Over recent decades, historians have revised earlier portrayals of Indians and Afro-Latin Americans as mere “canon fodder” for the elite. Scholars such as Florencia Mallon, George Reid Andrews, and James E. Sanders, among others, argued that not only hunger, patron-client ties, and conscription but also ideas and alliances mobilized subordinate groups. Their military participation, moreover, decisively influenced outcomes such as the enactment of racially egalitarian constitutions, the end of slavery, and the ascendancy of liberalism in much of Latin America. Military Struggle and Identity Formation in Latin America continues in this same vein while painting an even more paradoxical and multilayered picture of Afro – Latin American and Indian participation in armies and wars.The book is divided into two thematic parts, each of which spans the years 1850 to 1950. In part 1, Sanders, Justin Wolfe, Aline Helg, Nicola Foote, Richard N. Adams, and David Carey Jr. examine soldiering in a wide array of contexts. In part 2, Maria de Fátima Costa, Peter M. Beattie, Carlos Martínez Sarasola, Julia O’Hara, Joanna Crow, Vincent C. Peloso, and René D. Harder Horst focus on major interstate wars and genocidal campaigns against Indians. The authors combine archival research on social and political history with the study of representations and, in some cases, oral histories.In the first case study, Sanders finds that blacks and mulattos in Colombia sought new rights and identities by soldiering as Liberals. Indians, he argues, had more varied experiences and allegiances. Indians initially sought to protect preexisting rights and identities, though their motives and identities could be transformed. The rest of the collection largely bears out this pattern, yet the diversity of experiences recounted also demonstrates the difficulty of generalizing about subaltern choices and actions.Paradoxes abound. The editors rightly note in relation to Wolfe’s chapter on Nica-ragua that historical actors often defied “easy assumptions about what marginalized groups ‘should’ do” (p. 10). Their insight applies to most of the contributions to this collection. Some of the alliances and antagonisms revealed here are surprising. For example, Wolfe finds that Afro-Nicaraguan Liberals in León initially supported the pro-slavery filibusterer William Walker. Peloso examines why Afro-Peruvians massacred their Chinese neighbors during the War of the Pacific, while O’Hara notes that Tarahumara Indians dealt devastating blows to the Apaches during the violent pacification of northern Mexico. Adams and Crow reveal that Indians were sometimes officially designated as unfit to serve as soldiers but served anyway. Carey interviews Kaqchikel-Mayan elders in Guatemala who remember their military service under the notorious dictatorship of Jorge Ubico as a largely positive experience that simultaneously strengthened both their ties to the nation and their ethnic identities. The authors generally do a good job of analyzing the complexities of their findings without romanticizing their subjects.The editors emphasize that military enrollment and warfare could create space for “marginal people to push forward their own agenda” and express “multiple visions of nationalism” (p. 18). Yet, much of the history recounted in these essays is tragic. Time and again, Indians were massacred. Even when labeled “friendly,” or fighting on the winning side, Indians often lost more than they gained. The armed forces provided opportunities for social mobility, yet, in this volume, the people defined as “Indian” or “black” most often ended up impoverished and excluded from the full benefits of citizenship. The elite was afraid and disdainful of the poor fighters it mobilized. Blacks’ and Indians’ very participation in war was often used as an excuse to pathologize them as inherently violent and unfit for citizenship.The title of the volume emphasizes identity. Horst explores the complex ethnolinguistic labels applied to the indigenous peoples of the Chaco, while Foote concludes her chapter on Ecuador with the emergence of social movements expressing black and Indian consciousness. Sanders, Carey, and Crow all provide examples of violent struggles strengthening some indigenous identities even as other indigenous groups were decimated. However, thorny methodological questions regarding identity are elided, such as, for example, whether someone should be called “black” versus “mulatto,” or “mestizo” versus “Indian.” For the most part, a full exploration of ethnic and national identity formation and transformation through warfare remains an unfulfilled promise in this otherwise successful volume.This observation is not meant to detract from the high quality of the individual essays, which reveal myriad ways that Indians and Afro-Latin Americans contributed to nation-state formation and gained ambivalent inclusion as citizens. This ambivalent citizenship is evident in the image that graces the volume’s cover, of Kaqchikel volunteer soldiers conducting military exercises in Ubico’s Guatemala while wearing ethnic dress. In teasing out the implications of many episodes such as this one, Military Struggle and Identity Formation in Latin America advances our knowledge of subaltern participation in nation-state formation.
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