Oppressive Regimes Research Articles

The U.S. American left and reverse moral exceptionalism: when do villains become heroes?

ABSTRACT This article takes the assassination of Qasem Soleimani as a case study that manifests the schism between the realities of those in revolutionary struggle and those on the U.S. American left who might gather in solidarity with them. I explicate “reverse moral exceptionalism” as a nationalistic tendency to insist on oneself as central to every event of significance on the world stage and which positions the United States (U.S.) as a singular source of evil in the world. Based on an ethnocentrism that approaches the world from a position of dominance, reverse moral exceptionalism saturates the space available for others and induces the inability to listen to the testimony of others. Cartesian “either-or” logics situate all non-white state actors as inherently colonized and by extension, all colonial brown actors emerge as apolitical victims. I argue that when whiteness is only understood in racially provincial terms, it distorts understandings of inter-racial collusion in the transnational context. I attend to the unlikely ways in which whiteness and its concomitant forms of exceptionalism permeate U.S. American nationalist subjectivities, setting the groundwork for an anti-colonial discourse that paradoxically justifies oppressive regimes and brings about indifference to grassroots revolutionary discourse and the micropolitics of resistance.

A Momentary Lapse in Memory: An Inquiry into (Re)Memory and Trauma Embodiment

This essay investigates the impact of the archival practice on oral histories of conflict. Specifically, it asks to what capacity can the lived experience be devoured by the grinding machine of forced institutional remembrance, and how can it defy such a predicament? The inquiry to this question was studied through the oral history of the author’s friends, family and neighbors concerning the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. This military intervention was done in response to the oppressive regime of Slobodan Milošević and remains fresh in the Serbian collective memory. Utilizing qualitative generative interviews, a case study of the author’s parents’ approaches to archiving, and personal footage recorded by the RadioTelevision of Serbia, the paper examines differences between institutional and personal archival practices. The analysis displays that institutional remembrance can claim the lived experience through collective memory, which is reinstated by commemorative practices and archiving. In contrast, oral histories of conflict result in a different type of narrativebuilding and remembering. They are characterized by mechanisms such as collective editing, transmission, and non linearity, which resist standardization and instrumentalization. This paper advocates for reconsidering static preservation oriented modes of institutional archiving, proposing instead, to embrace nonreproductible aspects or the unreliable of oral history.

Touching Back while Black: Self-Defence and the Politics of Black US Citizenship in Paul Green’s In Abraham’s Bosom

Considering the critical methods of performance studies, critical race studies, and sensorial studies, this article analyses the creation of social identities through the rubric of touch – a tactile sensibility that provides a cultural foundation for the mis perception of bodies as racialized subjects. Touch has been an under-researched and under-utilized methodology for understanding how race works. Specifically attending to the historical period of Jim Crow in the early twentieth century because of its deeply held investments in the politics of separateness, this article examines Paul Green’s 1926 Pulitzer Prize–winning play In Abraham’s Bosom as one of the rare dramas during this period that actually showed Black acts of touching back on the stage. Green challenges his audience to contend with an oppressive Jim Crow racial regime that forced African Americans to establish alternative modes of freedom outside of more traditional expressions of autonomy and citizenship. Reading Green’s work in this way allows for a consideration of the differing strategies at play in the fight toward equality for Black Americans. Taking up tactility, in the context of the United States, as a cultural system used to mark bodies as raced and weaponized to uphold white supremacy, this essay approaches touch as a performative act that is meaningful, effective, and consequential, thereby grappling with the present ways that American society underestimates the social, political, and cultural power that touch wields in our understanding of social identities.

The Feminist Dystopian Themes in Margret Atwood’s Handmaid’s Tale: A Reflection of the Social and Political Issues

This paper explores the feminist themes present in Margaret Atwood's seminal novel, "The Handmaid's Tale," and analyzes their resonance with contemporary political and social issues. The aims of this study are to understand how Atwood's depiction of a dystopian society highlights the suppression of women's rights, autonomy, and agency and to elucidate the relevance of these themes to the current socio-political landscape. This qualitative study aims to explore the feminist themes in Margaret Atwood's acclaimed novel, "The Handmaid's Tale," and examine their relevance to current political and social issues. To achieve this, a multi-step approach will be adopted. The method employed involves a comprehensive analysis of the novel, encompassing close reading and critical examination of key passages. The results of this study reveal that "The Handmaid's Tale" intricately explores themes of gender inequality, reproductive rights, and the patriarchal control exerted over women's bodies. Atwood's dystopian society of Gilead serves as a stark warning of the potential consequences of eroding women's rights and dismantling feminist progress. The analysis also illustrates the novel's relevance to contemporary issues, such as the ongoing struggle for reproductive rights, gender-based violence, and women's representation in politics and leadership roles. In the discussion section, the findings are further examined in light of present-day political and social challenges faced by women around the world. Utilizing the critical feminist dystopia concept, the paper explores the parallels between Gilead's oppressive regime and the actual threats to gender equality and women's rights in various societies. Moreover, the analysis highlights how "The Handmaid's Tale" serves as a poignant critique of patriarchal structures and a call to action for addressing systemic gender disparities. The conclusion of this study emphasizes the enduring significance of "The Handmaid's Tale" as a powerful feminist work, reflecting the resilience of patriarchal forces and the need for continued activism to safeguard women's rights. Atwood's narrative serves as both a cautionary tale and a source of inspiration, urging readers to remain vigilant in defending women's agency, autonomy, and equality. Ultimately, this research reaffirms the timelessness of feminist literature and its vital role in fostering awareness and mobilizing societal change.

Power and Limits to Institutional Work: Organizing in Oppressive Regimes

Power and Limits to Institutional Work: Organizing in Oppressive Regimes

REMINISCING AND RECOLLECTION OF LIFE IN ILIJA TROJANOW’S NOVEL THE WORLD IS BIG, AND SALVATION LURKS EVERYWHERE

IIija Trojanow, one of the Bulgarian writers of Contemporary German Literature, penned the story of the Luxow family's migration from Bulgaria to Germany in his first novel, "The World is Big, and Salvation Lurks Everywhere" (Die Welt ist groß und Rettung lauert überall, 1996). Employing self-reminiscences ingrained in his autobiographic memoir, the author reveals how the oppressive communist regime of the 70s affected society in the novel's story of the Luxow family. The novel is composed employing modern and post-modern narration techniques. The past is rendered in the story of Alex Luxow, the main character, who loses his family in a traffic accident in Germany and cannot recall past events before this accident. In addition, the main character's journeys in tandem with his godfather Bai Dan, who helps him in the healing process both physically and spiritually, indicate the search for an individual and cultural identity. This study discusses how the main character's memories of the overshadowed past are revived and what they point to while surpassing individual/cultural boundaries in the context of memory objects in autobiographical and collective reminiscences.

Official and underground: the survival strategy of the Catholic Church in Communist Czechoslovakia

ABSTRACT The paper examines the operation of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia under the Communist regime, one of the most oppressive communist regimes in Eastern Europe, and the choice of the Church to operate both officially and secretly. Based on the religious economy approach, it defines the conditions favoring diversified operation on both the legal market and the black market. Despite repression, the Church strived to maintain official operation in Czechoslovakia. Simultaneously, it developed an underground structure that allowed for uncompromised religious life. The case study confirms the theoretical predictions that severe repression favors underground operation without eliminating the need for the official presence of the Church. Beyond the religious economy approach, the paper points to the role of agency. The diversification strategy could only emerge and function due to the combination of externally imposed circumstances and individual initiative.

Human Rights and Oppressed Peoples: Collected Essays and Speeches

Human Rights and Oppressed Peoples: Collected Essays and Speeches

Unmasking the dictator: How digital technologies expose authoritarianism in Belarus and Zimbabwe

Authoritarian governments seem to use the same methods of coercion the world over. Recent developments in Belarus and Zimbabwe resonate with this observation. President Alexander Lukashenko prevailed in a deeply flawed and controversial election which his opponents claimed was rigged in July 2020, triggering massive countrywide protests by the opposition supporters. In Zimbabwe, corruption over COVID-19 procurement, coupled with a dire economic situation, pushed citizens to organize demonstrations. Both Belarus and Zimbabwean security personnel employed a heavy-headed approach to thwart demonstrations, committing gross human rights abuses under the cover of darkness or under face masks. Although digital activism has received so much credit as a formidable force to challenge power, its success in dismantling oppressive regimes and systems is a subject of debate. In light of this debate, this qualitative article employed counterpublics as a theoretical lens to explore Twitter and digital tools that allow ordinary citizens and activists to counter human rights abuses in authoritarian environments, making future quests for justice possible.

Investigating the Situation for Children with Autism and Their Families in Cambodia

Following periods of conflict and instability during the oppressive regime of the Khmer Rouge (1975–1978) and the period of Vietnamese occupation (1978–1992), the Kingdom of Cambodia has adopted policies and initiatives that aim to ensure greater equity and stability across all services in the country as a signatory to international agreements for the promotion of universal primary education (United Nations 2015). The education of children with disabilities continues to present challenges to both policy makers and service providers in Cambodia, though government agencies have made a commitment and invested resources to improve facilities and increase awareness of the difficulties experienced by children and families. Previous studies of provision for children on the autism spectrum in Cambodia suggest that they are little understood and that many experience difficulties accessing appropriate services or support. However, these reports have often been based on localised small-scale studies and have not provided a broader national perspective of the situation. A national analysis of the situation for persons with autism was conducted to provide a more detailed picture of the experiences of children with autistic spectrum disorders and their families. Data were collated using focus groups and interviews with service users and providers from a purposive stratified sample across the country. The findings reveal that a limited awareness and understanding of autism amongst both professionals and the general public has limited opportunities for development. Education facilities and expertise are limited, and access to therapeutic and specialist medical provision is poor. The pervasive nature of poverty has been a major contributory factor in the slow development of and accessibility to services to this population. A number of recommendations have been made and are being used to shape future policies for children with autism and their families in Cambodia.

A community psychology for migrant justice: Critically examining border violence and resistance during the COVID-19 syndemic.

This article explores the magnifying lenses of the COVID-19 syndemic to highlight how people racialized as migrants and refugees have been-and continue to be-disproportionally harmed. We use empirical evidence collected in our scholarly/activist work in Europe, Africa, South Asia, and the United States to examine migrant injustice as being produced by a combination of power structures and relations working to maintain colonial global orders and inequalities. This is what has been defined as "border imperialism." Our data, complemented by evidence from transnational solidarity groups, show that border imperialism has further intersected with the hygienic-sanitary logics of social control at play during the COVID-19 period. This intersection has resulted in increasingly coercive methods of restraining people on the move, as well as in increased-and new-forms of degradation of their lives, that is, an overall multiplication of border violences. At the same time, however, COVID-19 has provided a unique opportunity for grassroot solidarity initiatives and resistance led by people on the move to be amplified and extended. We conclude by emphasizing the need for community psychologists to take a more vigorous stance against oppressive border imperialist regimes and the related forms of violence they re/enact.

Multilingualism in Akwaeke Emezi’s Freshwater and Zahra Patterson’s Chronology

Multilingualism is one of marginalised authors’ strategies to express their stories and identities when writing in what bell hooks labelled ‘the oppressor’s language’. It allows them to navigate language imbued with contradictions: the language that connects and provides terminology for some marginalised identities while being infused with various oppressive regimes. This article discusses the forms and roles of multilingualism in two queer life-writing texts: written in English and interwoven with African influences, Akwaeke Emezi’s Freshwater (2018c) is an autobiographical novel; Zahra Patterson’s Chronology (2018) is an experimental autobiographical essay. The scope and the forms of multilingualism differ: in Chronology, a significant part of the text is written in Sesotho; in Freshwater, the passages in Igbo are comparably scarce. Emezi, however, also adopts a non-Western register in the English passages as another strategy of postcolonial writing ‘in character’. The article argues that while the concrete strategies vary, the authors employ multilingualism for similar political and aesthetic purposes: they utilise it to challenge the presumed universality of the Western conceptualisations of identity, gender, and sexuality, to express hybridity and heterogeneity of the narrated identities, and for its potential to create intimacy in the language.

Checks and Balances, Veto Exceptionalism, and Constitutional Folk Wisdom: Class and Race Power in American Politics

Conventional accounts of the U.S. constitution laud its checks and balances for diffusing power across many venues, limiting the potential for government oppression, and protecting political minorities. I refer to this as constitutional folk wisdom and contrast it with an American political economy approach of veto exceptionalism to better understand how the U.S. constitution shapes, and is shaped, by power relations. This analysis illustrates the volume and scope of veto exceptionalism and its implication for democratic participation and accountability, contrasts it with the virtues championed by the folk wisdom, and suggests how veto exceptionalism can help explain political outcomes and processes in American politics. I argue that the folk wisdom is not only inaccurate as a description of how power functions in the American “checks and balances” system; it is cultivated and utilized most frequently by powerful economic and racial actors that benefit from the anti-democratic and elitist features of the U.S. constitutional system.

“OSTRACISM”, THE PEOPLE’S WAY OF PROTECTING DEMOCRACY FROM TYRANTS IN ANCIENT ATHENS

In ancient Athens, where democracy was born, during the reign of Cleisthenes, between 487 and 416 BC, a kind of exile system called ostracism was introduced to protect democratic rule. This practice was actually a reflex of the Athenians, who were reacting to the arbitrary and oppressive regimes of the Tyrants, to protect the democratic government. Athenians wrote the names of rulers, who they feared would turn into tyrants and destroy democracy by force, on pieces of pottery called ostrakon, which served as ballot papers. As a result of the voting carried out in this way, the person whose name was written the most was exiled outside Athens for ten years. The status of the exiled person did not change. His property was also not confiscated. The person who was sent out of Athens with ostracism was returning to Athens after ten years of exile, continuing his life with his previous title and advantages.
 Although ostracism was seen as the insurance of democracy and the guarantee of the system when it was first implemented, it later moved away from its real purpose. It is also seen that some Athenian rulers, who wanted to increase their power, used ostracism as a weapon by influencing the views of the people to weaken or eliminate their rivals. Hemistocles, Kimon, and Alcibiades were also among the famous rulers of Athens exiled by the practice of ostracism. Ostracism, which first started with the exile of Hipparchus from Athens for 10 years, was finally applied to Hyperbolos in 417 BC, and then this practice disappeared into history.

A Twenty Years’ Crisis? Rethinking the Cases for U.S. Economic Engagement with China

Structural realists accuse U.S. economic engagement with China as a mistake driven by liberal idealism and lack of realism. I suggest that this increasingly popular narrative reflecting the traditional idealism-realism distinction is misplaced. First, liberal approaches to international relations can clash with each other when a democratic state engages with an authoritarian state, and engagement is justified by one strand of liberalism—economic interdependence liberalism—whereas a different liberal perspective—democratic peace liberalism—opposes economic engagement with an oppressive regime. Second, realism—in particular, structural realism—posits that important state behaviors reflect the need to attain more relative power than others. Then, if economic engagement better serves a state’s relative capacity vis-à-vis other states, economic exchanges with a potential strategic contender would be an unavoidable choice. The liberal case for economic engagement is much more restrictive than it is often articulated, while a structural realist case for engagement can be convincingly made. For about two decades since the mid-1990s, U.S. administrations defended economic engagement with China not only with economic interdependence liberalism but also by utilizing an argument in line with the structural realist case for engagement. Blaming one foreign policy idea as responsible for today’s strategic difficulties is misleading.

NGOs' approach to human rights and the challenges in Bangladesh

Motivation Human rights non-governmental organizations (HR NGOs) play a significant role in the protection and promotion of human rights, particularly in the global south. In Bangladesh, human rights violations are a major concern. The government's approach to helping victims of abuses and upholding human rights has become contentious. Therefore, in this context, NGOs' approach to and activism in helping victims, public education, and putting pressure on the government to uphold human rights have been considered vital. Purpose The article evaluates and explores the key challenges HR NGOs in Bangladesh face in safeguarding human rights. Methods and approach For this qualitative study, primary data was collected through in-depth interviews with 25 human rights activists, victims of human rights violations and their family members, journalists, NGO officials, and academics. The 25 participants were selected on the basis of purposive and snowball sampling techniques. Findings The findings suggest that the overall role of HR NGOs in Bangladesh is dubious. The HR NGOs in Bangladesh cannot play an effective role in promoting human rights, and the government's role and its responsibility to help victims and safeguard human rights is not upheld. Bangladesh's government tries to limit the function of human rights groups. The key challenges faced by HR NGOs include the ruling elite's intervention in their activities, the government's oppression and harassment of NGO officials, the country's culture of impunity, NGOs' dependence on foreign donations, restrictive laws used to control the growth of HR NGOs, the HR NGOs' financial condition and political interest, and the ineffectiveness of human rights institutions in Bangladesh. These challenges restrict the growth of the HR NGOs in the country and result in their poor performance. However, although their role and influence are limited due to the many forms of government control and oppression, HR NGOs appear to be more active than the government in upholding human rights. Policy implications The collective efforts of the HR NGOs, civil society, the government, and general citizens are crucial to protect and support human rights. HR NGOs, civil society organizations (CSOs), journalists, and the general public should not remain silent on gross violations of human rights but should make the utmost effort to encourage citizens to break the culture of impunity and raise their voices against human rights abuses. In this regard, citizens need to understand the concept of human rights. The state's co-operation in protecting human rights is critical, as the fundamental duty of the state is to ensure the rights of its citizens. Human rights NGOs should monitor human rights situations, help victims of violations, and engage in popular education. The voices of HR NGOs and CSOs should be neutral and united in order to exert enough pressure on the government to change its behaviour regarding human rights. In addition, the judiciary, NHRC, and Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) should play an active role in ensuring equality and justice.

Camouflage: A dominant reaction to worsening conditions

Individuals choose camouflage as a dominant response when a state’s political conditions worsen, particularly when a democracy turns authoritarian. Individuals hide their private preferences to survive under oppressive regimes. This paper argues that in many circumstances camouflage is the most rational, cost-minimizing reaction to oppression. The paper identifies five kinds of costs that induce individuals to resort to four different ideal types of camouflage: (1) avoidance of contact, (2) minimal participation, (3) restricted cooperation, and (4) full engagement with the oppressive regime. Camouflage is particularly advantageous as the costs of exit or voice are often high. Therefore, a large majority of citizens disagreeing with the ideology and policies of a regime are likely to camouflage.

Autonomous and Between Worlds: Musical Manifestos for Anti-Capitalist Futures in Post-Wall East Berlin

AbstractThe opening of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 provided a spectacular climax for Samuel Huntington's third wave of democracy. It represented the triumph not only of a people over their oppressive regime but also, ultimately, of Western economic liberalism; the post-socialist democracy of German reunification was a singular one with consumerism at its core. In the early 1990s, many East German reform socialists resisted this inevitability, and exploited the temporary political and bureaucratic void that emerged in East Berlin as a space in which to imagine alternative democratic futures from the socialist past. In this article I explore the attempts by two very different East Berlin musical communities to incubate anti-capitalist worlds from the legacies – both official and unofficial – of the German Democratic Republic (GDR). First, I reflect on the autonomous musical worlds that were created by members of the GDR's alternative bands in occupied buildings in Prenzlauer Berg and Mitte. Second, I consider the articulation by the ZwischenWelt-Festival, a reincarnation of the GDR's Festival of Political Song, of a more outward-looking future for East Germany, based on the ideals of international solidarity.

T(y)ranslators – Agents of Authority and Censorship in Translation

Censorship and self-censorship in translation have been associated with oppressive regimes, although they are encountered in democratic systems as well. The agents and mechanisms behind these phenomena play a key part in spreading a certain ideology, which serves the interests of the ones in positions of power, be it political, economic or religious. The main purposes of this article are to analyse the criteria of censorship in translation, to illustrate the strategies used for censoring the potentially “dangerous” texts, to present case studies inspired by the realities of communist Romania and the contemporary American society, and to give examples of censorship agents, objectives and techniques.

Artistic meanderings through Coolitude

Referencing two 19th-century identity photographs of Indian migrants named Beekano and Doorgana, taken from the research of historian Marina Carter at the Mauritian Archives, Flynn has produced artworks using the obsolete method of screen-printing to transform the portraits that originally were to aid an oppressive colonial regime focused on policing and immobilizing its immigrant labour. He has also involved the same two individuals in a fictionalized scene in which a surreal fantasy takes Beekano on a journey where he is stripped of his physical body and disappears to be released before any destination is arrived at.