One-party System Research Articles

Стабильность современной политической системы Вьетнама: эволюция, вызовы и перспективы

This article examines the stability of the modern Vietnamese political system through a comprehensive review and analysis of its historical evolution, governance structure, economic reforms, and the intricate interplay of socio-political factors. Since the implementation of Doi Moi economic reforms in 1986, Vietnam has experienced significant transformations, that have led to rapid economic growth and increasing political stability. This study delves into the pivotal role played by the Communist Party of Vietnam in maintaining a one-party system while simultaneously introducing market-oriented reforms. It evaluates the impacts of such reforms on the political landscape, discussing how economic success has contributed to the legitimacy of the state and sustained public confidence. Furthermore, the research identifies internal and external challenges faced by Vietnam, including corruption, human rights concerns, and the pressures of globalization, while examining the state's response through institutional reforms and policy adjustments. The findings of the study suggest that Vietnam's political stability is influenced by a complex set of factors, including economic achievements, institutional reforms, and the central role of the Communist Party.

THE EVOLUTION OF MULTIPARTY POLITICS IN UZBEKISTAN: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

This article examines the development of the multiparty system in Uzbekistan, highlighting the key stages and milestones since independence. It outlines the role of political parties in fostering democratic governance and representing the interests of diverse social groups in society. The paper explores the historical formation of political parties in Uzbekistan, from the cessation of the one-party system to the establishment of legal frameworks that empower political parties in shaping state power. The emergence of the Ecological Party of Uzbekistan is discussed as a significant event in the country’s evolving political landscape. Furthermore, the article addresses the current challenges faced by political parties, including the lack of political ideology, limited public awareness of political rights, and the need for improved competition among parties. The author argues that enhancing the legal foundation of parties and increasing their involvement in governance is essential for deepening democratic reforms. The article concludes with recommendations to strengthen political party participation, foster public trust, and promote active competition in Uzbekistan’s political system.

Reviewing the constitution-making process in Kenya: The failure of the 2005 constituent process

Abstract Kenya began its democratic era after its declaration of independence and the adoption of its first constitution in 1963. However, this supreme norm of the country would undergo countless reforms by the political elites from the very beginning, mostly to satisfy the partisan demands of the political leaders of the moment. These reforms succeeded in transforming the initially democratic model into an authoritarian, one-party system. After two decades of corruption and abuses of power, political changes in the country, and a wave of democratization after the fall of the Berlin Wall fueled the popular clamor for constitutional change. This article analyses the development of the constitution-making process, which began with the first constitutional amendments introduced to the constitution of the independence, as well as the main factors that led to the rejection of a new draft constitution in the ratification referendum held on November 21, 2005. A key element contributing to the failure of the whole process is the strong influence of political forces in the process, all using partisan methods to achieve perceived political advantages.

Managing Multi-Ethnicity in China, Challenges at Home and Abroad

China is unique compared to ancient civilizations due to its 3000-year written history that witnessed the succession of many dynasties, beside its geographic extent, which borders 14 countries. The vast geographic size of China on the Asian continent led some to say that Asia is more Chinese than China is Asian. This was due in part to the political authoritarianism imposed by spreading Confucianism throughout the Asian continent. While China represented the edge of the heart of the world in the theory of Mackinder, the present day says that it is gradually moving towards the center. Politically, China is considered one of the last strongholds of communism in its Chinese version, with a one-party system (the Chinese Communist Party) still in place. The claim that China is a communist state does not deny the existence of capitalist features that are coupled with the state-directed economy, where the state controls about 65% of production. Socially, China is known for its diversity of races and ethnicities, with 56 ethnic groups in which the Han ethnicity dominates with about 1.286 billion people, which is 91.11% of the country's population of approximately 1.411 billion people as announced in May 2021. The rest of the population is distributed among 55 minorities. These minorities vary between Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, Taoists, Tibetans, and others, including 10 Muslim minorities.

Criminal Offenses against voting rights

Abstract The right to choose as a political right dates back to the ancient times of humankind. The right to choose in its beginnings was in a narrow circle of people. It did not include the entire political, economic and social spectrum, but different groups, classes and interests. The saying can be that there were no real elections. Even Kosovo, in the history of its political development, dates the right to universal and equal suffrage after the Second World War. However, those elections were never free and not even based on the will of citizens to be elected and to vote. The candidates for election were the favorites of the occupying and monist power. The monistic one-party system, as such, by itself could not offer even an approximate opportunity to hold free and democratic elections. In fact, the right to free and democratic elections for the first time was sanctioned and implemented in the first elections for the Republic of Kosovo institutions (Constitutional Framework, 2001). This paper aims to explore different aspects of the complex phenomenon of criminal offenses against voting rights, in order to raise the level of treatment of this phenomenon in Kosovo’s society. The organization of free and democratic elections and their success is one of the key points of evaluation of new democracies, considering that free elections are the foundation of a democratic society. Conceiving that this process is related to the quality of life of the voter, to the perspective of society and the development of the country in general.

Towards "All-round Cadres": Policy Priorities and Issue Diversity of Local Bureaucrats in China, 2005–19

Abstract: How do Chinese local political elites prioritise their attention in the one-party system? This study examines the issue diversity among China's local cadres by analysing the agendas of 707 local Party secretaries during their daily official activities from 2005 to 2019. Findings reveal that political and economic issues significantly dominate the secretaries' attention, overshadowing other niche topics. Yet after the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2012, there has been an increase in the secretaries' focus on Party affairs while there has been a decline in their focus on economic issues, leading to fragmented attention and disproportionate changes. These findings not only highlight the tension between the broader Party reforms and the actual responses of local officials, but also suggest the CPC's efforts to reshape the bureaucratic system by transforming local cadres into "all-rounders" capable of addressing diverse challenges while maintaining strong political leadership and loyalty.

Electoral Conflicts in Cameroon: Causes, Consequences and Remedies

The advent of multiparty politics in Cameroon in the 1990s meant the acquisition of state power was to be achieved through competition, this saw the creation of political parties, birthing a pluralist democracy and shifting the paradigm of partisan politics from the one-party system to a multiparty dynamic. Elections were thus the only means through which these parties had to compete for state power, although it instilled hope in many, this phenomenon was accompanied by much more worrying issues in the name of electoral conflicts. From 1990 till present, elections in Cameroon have always been marred by conflicts. This paper examines the causes and impact of these conflicts on Cameroonians and proposes remedies to optimise the electoral landscape.

Renegotiating Citizen Participation in Local Governance in Africa. The Case of Cameroon

In most African countries, political liberation was supported by spontaneous people’s movements and various constellations of civil society. The post-independent era witnessed the introduction of a one-party system, which fundamentally curtailed these freedoms which were at the centre of the decolonial debate in Africa. The liberal market ideology that pervaded economic and political spaces after 1990 heralded alternatives for civil society to self-organize for political change in the continent. In the Economic Commission for Central African States (ECCAS), the legislative framework for citizen participation in local governance processes and structures encountered steep resistance from political elites. However, exogenous factors, together with home-grown citizen initiatives to advance the well-being of the people, emerged. In post-independent Cameroon, citizen participation in local governance processes was shaped by the rigid political and, subsequently, economic systems that the country experienced. With the demise of the bipolar World, people fashioned different places of engagement through civil society spaces where expectations and conceptions of civic involvement were developed and articulated. This policy paper analyses the regulatory framework for civil society participation in local governance in the ECCAS sub-region. It also examines citizen participation in local governance processes and structures in Cameroon. The paper identifies key challenges inhibiting citizens from freely engaging in civic activities in the country and presents some policy directions ECCAS and the state of Cameroon need to take to facilitate the effective involvement of citizens in the associational life of the sub-region and of Cameroon.

El fracaso del proceso constituyente en KeniaThe failure of the constituent process in Kenya

Abstract Kenya began its democratic era after its declaration of independence and the adoption of its first constitution in 1963. However, this supreme norm of the country would undergo countless reforms by the political elites from the very beginning, mostly to satisfy the partisan demands of the political leaders at the moment. These reforms succeeded in transforming the initially democratic model into an authoritarian, one-party system. After two decades of corruption and abuse of power, the political changes in the country and the wave of democratization after the fall of the Berlin Wall fueled the popular clamour for constitutional change. This article analyses the development of the constitution-making process, which began with the first constitutional amendments introduced to the constitution of the independence, as well as the main factors that led to the rejection of the new draft constitution in the ratification referendum held on 21 November 2005. A key element contributing to the failure of the whole process is the strong influence of political forces in the process and the partisan use of all of them to achieve their political advantages.

Islamic Epistemology in the Bangladesh Government System (1996–2022): An Analysis of Political Ideologies

This study aims to explore the extent of Islamization in Bangladesh during the tenure of democratically elected leaders Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. The objective is to analyze the state of democratic governance in Bangladesh from a religious perspective, focusing specifically on Islamic political epistemology. It begins by defining Islamic Political Epistemology and its significance in acknowledging Islam’s role in democratic power. This qualitative descriptive analysis examines recent research papers from highly ranked resources such as Scopus. It is important to note that specific methods can strengthen strategies for enforcing electoral decrees, improve credentials for arbitration through sovereignty within the dominion branch, and increase national participation in political acts and society through Islamic Political Epistemology. Sheikh Hasina’s new regime has achieved significant progress in implementing Islamic development in bureaucracy and regulations. Qawmi Madrasah has contributed significantly to Islamic Education in Bangladesh, and the current government recognizes their educational certificates. The salaries of teachers and Imams at Government Madrasah-e-Alia have been increased, which is a significant policy change. The study revealed that Khaleda Zia’s government could have succeeded despite its alliance with Islamic political parties. Having a coalition with Islamic political parties does not necessarily mean that the country’s political ideology is institutionalized in an Islamic way. Opposite, Bangladesh’s government, with partial financing from Saudi Arabia, is constructing 560 mosques that will also serve as artistic centres to promote Islamic epistemology and combat extremism. However, this government operates under a one-party system with the Awami League party, led by Sheikh Hasina, idolizing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Социалистическата идеологическа пропаганда в Полша по времето на управлението на Болеслав Берут (1947–1956)

The topic of the study, as the title suggests, is related to the socialist ideological propaganda in Poland which was launched by Polish authorities during the reign of Boleslaw Berut. Beirut’s rule began in February 1947, when he was elected head of state, and ended of his death in March 1956. Between 1947–1952 he was the president of Poland, and from 1948 till 1952 – General secretary of the State Council. This was the period of Stalinism in Poland. During those years, a number of political and economic reforms were carried out in the country: the establishment of Soviet-type socialism, the voting in of new constitution, imposition of the one-party system, nationalization, industrialization and collectivization of agriculture. During this period, the Polish United Worker’s Party carried out large-scale agitation and propaganda activities, characterized by printing and distribution of numerous propaganda materials.

몽골의 체제전환기 정치 엘리트 연구

The Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party has maintained its political status as the ruling party in Mongolia for 70 years of socialism and 30 years of democracy. Therefore, in this paper, the political elites who were in power at the time of regime transformation of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, their formation background, characteristics, and policy decision factors were examined.
 Prior to the transition to democracy, Mongolia was a country with a one-party system in which the party and the state were integrated. As the party dominated all areas of the country and society, the political elite had overwhelming influence. At the time of system transition, the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party formed factions into reformers, conservatives opposed to reform, and centrists. Among them, the reformist faction led by General Secretary J. Batmunkh, who had the most powerful influence, listened to the positions of those who demanded democratization and led a compromise.
 In addition, he took the position of ‘absolutely no’ as to whether or not to use force against the democratization forces, which was decided at the party convention. The reformers included most of the members of the Politburo and the Secretary General, including the Secretary General of the Party Central Committee. At the request of the democratization forces, they gave up all the power they had as high-ranking elites and prioritized the safety of the people and the country. With this, the reformist forces within the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party demonstrated a great practice of compromise and peaceful democratization.
 Following the resignation of reformers, the next generation of political elites emerge. These are the elite members of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, who are in charge of working on the first democratic election pledges. Those with a relatively high level of education and strong reform tendencies drew up pledges to meet the domestic situation and the people’s needs at the time. This is one of the reasons why the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party won a landslide victory in the first democratic election in history held after regime transformation. The Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party also had such a high level of popular support that it has been positioned as the ruling party of Mongolia even after the regime transformation.

Specificity of the formation of modern social housing in Ukraine as a consequence of the russian invasion

The Soviet Union, among other states, was distinguished by the construction of housing at a great pace and volume, which was included in the programs of future social development for every 5 years. It was believed that the scale of Soviet construction should testify to the advantages of the Soviet system of government (and in fact the ruling political regime was formed by a one-party system) and the socialist system of management. Housing construction was carried out for the people under conditions of equality and equal distribution by state bodies of living space per person. The liberation of Ukraine from the Russian Communist Party dictate led to a prolonged Russian invasion of Ukrainian land due to the Russian Federation's inadmissibility of such "arbitrariness" on the part of Ukraine as choosing a pro-European path and democratization. With the acquisition of Independence in Ukraine, there was a reassessment of the values previously declared by the communist authorities, when the dictatorship of the proletariat and the hegemony of the poorest sections of the population were proclaimed. Mass housing construction, as an industry that had to serve as communist propaganda, actually met the minimum needs of the people. This is especially evident when comparing the Soviet heritage and the modern construction of social housing in other countries. The state of war in our country has given us an understanding that the problem of creating social housing is growing in our difficult conditions, covers a huge number of the population that lost their homes as a result of hostilities and takes various forms that need to be identified.

Reviving natural history, building ecological civilisation: the philosophy and social significance of the Natural History Revival Movement in contemporary China

The concept of ecological civilisation has become enshrined in the Chinese constitution as a blueprint for sustainable development based on a changed relationship with nature. Achieving the ecological civilisation, however, is no easy task. True to its socialist one-party system and scientific outlook on development, the Chinese government continues to place emphasis on authoritarian governance and science-based innovation. Alternative approaches to ecological civilisation have received less attention. In this paper, we seek to understand the philosophical and social perspectives offered by the Natural History Revival Movement (NHRM) regarding China’s path to an ecological civilisation. Based on sources collected by means of snowball sampling, we perform a hermeneutic analysis of the NHRM and its meanings. As a philosophy, the NHRM draws on inspiration from a variety of sources, most of which are European. The NHRM, functioning as a social movement, encompasses the growing enthusiasm within Chinese society for naturalist studies and environmental monitoring, rooted in distinct Chinese origins. Examining the NHRM provides a glimpse into different sociotechnical imaginaries in China, aligning with the government’s ecological-civilisation vision yet questioning the methods employed to attain the objective.

Funkcje polityczne parlamentu w Republice Austriackiej

The republican Austrian parliamentarianism has been in a state of permanent crisis since the day it was brought to existence by the Constitution of 1920. Generally speaking, this was due to the fact that the model of liberal parliamentarianism, set up by the constitution, has never corresponded to the requirements and aspirations of the political parties which in 1919 and 1945 stood behind all endeavours after reviving the Austrian state.In the last thirty years the period between 1945—664 witnessed the decline of the functions of the National Council (Nationalrat), whereas in 1966—76 the situation improved to the benefit of the latter. Nevertheless due mention should be made that the revival of the parliamentarianism, after a transfer had been made in Austria into one-party system, brought about the emergence of a new model of parliamentarianism, where authority rested with the government, the party and pressure groups. Consequently the parliament could not remain insensitive to this transformation. The latter resulted in present political functions and the form of constitutional functions, which were the outcome of the changing political situation in the country. Thus the division into three bodies of authority was retained (this, however, did not protect against the overgrowth of the latter), and the reform of the parliament was carried out. When its position in the political system was being established, there was oscilating between „modernizing” on the one hand and limitation of its constitutional powers on the other. The modernizing stood for a new role that the Council was endowed with — i.e. to articulate the interests of the party and pressure groups rather than the nation. With the assistance of the former two the Ausrian parliament became one of the most significant stabilizers of the existing system of political forces. It has transformed from a resolving and supervising organ into an institution which, within a determined political framework, is to safeguard the inviolability of the capitalist system. Thus determined positionnof the Council has already, become permanent within the political system and no changes should be expected in this respect. This is guaranteed by constantly increasing tasks of the state relating to socio-economic issues, as well as by the class-interests of the ruling forces.

The Diplomatic Relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War

This paper focus on the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War, and using Prague Spring which is a reform movement devoted to political democratization and market liberalization of Czechoslovakia as a insertion point to reveal the fundamental logic of the Soviet Union’s government’s foreign policies. With her study, the author’s endeavor is to ascertain the deepest reasons that influence the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union after World War II. With the previous research, the author intends to outline the framework of the changing of the USSR’s foreign polices due to the country under distinct political leaders. The emphasis of this study lies in use three approaches( Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism) to analyze the Soviet Union’s foreign policies. Method of literature review is applied in this research. Detailed information has been acquired by the author about the USSR’s diplomatic policies, and the research has recorded valuable information about the diplomatic histories of Soviet Union. From the study, the author came to realize that ideologies of the USSR was changing over time, and it also strongly influenced by the internal affairs. This research paper demonstrates that the diplomatic policies of the USSR was changing from Neo-realism to Neo-liberalism due to the democratization and liberalization of Soviet Union’s interiors. Ideologically,the leadership position of socialism was abolishedandpolitically the legal status of the ruling party of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was abolished and the one-party system was replaced with a muti-party system. Economically, he abolished the economic structure with state ownership as the major part of the Soviet Union’s economy. This reform movement shows the Neo-liberalism replaced the main position of Neo-realism in ideology of the Soviet Union.

The ambiguities and contradictions of the state-socialist way of women’s emancipation in Hungary (1948-1989). Overview and search for the traces of feminist resistance

The literature about the ex-state-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe raised the questions in what way women benefited from the legislation guaranteeing equal rights and the measures of emancipation during the decades of state socialism. The authors that also argued after 1990, the time of the social, economic and political transitions in the region, that women became the big losers of the changes. The paper aims to reflect on these examinations of gender relations during the state-socialist period and point out the contradictory ways of the introduction of women?s emancipation that led to ambiguous results in the propagated program of gender equality. Furthermore it discusses in which ways women?s positions remained subordinated and how the sexist representations of women increased in public life, the media and culture in Hungary after the 1970?s. A review of the main findings of earlier research accumulated so far concerning women?s lifes and gender relations in Hungary during state socialism will be followed by the question of in what ways these controversies of the system were articulated by the contemporary oppositional voices. Did the activists of the dissident Hungarian democratic opposition embrace the ideas of feminism and women?s issues in their criticism of the one-party system? On the base of contemporary documents and recent interviews with ex-activists it will be examined how feminist voices were articulated, yet controversially marginalized among the dissidents.

The Islamic Experience in Egypt 2012-2013 "historical study"

The birth of the partisan experience in Egypt dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century, when the Egyptian national movement, in the face of the British occupation, resulted in the birth of the National Party, led by Mustafa Kamel Pasha. However, its real birth came after the 1919 revolution, which produced a revolutionary leadership that crystallized organizationally later on. Through the emergence of the Wafd Party, led by Saad Zaghloul Pasha, which represented the revolutionary forces, which carried the banner of achieving the demands of the revolution. And next to him came other parties described as (minority) parties. Egyptian political life knew the culture of elections and the transfer of power. Despite the interventions of the palace and the occupation, which spoiled the experience and emptied it of its content. The failure of the partisan experiment to provide a solution to the national issue, and its neglect of the social issue, caused the July 1952 revolution, which began with a military coup led by the Free Officers Organization. The July 1952 regime dealt with the previous situation through a policy of total demolition. So he decided to finish off the partisan experiment through the decision to cancel political parties. In 1953, after a series of actions targeting the partisan political elite. After that, Egypt followed the so-called one-party system or the one totalitarian organization, whose name was changed from (the Liberation Committee) to (the National Union), then to (the Socialist Union), to (Egypt’s Party) to (the National Party) – the buried – which monopolized ( His publications (The Authority) have been around for nearly 60 years, all of which are multiple names for one entity. Party life is one of the most important features of the democratic development of any society, and its launch requires concerted efforts between the various political forces. In order for us to have true partisan pluralism, in which several strong parties compete, possessing intellectual ingredients, organizational capabilities, financial and intellectual capabilities, and enjoying democracy far from personality and individualism, and representing real mass bases, so do not be mere elite salons, as mature partisanship is a prerequisite for the launch of the democratic experience

Organisation and (Lack of) Democracy in the Chinese Communist Party: A Critical Reading of the Successive Iterations of the Party Constitution

There has always been a lack of democratic life in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Former CCP Secretary General Hu Jintao attempted in the first decade of the twenty-first century to promote reform, including a revision of the party constitution, aimed at enhancing “intra-party democracy” (党内民主, dangnei minzhu). However, Xi Jinping has put on hold this plan, fully restoring the verticality of the institution where it may have been weakened. This article has three objectives. First, it compares the successive versions or iterations of the CCP constitution in the last 100 years and analyses all the changes related to democratic centralism, elections, and democracy that have been introduced. Then, it assesses Hu's reforms and their failure. Finally, it explains why the CCP cannot reform and democratise as long as it remains a party-state and China remains a one-party system.

Türkiye’de Siyasi Partiler Arası Rekabette Din-Devlet İlişkilerine Dair Tartışmalar: Millet Partisi Örneği

The Second World War had significant economic and political results for Turkey and the rest of the world. After 1945, Turkey abandoned the one-party system of government, switched to a multi-party-political system, and started to liberalize in the economic and political fields. In this process, adversaries occurred within the Republican People’s Party, the nation’s founding party, to reconstruct Turkey’s political system. Accordingly, the opponent groups formed new parties, first the Democratic Party and then the Nation Party. In this period, religion-state relations was reshaped in the light of new paradigms, and the strict secularism mentality adopted by the Republican regime was questioned. These shifts affected the discourses of political parties so that each party repositioned itself towards religion. This study aims to discuss the policies of the Nation Party, which has developed new and original discourses in the context of religion-state relations and secularism. It also reveals the points where it differs from the other two parties. The issue of the study is related to an early period of multi-party system in Turkey. Therefore, analyzing the policies of the Nation Party, which was able to offer very liberal and radical proposals at such an earlier period, around the debates in the Turkish Grand National Assembly, will make significant contributions to Turkish political history.