Party Organization Research Articles

Discussion on the Development Mode of the County-Level Convergence Media Center in the New Era

According to the No. 1 Central Document of 2022, we will give full play to the leadership role of rural grassroots Party organizations, do a solid and orderly job in the key work of rural development, rural construction and rural governance, and push for new progress in rural revitalization and new steps in agricultural and rural modernization. The document also proposed to rely on the New Era Civilization Practice Center, county-level convergence media center and other platforms to carry out targeted and demassify education. Under the call of the rural revitalization strategy, centers of convergence media around the country assume the responsibility of helping to serve rural revitalization in the era of convergence media, and try to explore development paths tailored to local conditions.

Оценка места и роли студенческого движения в процессах преобразования социально-политического строя России начала ХХ в. (по материалам журнала «Освобождение»)

The issue of involving young people in political movement in the process of purposeful activities of political parties remains one of the understudied problems in the history of Russian liberalism and its political and legal thought up to the present. The article analyzes domestic liberal theorists’ search for an answer to the question concerning reasons for the politicization of the youth, primarily the student movement in Russia, which was partially reflected in the publications of the journal Osvobozhdenie [Liberation]. It is noted that two groups of factors are distinguished, those of general nature associated with the shortcomings of the social system as a whole and more specific factors related to the concrete youth policy of the state. The authors pay attention to how the liberals who wrote to the journal determined the place of the youth movement in the process of social transformation. Identification of their positions appears important and necessary in order to answer the question, which the liberal parties and party leaders faced in full growth during the period of the revolution, whether it was possible and reasonable to involve young people in revolutionary processes and in socio-political activities of party organizations. For the liberals, this issue was important due to the significant reflection of the Russian intelligentsia in relation to young people, their youthful radicalism. The article is based on the materials of the pre-parliamentary period in the history of Russian liberalism and covers the years from 1902 to 1905.

Play a Battlefort Role of the Primary Party Organizations and Promote the Course Ideology and Politics in Applied Chemistry: Take the Applied Chemistry Major of Central South University as an Example

Play a Battlefort Role of the Primary Party Organizations and Promote the Course Ideology and Politics in Applied Chemistry: Take the Applied Chemistry Major of Central South University as an Example

The Time Value and Implementation Strategy of Rural Points System

This paper aims to clarify and explore the contemporary value and effective strategies for the rural point system through policy analysis and literature research and provide theoretical explanations and countermeasure suggestions for its implementation. The rural points system is created in the dual variation of rural social structure, cultural concept, value identity transformation and grass-roots governance model transformation. It is the sum-up of governance experience and thought innovation of mass autonomy under the leadership of grass-roots party organizations, and constructs good governance and good discipline scheme for rural life. To fully implement the rural points system, we should grasp the dual values. First, we should promote the modernization of rural governance system and governance ability from the aspects of grass-roots party construction guidance, governance system construction and governance efficiency transformation. Second, we are supposed to focus on such key elements as rural industry, ecology, rural lifestyle, governance and living, and help promote rural revitalization as well as accelerate agricultural and rural modernization. To fully implement the rural points system, we should adopt effective strategies to reconstruct the main body of rural points governance by maintaining and respecting the practical interests, initiative and reasonable demands of the masses of farmers. By strengthening the integration of information technology and media technology, to improve the governance system integrating rural integral government services, governance information transmission, and the expression of governance demand. By improving the farmers’ self-government system, we will mainly assess village public affairs, villagers’ governance rights and rural points achievements, and innovate the points governance mode of “jointly construction, co-governance and sharing”.

The Problem of Acceptance of Farming by Local Authorities in 1989–1991 (Based on the Materials of the Central Chernozem Region)

The article examines how the process of adoption of the idea of farming by representatives of local authorities in the regions of the Central Chernozem Region took place during the birth of the farmer movement, in 1989–1991. An analysis of the transcript of the Second (extraordinary) Congress of People’s Deputies of the RSFSR, and of protocols of the plenums of regional and district committees of the CPSU from January-February 1991 (RGASPI), reveal the first reaction of the leaders of party organizations and heads of collective agricultural enterprises to the emergence of farming. The most acute aspects of the problem of the formation and development of the farmer movement are revealed, namely: the fear of a possible “repetition of capitalism”, diversity in agriculture, the fear that excessive support of farmers from the state will result in damage to collective agricultural enterprises, protection of collective forms of management in the face of collective farms and state farms, private ownership of land, attitude to farming, prevention of forcing the pace of farming. The article concludes about the psychological unwillingness in 1989–1991 of the party leaders of the regional and district levels, heads of collective farms and state farms to calmly accept the idea of farming and put up with its existence. The position of distrust of the new form of management, in turn, was reinforced by the institutional and economic difficulties that objectively arose during the formation of farming (natural for the initial stage of any transformation).

Региональные контрольные комиссии – рабоче-крестьянские инспекции ВКП(б) как органы внесудебного преследования. На архивных материалах Кубани 1933 г.

The article attempts to reveal the role and forms of implementation of punitive functions by the local Control Commissions—Workers' and Peasants' Inspections of the AUCP (B) during the kolkhozes creation in the rural areas. It draws on unpublished archival documents (1933) from the Center for Documentation on the Contemporary History of the Krasnodar Krai (TsDNIKK). Late 1932 – first half of 1933 was a special period in the life of the Soviet state, and its rural grain-producing zone in particular. One of these areas was Kuban, where the famine began, largely due to the ongoing Stalin’s grain procurement policy. The newly organized agricultural associations, collective and state farms (kolkhozes and sovkhozes), became its first victims. The villagers were weakened by undernourishment, there was a great increase in the mortality of draft animals caused by malnutrition, poor care, and related accidents. The collectivization of national agriculture concurrent with “destruction of the kulaks as a class” was coming to an end. The basis of the article is a microhistorical approach, where the object of study is local historical events providing a deeper understanding of the diverse social component of the process. The leadership and control over the policy, the "fight against kulak sabotage" was officially carried out by the authorities represented by the executive committees of the Soviets of People’s Deputies. However, the analysis of archival materials shows that the main driving force behind these covert punitive processes were bodies of the AUCP (B). The bodies of the party-state control of the AUCP (B) —Control Commissions—Workers' and Peasants' Inspections played the key role. They were the main directing and controlling forces acting through officials (communists, leaders and representatives of party bodies and non-party institutions with their mandatory party organizations). The interaction of the Control Commissions—Workers' and Peasants' Inspections with law enforcement agencies (police, prosecutor's office, courts, the OGPU bodies) was characteristic. It has been revealed that the Control Commissions—Workers' and Peasants' Inspections of the AUCP (B) at the district level were among genuine governing authorities, at the same time acting as bodies of extrajudicial persecution of communists and non-party men. The instrument of persecution was purges, checks, investigations through party and Soviet agencies. In some cases, when seeking to place the blame for certain events, the investigations and decisions had a clear accusatory bias.

Комсомольская организация Калмыкии и ее антирелигиозная деятельность (1921–1941 гг.)

The article aims to examine episodes of anti-religious activity of the Komsomol organization of Kalmykia in 1921–1941. The research is based on archival and published materials. The analysis of archival documents shows that despite the anti-religious policy actively pursued by Soviet authorities, the local party and Komsomol organizations failed to establish a system of effective anti-religious propaganda in Kalmykia. Notably, in their anti-religious activity, the Komsomol members had to deal with the multi-confessional population in Kalmykia. Granted the lack of guidelines for organizing the campaign against Buddhism, they often had to rely on practices used in the anti-religious work against Christianity: e.g., to follow the successful example of ‘Komsomol’ Christmas, the Tsagan Sar and other Kalmyk holidays were also introduced as ‘Komsomol’ events. Also, it was recommended that in their anti-religious work, the Komsomol activists were to take advantage of the split of the Buddhist clergy. After repressions against the clergy of all confessions that took place in the late 1930s, the anti-religious activity of the Komsomol organization in Kalmykia was reduced to formal work.

PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA PERJUANGAN DALAM PERSAINGAN POLITIK DI BALI TAHUN 1999-2019

ABSTRACK This study seeks to reveal the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in the political competition in Bali in 1999-2019. The change in the power system from the New Order to the Reformation has resulted in significant changes in the political system. At the local political level in Bali there is a shift in political power. Previously, during the New Order era, political power was controlled by Golkar, now it has begun to shift to the PDI-P. The problems discussed in this study are (1) how was the PDI-P's role in political competition in Bali from 1999-2019 (2) Why PDI-P managed to emerge as a competitor in political competition in Bali (3) What was the competition from the success of the PDI -P emerged as the dominant party in Bali. This study uses historical theory, especially historical explanations and historical cause and effect as well as theoretical assistance from social science, namely Leadership from Antonio Gramsci. The results show that throughout the post-New Order election, PDI-P managed to emerge as the dominant party in Bali from 1999-2019. The success of the PDI-P to emerge as the dominant party in Bali is inseparable from the success of the PDI-P in utilizing the symbolic capital of the past as Soekarno's party, the PDI-P has also succeeded in building a system of alliances with various community groups that provide political support, and the PDI-P has succeeded in reforming the system. party organization. this had implications for the success of the PDI-P in realizing the party's agenda. Keywords: PDI-P, Election, Political Competition, Domination

Political Self-Identification of Russian Military Personnel in Finland in Spring 1917

The socio-psychological characteristics of the behavior of the Russian military in Finland in the initial period of the 1917 revolution were revealed, including the formation of behavioral stereotypes, new “images of the enemy”, a change in their ideas about “friends” and “foes”, and the transformation of social and moral norms. The relevance of the study is due to the need to apply a relatively new historical and anthropological approach to the study of the role of the military factor in the history of Russia and Finland. Based on the materials of the revolutionary Helsingfors and non-capital garrisons, the process of ideological and organizational self-determination of the supporters of the Socialist-Revolutionary and Bolshevik parties is considered, information about the number and the beginning of the activities of these party organizations is systematized and analyzed. The novelty of the research is seen in the fact that addressing the problem of “Revolution and man” and studying the images of “Friends”, “Foes”, “Other” in the perception of participants and eyewitnesses of events in connection with their participation in social transformations of a revolutionary time allows for the first time to get an idea of the mentality of privates and officers — the most active part of the Russian population of Finland. The author comes to the conclusion that the role of the Russian military in the events of the spring of 1917 is much more significant than was previously assumed.

Analysis on Relationship between Accurate Poverty Alleviation and Stock Price Collapse Risk from the Perspective of Information Disclosure

Accurate poverty alleviation (APA) is crucial to building a well-off society in an all-round way. Companies and the capital market are implementers of APA. In the context of stock price collapse risk (SPCR), this paper verifies whether the APA by state-owned listed enterprises (SOLEs) could effectively suppress SPCR. Empirical results show that SOLEs engaging in APA and investing heavily in APA have a relatively low SPCR. This conclusion holds after the control of robustness and endogenous factors. Information disclosure system mediates the effect of APA on SPCR. Besides, APA suppresses SPCR more significantly in central state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and public welfare SOEs. Further analysis indicates that good institutional environment, strong poverty alleviation pressure, poverty experience of executives, and model of party organization governance can effectively enhance the influence of APA on SPCR. The research results suggest that SOLEs actively engaging in APA can effectively suppress SPCR by disclosing APA information. This is an organic manifestation of APA effectiveness in the capital market.

Fighting for Majorities? Explaining the Development of Caucus Fund-Raising in American Legislatures

In modern American politics, legislators fund-raise extensively on behalf of their parties. Under what conditions do parties develop systems to incentivize this fund-raising? Previous research has focused primarily on Congress, making it difficult to explain how systems of caucus fund-raising develop and change. This article takes advantage of a new source of evidence: the state legislatures. Using original data linking state legislators to leadership political action committees and campaign committees over a 12 year period, I show that competition for majority status leads legislators to contribute more to party organizations and candidates. This effect is driven partly by parties in competitive chambers selecting committee chairs on the basis of members’ contributions. Parties are only able to institute these systems when leadership is granted control over resources such as chair appointments, however. These findings clarify when and how money plays an influential role in legislative politics.

Building a Red Navy: Communist Activism and Military Authority in the Baltic Fleet, 1918–1940

This article examines the activities of the Soviet military-political organs in the Baltic Fleet. It shows that the web of party institutions transformed the fleet into a space of political and social activism that had little to do with the strictly military aspects of government policy. Such activism was nevertheless unfailingly promoted, even as it became clear that it compromised core elements of military efficiency such as discipline and well-defined chains of command. This argument has implications for our broader understanding of the nature of the Soviet state. It indicates that once the Bolsheviks’ revolutionary ideology had become institutionalised in the state via the ubiquitous presence of party organs, pragmatic retreats for organisational efficiency became exceptionally difficult to implement.

SUPRA-REGIONALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-LEVEL POLITICS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION

Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.

Waste at Wedding Party (Social Reality Study of Walimatul 'Ursy in Gampong Meunasah Baro, Seulimeum District, Aceh Besar Regency)

Marriage is part of the teachings of the Islamic religion that must be obeyed and carried out by everyone if they already have the ability to be physically and mentally. Marriage is considered imperfect by some people in Gampong Meunasah Baro, Seulimeum District, Aceh Besar Regency if the implementation is not accompanied by a celebration, even though the marriage is legal according to Islamic law. Therefore, after marriage, walimah wil be carried out, which is a celebration that accompanies the marriage to make it official so that it is known in general by the public. The implementation of walimatul 'ursy in Islam is more emphasized on simplicity, convenience, happiness and pleasure or cheapness according to needs, not based on desire. The purpose of this research is to describe redundant in a wedding reception, as well as to describe the impact of waste on the party. In this study, the researchers used qualitative method. The results of the study related to the wedding party in Gampong Meunasah Baro, Seulimeum District, Aceh Besar Regency showed that the celebration of the wedding party was already a tradition that was carried out after the wedding. This tradition is carried out to honor guests, but in the implementation of the reception based on Islamic law, it is detected that there is a redundancy that is often carried out both by the wedding party organizer and by the invited guests. The results of the study show that the waste carried out by the host as the implementation of the intent of the wedding party in the form of providing too much food so that it cannot be finished. After the wedding, a lot of food is wasted. Meanwhile, the waste done by the invited guests either intentionally or unintentionally by not finishing the food or leaving a lot of food that has been placed on the plate. However, in the view of customary law, this is considered normal, even though they know that redundant is a friend of the devil. The results of the study also show that the wedding party has had a good cultural impact, but has no impact on social, religious or economic terms.

Dancing with Diversity?

Rapid market transition in post-reform China has created various socioeconomic spaces that fall beyond the Leninist mode of control by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and thus constitutes a formidable challenge to its ruling capacity. This article examines the evolving adaptations of the CCP and the rise of a new form of Party-society nexus in urban China. We found that Party organisers have been fostering a spatial strategy in the context of ‘disorganised urban socialism’. By spanning institutional and sectoral gaps, engaging so-called ‘floating party members’, and developing community-based service networks, the Party has deliberately combined a specific social mechanism with the Leninist logic of organising. We conclude with a broader discussion of the possible scenario and political implication of CCP’s organisational consolidation from below.

Are cartels going private? Italian parties’ organizational faces since the golden age of public financing

ABSTRACT Political finance is an important aspect of the study of how power is distributed among the organizational faces of political parties: the party on the ground (POG), the party in central office (PCO) and the party in public office (PPO). The end of the state finance era in Italy (between 2013 and 2017) may have affected intra-party relations, moving political actors towards the (re-)discovery of the financial potential of grassroots and volunteer support. This article contributes to the analysis of parties’ resilience since the party finance reform adopted in Italy in 2014. It focuses on the resources activated and used by different political actors seeking new ways to survive since the public financing regime was dismantled between 2013 and 2018. The impact of political financing reform should contribute to reshaping how power is distributed within parties: as the PPO becomes increasingly unimportant in providing financial resources, party organization is moving beyond the cartel party model.

Fostering political participation through the organisation of party education in Sweden

Political parties are often construed as playing an imperative role in democratic systems. However, what happens inside a party once people have joined as members and during their continued engagement is underexplored in research. This paper investigates the organisation of party education within political parties in Sweden and how political participation may be fostered. The vantage point is the institutional level in the party organisation when designing education and providing learning opportunities for party members. The empirical material consists of interviews with central representatives from all eight parties represented in the national parliament following the elections in 2018. This collected material has been analysed using concepts from the community of practice framework. The results indicate attempts by the parties to affect both individual members and local party branches through the organisation of party education.

Activities of the NKVD of the Far East in the fight against crime in the second half of 1945

This article examines the causes and conditions of the aggravation of the criminal situation in the Far East in the second half of 1945 and the historical experience of local NKVD (Peoples Commissariat of Internal Affairs) bodies in maintaining law and order under the conditions of the Soviet-Japanese war and the first post-war period. Based on the analysis of the documentation of the NKVD departments of Primorye and Khabarovsk territories, including internal administrative documents (orders, plans, etc.), as well as materials of primary party organizations (minutes of party meetings, certificates, memos, etc.), the author draws conclusions about the development of the criminal situation in the region, and discusses the NKVDs ways and directions to ensure law and order. Studying the stated problems, it was possible not only to state the presence of negative dynamics in the number and severity of criminal manifestations, but also to establish that the criminal crisis of the second half of 1945 was caused by the imposition of new socio-economic and political factors (including the amnesty for prisoners, the relocation of large masses of troops, the Soviet-Japanese war, the placement of prisoners of war, demobilization) on the already difficult criminal situation that had developed during the Great Patriotic War. The study largely confirmed the fact repeatedly noted in historiography about the impact of personnel starvation and problems of material support on the effectiveness of the NKVD in the war and post-war period. The archival documents show that the main ways to normalize the operational situation in the Far East region were measures concerning organizational work and operational-search activities, as well as control-methodical and administrative measures. The author concludes that the measures taken allowed the NKVD of the Far East to reverse the explosive growth of serious street crime by the end of 1945. However, this success was only partial - the overall level of criminal activity in the region continued to remain at a fairly high level for several post-war years.

“Director of Ukraine”. Behavioral mechanisms and specifics of professional relations of Petro Shelest, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine

Based on a detailed study and analysis of archival sources and testimonies of contemporaries, the characteristics of Petro Shelest’s methods and principles of personnel selection for key positions in the Ukrainian SSR, his relations with subordinates in the process of work, formation of the closest circle of colleagues are presented. The analysis of the personnel of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in 1963-1972 has been made. Based on memoir sources, character traits have been studied; personal qualities, as well as originality of relations of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party both with subordinates and the top leadership of the Soviet state and family members have been de- scribed. The author of the article clarifies the main trends in the development of the system of privileges and the privileges of the Soviet nomenklatura in the period of “stagnation”. The pro-Ukrainian course of the leader of the republican party organization was reflected in the author’s book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE, which was published in 1970. At first glance, the openly ideological propaganda work of Petro Shelest clearly demonstrated the attention of the republican party-state elite to the social economic problems of Ukraine, and the interest in its history and culture. Sometimes Shelest defended individual Ukrainian cultural figures who were subjected to ideological persecution. At the same time, Petro Shelest remained a typical expression of the Soviet command-administrative system. It was during his leadership of the republic that mass punitive operations against the Ukrainian national movement took place. In August 1968, Shelest was one of the initiators of the suppression of the “Prague Spring” which, in his opinion, contributed to the spread of anti-Soviet sentiment in Ukraine.However, P. Shelest’s pursuit of an autonomist course, his independence in resolving issues, and “localism and manifestations of nationalism” could not please the allied leadership. In April 1973, a campaign was inspired against his book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE. The book, which had a circulation of 100,000 copies, was withdrawn from sale and libraries. Shelest was removed from the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee “for health reasons” and was forced to take retirement.

Hacking the representative system through deliberation? The organization of the Agora party in Brussels

Recent years have witnessed the emergence of a variety of deliberative practices in the organization and activities of political parties. What remains unclear, however, is how parties can promote deliberative democracy in an environment that remains predominantly representative. To investigate this tension, we study the Agora party in Brussels. Agora competed for the first time in the 2019 regional elections in Brussels with the aim of institutionalizing a permanent, randomly selected Citizen’s Assembly with legislative power in the Brussels Capital Region and immediately gained a seat in the Brussels Regional Parliament. Based on an in-depth qualitative study including 20 semi-structured interviews with a broad range of party members and document analysis, we study whether and how Agora’s organizational structure, i.e. its leadership and centralization, its intra-party democracy, and its organizational resources, allow it to promote deliberative democracy in a representative context. We argue that Agora experiences tensions between its deliberative ideals and its representative means and that there is a looming danger of becoming “just another part” of the system. However, it succeeds in simultaneously rejecting and competing in the representative system by adopting a stratarchical party organization.Supplementary InformationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1057/s41269-021-00226-3.