Organizations In Mexico Research Articles

Communication and Utilization of Science in Developing Countries

Ecology has a major responsibility in solving environmental problems. In Mexico, scientific institutions need to contribute more to the practical use of their research findings, especially with regard to the rural management of ecosystems. Based on the framework of the Ecological Information System, two surveys were conducted among ecologists and nongovernmental organizations in Mexico. It was found that ecology has a great deal to contribute to environmental problem solving and that nongovernmental organizations function as links between science and rural producers, such as agriculturists, cattle ranchers, forest extractors, hunters, gatherers, and fishermen, although these interactions should be strengthened. Suggestions are made for the design of new forms of communicating science within scientific institutions that contribute to the utilization of scientific results.

Technology evaluation of a USA-Mexico health information system for epidemiological surveillance of Mexican migrant workers.

From 1994 through 1996, federal, state, and nongovernmental organizations in Mexico and in the United States of America developed and piloted a Binational Health Information System for Epidemiological Surveillance of Mexican migrant workers. The system allowed data exchange for epidemiological surveillance between the state of Guanajuato in Mexico and the Commonwealth (state) of Pennsylvania in the United States, for case detection, prevention, and treatment, through shared contact investigation and case management of communicable diseases. The target population consisted of migrant workers traveling between Guanajuato and Pennsylvania to work mainly in the mushroom industry, and their sexual partners in their Mexican communities of origin. Computerized migrant health information modules were set up in Guanajuato and in Pennsylvania. Patient information and epidemiological surveillance data were encrypted and communicated electronically between the modules, using the WONDER communications system of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Evaluation of the Guanajuato-Pennsylvania Binational Health Information System showed that major barriers to binational epidemiological surveillance and control are: a) lack of communication binationally; b) interrupted medical care due to migration; c) inconsistent diagnosis and treatment criteria between the two countries; d) lack of referral clinical records from one country to the other; and e) deficient legal regulations concerning binational clinical data transfer. To our knowledge, this is the first project that has successfully demonstrated the technological feasibility of a binational disease control system linking a state in the interior of one country with a state in the interior of another country, rather than just states in the border region. The project also advanced the understanding of health service organizational issues that facilitate or hinder communication, outreach, disease prevention, and organization of health care services for migrant workers in both Mexico and the United States. Despite the unprecedented success and potential bilateral benefits demonstrated by this project, serious structural and organizational deficits in the public health systems of both countries must be addressed before epidemiological surveillance can be achieved binationally.

Mexican and Swedish Managers' Perceptions of the Impact of EIS on Organizational Intelligence, Decision Making, and Structure*

Although information technologies in business organizations around the world may be very similar, the meanings conveyed through the technologies may be dependent on managerial values and national culture. Cultural differences need to be understood before information technology developed for organizations in one country can be effectively implemented in organizations in another country. Drawing on survey responses from managers using Executive Information Systems (EIS) across many organizations in Mexico, Sweden, and the United States, the current study examined whether cultural differences influence perceptions of the relationship between Executive Information Systems' use and various outcomes related to decision‐making behaviors and processes. The study found significant differences, predicted by cultural factors, in the impact of EIS use on senior management decision making. The findings confirm the notion that IT is used by executives to reinforce the decision‐making behaviors valued in their culture.

Civil Organizations in Mexico: Recent Evolution and Prospects

This paper begins by identifying how, as a result of the confluence of a number of factors, civil organizations (COs) in Mexico have shown an exponential development in the past 15 years. However, it is argued that COs are suffering a fiscal crisis and, in some sense, an economic one, provoked by the political reaction of the government toward this growth. At the same time, there is no crisis of legitimacy; their increasing levels of social support suggests a trend in the reverse direction. However, the legitimacy attributable by the population to nonprofits seems to be due to the novelty of this sociopolitical actor in the context of a disappointment with more traditional ones including government and political parties—as opposed to an endorsement of their proven capacity or efficiency in solving the problems of development. To take advantage of what seems to be a golden opportunity for its positive development, in addition to changing the unfavorable economic environment, it is argued that the sector has to face the challenge of thinking in its long-term interest and making sure that it is positioned to act as capably efficient.

Costing of Reproductive Health Services

Context: The principles endorsed by delegates to the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development expanded on the areas typically included in reproductive health. Yet implementation of more comprehensive reproductive health programs has been slow, and the impediments to program expansion need to be identified. Methods:The elements of a reproductive health care program were identified, and in 1995, the disaggregated costs of providing some of these services were gathered from a program of the Zimbabwe National Family Planning Council (ZNFPC) and from MEXFAM, a nongovernmental organization in Mexico affiliated with the International Planned Parenthood Federation. These data were used to estimate and compare the costs (in U.S. dollars) of various components of reproductive health care per visit (or per diagnosis and treatment) in the two countries. Results: The costs of providing contraceptive methods, particularly surgical ones, as well as gynecologic and general health services, varied between ZNFPC and MEXFAM. Whereas tubal ligation cost $70 and oral contraceptives $3 at ZNFPC, a tubal ligation cost $269 and oral contraceptives $4 at MEXFAM. During a gynecologic visit, the cost of treatment for a sexually transmitted disease was $19 at ZNFPC and $29 at MEXFAM. The cost of providing an adolescent with a routine examination and iron supplement was $5 at ZNFPC and $4 at MEXFAM. At ZNFPC, providing a Pap smear, screening for a reproductive tract infection and checking an IUD during a single visit cost $4, compared with $6 when the procedures were performed separately. Conclusions: Costing reproducitive health programs requires breaking service components into individual cost elements. This process can help managers understand both the financial and programmatic implications of alternative implementation strategies.

Nongovernmental organizations in Mexico's Northern Border

This article documents and analyzes the activities of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) along the western part of Mexico's northern border. The research is based on fieldwork with 26 Mexican civic, not‐for‐profit organizations that promote social change and community development in the areas of environmental protection, poverty alleviation, and human, indigenous, and women's rights in Tijuana, Mexicali, Agua Prieta, Nogales, and Ciudad Juárez. Border NGOs are classified with respect to their activities and working style, focusing particularly on their relationship to their grassroots constituencies. The strongest NGOs are environmental groups, which in general work in policy‐oriented research and lobbying, and economic development NGOs, which mostly promote small business development. NGOs promoting a variety of civil rights generally operate with few resources and relatively little competency to carry out long‐term capacity building among their constituencies. The article shows that in contrast to NGOs in Mexico's interior, which have developed as allies of poor people's social movements, NGOs along the northern border do not have strong links with grassroots organizations of the urban or rural poor, thus limiting their effectiveness in promoting democratization and poverty alleviation. The author explores the factors contributing to the unique characteristics of border NGOs, including border culture and politics, ties to U.S. NGOs, and the recent creation of many border NGOs.

Human Rights Organizations in Mexico: Growth in Turbulence

Human Rights Organizations in Mexico: Growth in Turbulence

Muchachas No More: Household Workers in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Introduction Part I: Domestic Service Yesterday 1. A History of Domestic Service in Spanish America, 149 2-1980 - Elizabeth Kuznesof 2. Domestic Service in Jamaica Since 1750 - B.W. Higman 3. Servants and Masters in Rio de Janeiro: Perceptions of House and Street in the 1870s - Sandra Lauderdale Graham Part II: Domestic Service Today 4. Domestic Workers in Buenos Aires - Monica Gogna 5. What Is Bought and What Is Sold in Domestic Service? The Case of Bogota - May Garcia Castro 6. Where is Maria Now? Former Domestic Workers in Peru - Margo Lane Smith 7. Domestic Service in the Latin American Fotonovela - Cornelia Butler Flora 8. Domestic Workers in the Caribbean - Patricia Mohammed 9. a Little Respect: West Indian Domestic Workers in New York City - Shellee Colen Part III: Questions for Feminism 10. Household Workers in the Dominican Republic: A Question for the Feminist Movement - Isis Duarte 11. Politics and Programs of Domestic Workers' Organizations in Mexico - May Goldsmith 12. Feminists and Domestic Workers in Rio de Janeiro - Hildete Pereira de Melo Part IV: Organization and the State 13. Organizations for Low-Income Women in Montevideo: Reenforcing Marginality? - Suzana Prates 14. Household Workers in Peru: The Difficult Road to Organization - Thea Schellekens and Anja van der Schoot 15. Housework for Pay in Chile: Not Just Another Job - Thelma Galvez and Rosalba Todaro 16. Domestic Labor and Domestic Service in Colombia - Magdalena Leon 17. Sharpening the Class Struggle: The Education of Domestic Workers in Cuba - Elena Gil Izquierdo Part V: In Their Own Words 18. Domestic Workers in Rio de Janeiro: Their Struggle to Organize - Anazir Maria de Oliveira and Odete Maria da Conceicao with Hildete Pereira de Melo 19. The History of Our Struggle - SINTRASEDOM (National Union of Household Workers, Colombia) 20. The Autobiography of a Fighter (Peru) - Adelinda Diaz de Uriarte 21. History of the Household Workers' Movement in Chile, 1926-1983 - Aida Moreno Valenzuela 22. In Their Own Words - compiled by Mary Garcia Castro 23. Domestic Service in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Computerized Data Base - Margo L. Smith

Mexico and the United States: Ambivalent Vistas.

In 1821 Mexico was geographically the largest country in the western hemisphere. By 1853 however, it was but a quarter of its original size. Meanwhile, its neighbour north of the border had expanded its territory enormously - and mostly at Mexico's expense. Similarly in 1800 Mexico's per capita income was half that of the United States; by 1877 it had dropped to one-tenth. Such asymetries have long characterised the relationship between Mexico and the United States. The author pays special attention to the economic factors that have subordinated Mexico, not only to the Colossus of the North but to many of the other players in the world economy. Throughout the book - whether treating the respective colonial histories of Mexico and the United States, the causes and effects of the Mexican War, the challenges of modernisation and political revolution, the plight of the Mexican peasant, or the activities of US intelligence organisations in Mexico - Raat frames his discussion within the context of global economic trends. Raat also discusses the complex political, cultural and social factors that have played such an important role in the interactions between the two countries. He examines the ethno-centrism that has coloured the perceptions Americans and Mexicans have of each other, from the time of the Texas Revolution to contemporary illegal immigration controversies. Raat also gives attention to areas of common borders and common history. Known traditionally as the Gran Chichimeca, these borderlands are where Mexican-US cultural dynamics have been most visible. Bilingual and bicultural, neither fully American nor Mexican, the region continues to be of primary importance to policymakers on both sides of the Rio Grande. In his epilogue, Raat notes recent American interest in Mexican art and culture and suggests that in an age of declining US influence, Americans would do well to recognise their own country's role in Mexico's fall from colonial splendour, the limits of US and military power, and the proud sense of cultural identity that prevails among their southern neighbours.

The Role of Union Democracy in the Struggle for Workers' Health in Mexico

In this article, the author analyzes the struggle for workers' health in Mexico, emphasizing the importance of the general and specific political context. In an overview of the legislation on industrial health and safety, the state institutions involved in the issue, and the characteristics of union organization in Mexico, the author shows that the limited activities related to workers' health have more to do with the relative political weakness of the Mexican working class than with the formal structures of legislation, state institutions, and unions. The second part of the article deals with the four most important struggles for health and safety in Mexico during the last ten years, which show some similarities. These struggles are consistently linked to processes of union democratization and tend to decline when union democracy is lost. The strategies of the companies show a common pattern: removing health issues from collective bargaining and putting them in the hands of state institutions. When workers have opposed this solution, management has used selective repression to solve the conflict. The state institutions subordinate their position to the companies' by postponing action or by doing a technically poor job. Changing the existing situation involves the social legitimation of the workers' health issue, since this would have an impact on the political processes involved, i.e., corporate control over workers, authoritarian labor relations and professionalism, and resources of the state institutions.

Ejido Organization in Mexico, 1934–1976

Ejido Organization in Mexico, 1934–1976

Mexico-United States Cooperative Plant Pest Control Programs12

The first of the Mexico-United States Cooperative Plant Pest Control Programs was inaugurated in Mexico with appropriate Mexican officials nearly 45 years ago, following discovery of the pink bollworm, Pectinophora gossypiella (Saunders), in the United States. The Plant Pest Control Division of the Agricultural Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture, maintains an organization in Mexico to work closely with the Dirección General de Defensa Agrícola of the Mexican Department of Agriculture. Current pest control cooperative programs include the pink bollworm of cotton; the boll weevil, Anthonomus grandis Boheman; the khapra beetle, Trogoderma granarium Everts; the citrus black fly,Aleurocanthus woglumi Ashby; the Mexican fruit fly, Anastrepha ludens (Loew); and the Mediterranean fruit fly, Ceratitis capitata (Wiedemann).

The Mexican Agricultural Society, 1879–1914

Prior to 1914 the most notable agricultural organization in Mexico was the Mexican Agricultural Society (Sociedad Agricola Mexicana), founded at a large convention of farmers and stockmen in Mexico City, on September 26, 1879. During the greater part of this period, Mexico was enjoying sufficient political stability, with Porfirio Díaz as President, to make possible the maintenance of such an association. Destined to become a powerful institution, it aimed “to promote the improvement and aggrandizement of agriculture in the country, and to defend its legitimate interests.” It was intended to benefit both stockmen and farmers who tilled the soil.

Public Health Organization in Mexico

SINCE the present Constitution of Mexico was enacted in 1917 public health in Mexico has been under the care of an autonomous institution, which is a part of the executive branch of the Federal Government. It is the Federal Department of Public Health and the National Council of Health. Its chief is a member of the Presidential Cabinet. This was the first step taken on becoming aware of the great vital public health problems which the nation has to solve. As health education of the public spread over the country and new demands for health activities came from every corner of the nation, there followed a progressive increase in the budgets to meet the ever increasing requirements for health. On the other hand, the rapid development of communications has opened the road to the propagation of infectious and parasitic diseases which before were restricted to certain zones, with the result that the ancient division between national and local problems has been broken down. Thus, although the supreme sanitary law, the Federal Sanitary Code, marks the division of activities for federal and local authorities, it also invests the Federal Department of Health with full authority to act when the health of the nation is in danger, or when there is a neglect of duty by a local government. The last federal Sanitary Code was en-

III NEW FORMS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION IN MEXICO.

Annals of Public and Cooperative EconomicsVolume 15, Issue 1 p. 94-106 III NEW FORMS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION IN MEXICO. Enrique Gonzalez APARICIO, Enrique Gonzalez APARICIO Professor of Economic Policy in the National University of Mexico.Search for more papers by this author Enrique Gonzalez APARICIO, Enrique Gonzalez APARICIO Professor of Economic Policy in the National University of Mexico.Search for more papers by this author First published: January 1939 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8292.1939.tb00569.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume15, Issue1January 1939Pages 94-106 RelatedInformation

Unilateral Organizations in Mexico

Unilateral Organizations in Mexico