIDO, ESTADO E DEMOCRACIA

Lenin's theoretical contributions to the social sciences were numerous. For political sociology, his concepts of social formation and the Prussian path are indispensable. For international relations, the interpretation of imperialism as the superior phase of capitalism remains current. And in the field of economics, the concept of financial capital is still explanatory. In this article, I argue that Lenin was also a relevant author for political science, in particular with his theories of the political party, the State and democracy. The text is structured into three sections. The first discusses his theory of the political party. With Lenin, the so-called “new type party” emerged, a form of political organization that had previously not existed. The second part analyzes how the Russian revolutionary updated the State theory of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Finally, the third and final section evaluates the debate between Lenin and Karl Kautsky on the topic of democracy. The article concludes that Lenin should be considered a fundamental author in political science literature.