Olusegun Obasanjo Research Articles

Recent Changes of Guards at the Central Bank of Nigeria

The appointment of a new governor to lead the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) from June 2014 to June 2019 brings the number of persons so appointed since 29 May 1999 to four, although only the last two appointments were made after the 2007 CBN Act was signed into law on 28 May 2007. Joseph Sanusi (1999-2004) and Charles Soludo (2004-2009) had been appointed by President Olusegun Obasanjo, while Lamido Sanusi (2009-2014) was nominated by President Umar Yar’adua and confirmed by the Senate, and President Goodluck Jonathan has lately nominated Godwin Emefiele for 2014-2019. He has since been confirmed by the Senate and has assumed duty on the 4th of June 2014. The occasion affords us the opportunity to reflect on what our lessons from the preceding three regimes can teach us about the next five years. It is instructive to note that while the CBN Act had always allowed for a possible maximum of two terms of five years each, none of the three persons to occupy the office so far had been deemed fit for second terms in office, each tending to assume office with seemingly very high credibility only for such credibility to be eroded before the first five-year term is up. This raises a lot of questions: Is Nigeria developing a Single-Term Syndrome? Or, why do Nigeria’s CBN Governors find it so difficult to succeed? Why do they end up failing so catastrophically? Why is it that Nigeria (specifically the President and the 109-member strong Senate specifically) do not know how to appoint CBN Governors who will be successful (at least in their first five years). Will Mr. Emefiele now break the jinx?

Passive Accomplice or Active Acquiescent to Corruption in Nigeria? Evidence from Newspapers’ Sourcing of Information on Corruption from 2000 - 2006

This paper uses content analysis to examine newspapers’ source use in news of corruption between 2000 and 2006 during Olusegun Obasanjo government’s deliberate public policy against the malaise in Nigeria. It examined the sources of news on corruption to discover whose information is presented and to determine whether newspapers showed enterprise and employed investigation to challenge powerful interests and eradicate corruption or they merely acted as agents of such powerful interests behind corruption and reinforced the status quo. The paper found that government/official sources were the most frequently used sources of information on corruption and that newspapers favoured only the official definition of corruption. The paper concludes that by relying heavily on l government sources to represent corruption, newspapers more or less actively acquiesced to the status quo on corruption hence journalists lack the courage to investigative and help curb corruption in Nigeria. Until journalists recognise the need for providing pluralistic information about corruption from a diversity and range of sources and multiplicity of perspectives or opinions, they can hardly mobilise possible collective action against corruption in Nigeria and be active participants in strengthening and facilitating democracy.

Resource governance and the challenges of community development in the Nigerian bitumen belt

On March 17, 2003, Olusegun Obasanjo, then the Nigerian President performed a groundbreaking ceremony to signal the commercial mining of bitumen under a neoliberal resource governance framework. This ceremony marks an important threshold in the history of bitumen development in Nigeria. Ever since bitumen, also known as heavy oil or tarsand, was discovered in 1900 (GCU, 1980: 10), attempts towards developing it have been undermined by political and socioeconomic challenges that persist within the bitumen bearing region (henceforth, Bitumen Belt), and a problematic governance framework. However, the Nigerian federal government׳s decision to adopt a neoliberal mining strategy towards bitumen extraction opened a new frontier in the discourse on resource governance and the socio-economic development of resource endowed communities in Nigeria. This paper explores the connection between the bitumen governance regime and the community development challenges of the bitumen belt. In doing so, the paper explores the contradictions inherent in the use of a neoliberal mining framework for resource extraction in a rentier capitalist economy like Nigeria and its implications for community development. It argues that the underlying issues of concern to bitumen bearing communities must be captured in the resource governance framework in order to ensure its sustainability and acceptance.

English

Intergovernmental relation is a necessary political tool for mutual intertwines among the levels of government for the realization and facilitation of government goals and objectives. Intergovernmental wrangling has been a morphological characteristic of Nigerian federalism. The 1999 Nigerian constitution stipulates unequivocal and unambiguous demarcation of functions, powers and jurisdictional ecology within the purview of Nigerian political framework. However, lack of economic justice occasioned by jurisdictional scruples tortured intergovernmental relations during the political regime of former President Olusegun Obasanjo administration in the fourth republic in Nigeria. This study therefore x-rayed chronological crusades of intergovernmental relation conflicts and resource control in the fourth republic in Nigeria. Methodology employed in this study was derived from secondary sources of data collection, such as:  newspaper reports, textbooks, and academic journals. It also adopted interactive and conflict resolution theory to re-echo how best to manage intergovernmental relation conflicts in Nigerian federal-state. This work concludes that intergovernmental relation is a necessary political synergy for the actualization and implementation of government policies and programmes. Therefore, justice, fairness and equity in the allocation of economic resources that endure tolerance and cooperation are veritable weapons to mitigate intergovernmental relation conflicts in Nigerian federalism. Keywords: Intergovernmental Relation, Conflict, Federalism, Resource Control, Fourth Republic, Nigeria.

Critical Discourse Analysis of Interpersonal Meaning and Power Relations in Selected Inaugural Political Speeches in Nigeria

The paper discusses interpersonal meaning in two inaugural political speeches of Nigerian past leaders – President Olusegun Obasanjo’s “The New Dawn” (1999) and Alhaji Shehu Shagari (1979). The focus is on aspects of the Mood structure of the clause that emphasize meaning as exchange of information, goods and services between interactants, namely, the Subject; and the speech functions of the clause as propositions or proposals and vocatives. A total of 178 and 161 clauses were selected from the two speeches respectively and analyzed using Halliday’s systemic functional grammar (SFG) model and insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA). Our findings showed a deliberate oscillation between the use of singular Subject (I) and Plural Subject (We); rhetoric that in turns seems to take credit for positive achievement and divest responsibility for negative representations. The vocatives were also strategically positioned to assert solidarity, to ostensibly gain rapport and help to legitimize the power and hegemonic regime of the speakers. There was also high prevalence of propositions as against proposals giving the impression of more words and less action. The paper concludes that Nigerian politicians should be more committed to the proposals that offer goods and services to their subjects rather than making propositions that serve purely informative functions.Keywords: interpersonal meaning, critical discourse analysis, political discourse, power relations, systemic functional linguistics, inaugural political speechesUJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities vol 14 (2) 2013

Newspapers’ Constitutional Responsibility of Holding Government Accountable to the People in Nigeria: Some Seemingly Unassailable Challenges?

This paper reviews roles newspapers can play in curbing corruption and what seemingly unassailable challenges they faced in facilitating the anti-corruption crusade by Olusegun Obasanjo administration between 1999 and 2007 in Nigeria. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (amended) says the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy and uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people of Nigeria The paper observes that while newspapers can fulfill these social and constitutional responsibilities in both tangible and intangible ways, the effectiveness of newspapers in acting as forces against corruption in Nigeria is, however, threatened by factors both intrinsic and extrinsic to the media such as official immunity and secrecy, lack of access to official information, moral obligations to the ethnic community, professional integrity and responsibility, editorial independence, physical threats, harsh economic realities and more. The paper concludes that unless these challenges are surmounted, newspapers may largely remain stymied in their anti-corruption roles and functions and hardly be useful in any efforts to curb corruption in the country. KEY WORDS Newspapers, Corruption, Anti-Corruption Crusade, Challenges, Constitutional Responsibility

Rotational Presidency And Political Corruption In Nigeria: A Critical Evaluation Of President Obasanjo And Umoru Musa Yar’ Adua’s Regime, 1999-2010

This article examines whether rotational Presidency has contributed towards reducing political corruption in Nigeria during the regimes of President Olusegun Obasanjo from 1999 to 2007 and President Umoru Musa Yar’Adua from 2007 to 2010. The article notes that political corruption was not reduced by rotational Presidency. Political corruption was at its highest ebb during the regimes under study. The paper contends that Nigeria’s democracy especially the one that commenced from May 29, 1999 was born with persistent political corruption. The article suggested that a lot need to be done by the anti-corruption agencies like the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) and the Independent and Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC). They should intensify their efforts and do their jobs without fear of favour, and people of proven integrity should always be appointed at the helm of affairs of these commissions, without any form of interference from the government of the day.

A Survey On Administrative Efficiency Of Pension Fund Institutions In Nigeria (Evidence from Legacy Pension, Sokoto State)

The importance of providing a means of livelihood for employees who have spent their precious time serving in either public or private sector can never be overemphasized. It was in the light of the above that the Nigerian Government under President Olusegun Obasanjo promulgated the 2004 Pension Reform Act led to adoption of pension system that is Contributory and fully funded in nature, the Act provided for the establishment of Pension Fund Administrators (PFAs) vested with the responsibilities of managing and investing the pension contributions of employees among others. It has been gathered that from 2006 to 2009, pension assets has witnessed a tremendous increase of about N265 billion in 2006 to N1.3 trillion in 2009. It was also believed that the New Pension Scheme addressed the pension deficit of more than N2 trillion incurred by the old pension scheme. This research is aimed assessing the level of employee perception to the 2004 Pension Reform, ascertaining the level of employees perceptions to the services rendered to them by their PFAs and also to know the degree of administrative efficiency of Pension Fund Administrators. A survey research design was employed in the study whereby 60 respondents all of whom are clients of Legacy Pension Fund Administrator were selected from a number of 11 organizations as samples to represent the population of the study. The study finds out that; even if the 2004 pension reform Act is well implemented, it cannot be able to address the challenges of the Old Pension Scheme; clients are given an optimum motivation by their PFAs capable of retaining them; PFAs have both human and material resources, administrative and financial expertise to efficiently manage clients’ pension funds.

English

In extant literature the role of the individual has been disregarded as a potent force driving and moderating international relations. The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is one agency of international relations, being an international organization in the African continent. In the studies so far on the NEPAD as an agency of international relations concerning Africa, the role of individuals has also hardly been touched, thus leaving a vacuum in the analysis and understanding of the African affairs. NEPAD has been criticized by scholars who are either skeptical of its prospects or see its leaders as lacking vision and bereft of political will. Some scholars have viewed the entire NEPAD framework as a failure, moreover. However, the works on NEPAD have failed to underscore the influence and contributions of individuals and personalities in the organization at realizing its objectives (or otherwise), as an agency of international relations. Taking an analytical bent, this study particularly focuses on the role of Olusegun Obasanjo as NEPAD’s Head of State and Government Implementation Committee (HSGIC) between 2001 and 2003. Drawing from the various leadership theories and perspectives in the available literature, the research particularly adopts Michael Schechter’s model for analyzing leadership in international organizations, a model stressing the systemic, organizational and personality factors. In the conclusion, Obasanjo is found to have made significantly acclaimed contributions at realizing NEPAD’s policy goals. Key words: Obasanjo’s leadership, African Union, Committee of Heads of State and Government, NEPAD.

Nigeria's Quest to Recover Looted Assets: The Abacha Affair

After a successful transition to democratic rule in 1999, Nigeria launched a high-profile campaign aimed at securing the repatriation of looted public funds being held in foreign banks. This campaign was championed by President Olusegun Obasanjo, a long-standing critic of corrupt military regimes and co-founder of the global anti-corruption NGO Transparency International, throughout his eight-year tenure. By the time Obasanjo left office in May 2007, he had secured the recovery of approximately 2 billion USD in assets and triggered some vital international initiatives against money laundering. However, his efforts were hampered by a combination of local and external obstacles. Externally, the campaign was marked by the absence of sufficient international political will. While at the domestic level, it was undermined by a lack of transparency, the excessive fixation with the Abacha loot, inadequate legal and accounting skills, the uncooperative attitude of accused persons and limited domestic political will. This paper illustrates how these issues have combined to frustrate moves to recover Nigeria's stolen billions sitting in the West.

Nation-building Initiatives of the Olusegun Obasanjo Administration in the Fourth Republic, 1999-2007

For much of its existence, Nigeria was governed by the military. From 1960 to 2007, a total of forty-seven years, the military ruled for twenty-nine years. The remaining eighteen years was taken up by civilian rule. The search for a functional and cohesive Nigeria was a constant leitmotiv that ran throughout the period. This search is what has been termed nation-building. The federal government of Nigeria was confronted with important nation-building challenges between 1999 and 2007. Some of these nation-building challenges are those of democracy, corruption, federalism and aggressive ethno-regionalism. By 1999, when Nigeria’s Fourth Republic was inaugurated, most of these nation-building challenges were yet to be resolved. When Chief Olusegun Obasanjo became the first civilian president in the Fourth Republic in 1999, he was confronted with the task of creating a functional and cohesive Nigerian polity. Thus, the central questions that this paper addresses are: 1. What are the mechanisms the Olusegun Obasanjo administration used to tackle Nigeria's nation-building challenges between 1999 and 2007? 2. What are the specific programmes the administration used in the nationbuilding process? 3. What are the nation-building challenges that confronted Nigeria between 1999 and 2007? Keywords: Nigeria, Nation-building, fourth republic, Obasanjo, challenges.

Lexicalisation and Discursive Expression of Power in Olusegun Obasanjo�s Speeches

Lexicalisation and Discursive Expression of Power in Olusegun Obasanjo�s Speeches

Factors in Mass Media, Third-Term Agenda and Governance in Nigeria

There are plethora of contending reasons for the failure of the third-term agenda embarked upon by the erstwhile President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo to elongate his term of office from the constitutional two terms to a third term. Although no single account is sufficient to explain the failure and its implications on the festering governance crisis in the country, one key point of convergence is that the media played a pivotal role in ensuring public education on the contentious issue. The study therefore assessed the influence of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s policies on the role of mass media against the Third Term Agenda. It also attempts to verify the actual nature of the role of mass media in the Third Term Agenda and investigated the influence of ethnicity and media ownership on the role of the mass media in the Third Term Agenda. It further examined the efforts of the mass media in the emergence of the Fourth Republic in Nigeria. This was with a view to assessing the roles of the mass media in President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Third Term Agenda. The study utilized both primary and secondary data. A total of 170 copies of questionnaire were distributed among members of political parties, academia, journalists, pro-democracy groups and relevant NGOs. The selected respondents were: two members of five major political parties; twenty scholars from recognized academic institutions in Nigeria; three journalists each from three dailies and two weekly newspapers; one member of staff of FRCN in five States as well as National Television Authority staff members: and two members of staff each from state owned radio and television stations in the sampled states; five members of staff each from Private radio stations; five members of staff each from two private television stations; five members of five pro-democracy Non Governmental Organisations across Nigeria; and five members of staff each from National Broadcasting Corporation and Ministry of Information. The secondary sources included books, journal, dailies, among others. The primary data were analysed using the descriptive and inferential statistics while the secondary data were subjected to content analysis. The results showed that 37.2% of the responded clearly that government’s policy did not impact the role of the mass media on the third term agenda. It also, the study showed that the mass media played agenda setting role upon which other actors based their agitations in the third term agenda (54.3 per cent) and that ethnicity did not condition the role of the mass media. Furthermore, the result showed that privately owned media outlets provided a quantum of agitation against the third term agenda. Finally, the mass media were major actors in the race that birthed the fourth republic and in the quest to ensure the preservation of the democracy. The study concluded that the mass media, maintained an approach and strategy that were largely encapsulated in aggressive attack and criticism rather than an educative effort that is capable of nurturing a democracy. KEY WORDS - Mass Media, Democracy/democratization, Third-Term Agenda, Tenure Elongation.

The Sublimeness of Sleaze in the NNPC in the Fourth Republic, 1999 – 2007: A Historical Conspectus

The discovery of crude oil in Nigeria in 1956 ushered in hope for economic prosperity and rapid developmental opportunities for the nation. Hence, in subsequent years, the Federal Government established the Nigerian National Oil Company (NNOC), a regulatory body to monitor and regulate oil production activities. However, the inefficiency and lapses in NNOC resulted in the emergence of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in 1977. Nonetheless, the new agency had been a subject of criticism consequent upon its inadequacy to manage, monitor and control oil production and accountability within and outside the country. The inefficiency over the years assumed an unprecedented progression which metamorphosed into sublime of sleaze in the Fourth Republic. It is in the light of this malfeasance that the discourse examines in historical perspective the decadence of decorum in NNPC in the Fourth Republic. The methodology is thematic, chronological and analytical making use of primary and secondary sources. The scholarly essay posited that NNPC under the ex-president, Olusegun Obasanjo’s eight years in office witnessed the most scandalous sleaze the oil sector had ever experienced. The paper offered some caveats for NNPC operations in subsequent years if Nigeria must reap the reward ? in all ramifications ? of the oil discovery in 1956. Key words : Sublimeness, Sleaze, NNPC, Fourth Republic

Economic History and Development of Port Harcourt, 1912-2003: An Analysis

This study is an analysis of origin and establishment of Port Harcourt, how land was acquired and how a small Port Harcourt settlement developed into a flourishing urban centre. The process by which this transformation took place was analysed, using theoretical framework of some relevant theories of development and growth models enunciated by different scholars, whose studies were also reviewed. We made a critique of underdevelopment and growth paradigms; and also problems we encountered in course of this study. Our findings revealed that companies were either colonially created or that its operations or activities were dependent on advanced countries with its main links for inputs, markets, management, finance and technology. The study concludes that positive forces of development were favourable to Port Harcourt and today city is the goose that lays golden egg for Nigeria and it is popularly known as Treasure base of Nigeria, with Nigeria's discovery of oil and gas in 1956. I. Introduction This study examines establishment, economic development and growth of Port Harcourt city, fro m 1912 to 2003. The role of government in economic development of City, and assessment of degree of its economic develop ment vis -a-vis objective of its creation, will also be analysed. Additionally, it is hoped that understanding of above thematic studies would help to explain reason behind domination of Economic Sector o f Port Harcourt by non -indigenes. It was ease with which non-indigenous inhabitants acquired land and dominated various economic activ ities in City that made them to assert that Port Harcourt was a no man's land. As this study is an exposition of economic develop ment of Port Harcourt from its creation in 1912- 2003, it will add to knowledge about Nigerian co mmunit ies generally and Port Harcourt in particular. Also, enlightenment of this study is likely to attract attention of further studies by scholars and academicians in field of economic h istory of Port Harcourt. We have chosen period 1912 - 2003 because Port Harcourt was created in 1912 and 2003 marked end of civilian admin istration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo's first tenure in office as President and Co mmander-in-Chief of Armed Forces of Federal Republic o f Nigeria. Statement Of The Problem Scholars have not paid attention to Economic History of Port Harcourt, despite fact that this city was a deliberate creation of colonial government as a Sea Port terminal. The first work on Economic History of Port Harcourt was researcher's Master degree thesis titled: An Economic History of Port Harcourt 1912- 1975. It is appalling to note that this aspect of history has been neglected. Most research work on Port Harcourt was written by geographers, economists, sociologists and political scientists. None has documented in any depth economic history of Port Harcourt. This is in contrast to (Harald, Hagemann and George Erber, p.12) view, that economic factor is a major factor worth consideration in any historical interpretation. Also (U. O. A. Esse p. 3) emphasized that economic factors and offered exp lanations for most of decisions and actions of rulers. The challenge of this study will unravel fo llo wing problems: (a) To ascertain rate of economic develop ment and growth of Port Harcourt between 1912 and 2003; As our study itself is an analysis of economic history of Port Harcourt, it is our hope that it will add to existing historical knowledge of Nigerian communities and cities; (b) The rate and pattern of economic development of City we have analyzed, should guide scholars in their assessment of impact of colonialis m and operations of mult inational corporations

Assessment of Application of Due-Process Policy in Public Procurement and Contracts Under Obasanjo Administration in Nigeria, 2003-2007

Many Nigerians identify corruption and poverty as the bane of the nation’s development paralysis. The Obasanjo administration in the country was determined to enthrone the principle of transparency and accountability in public life in Nigeria. The government of President Olusegun Obasanjo believes that without probity in public life, the ultimate aim of providing for the happiness and welfare of the citizenry will be an illusion. It is in the light of the above that the government embarked on a number of public sector reform programmes aimed at blocking leakages of all sorts in public sector service delivery and transactions. The official instrument designed to achieve this much desired honesty, transparency and accountability in the conduct of government business especially in the award of contracts and procurement in the ministries, parastatals and departments in Nigeria is the introduction of the Due Process Policy. Key words: Due process; Public procurement; Administration

Nation-Building Initiatives of the Olusegun Obasanjo Administration in the Fourth Republic, 1999-2007

For much of its existence, Nigeria was governed by the military. From 1960 to 2007, a total of forty-seven years, the military ruled for twenty-nine years. The remaining eighteen years was taken up by civilian rule. The search for a functional, viable and cohesive Nigeria was a constant leitmotiv that ran throughout the period. This search is what has been termed nation-building. The different military and civilian administrations that ruled Nigeria between 1960 and 2007 were confronted with important challenges that impacted negatively on the country’s nation-building process. Some of these nation-building challenges are those of democracy, autarky, corruption, federalism and aggressive ethno-regionalism. By 1999, when the Nigeria Fourth Republic was inaugurated, most of these nation-building challenges were yet to be resolved. When Chief Olusegun Obasanjo became the first civilian president in the Fourth Republic in 1999, he was confronted with the Herculean task of creating a functional, viable and cohesive Nigerian polity. Obasanjo's administration successfully conducted federal elections in 2003, the second federal elections in the Fourth Republic, in which he was re-elected. The successful conduct ensured the sustenance of democratic rule in Nigeria. This means that during the Fourth Republic, Obasanjo governed Nigeria from 1999-2007. Thus, the central question which this paper seeks to address is what are the mechanisms the Obasanjo’s administration used to tackle Nigeria's nation-building challenges? This paper is divided into four parts. The first part is the introduction, which provides a historical overview of Nigeria's socio-political scene. The second part provides a brief historical overview of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration between 1999 and 2007. The third part is the conceptual clarification of nation-building. The fourth part, which is the main body of the paper, analyzes the various mechanisms used by the Obasanjo’s administration in Nigeria’s nation-building process between 1999 and 2007. The final part of the paper is the conclusion.

Negotiating to save lives

In November 2008, former President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, searching for ways to ease a catastrophic crisis in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), came under intense criticism for calling the Congolese general, Laurent Nkunda, “my brother.” Nkunda was accused by the DRC Government of war crimes and was under investigation by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. At the time, I led the Great Lakes Team in the Department of Peacekeeping Operations in New York and was responsible for oversight of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), and the United Nations Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB). Nkunda occupied much of my thoughts.

Shadows of Development In the New Poetry of the Niger Delta

Sprawling southern extremity of Nigeria in west coast of Africa is a mass of wetlands lacerated by tortuous rivers and creeks. It is Delta. With an area of about 70,000 square kilometres, it boasts the 3rd largest contiguous mangrove forest in world (http://mangroveactionproject.org/). As far back as in 2003, Development Commission (NDDC) had estimated that region was home to about 20 million people representing 40 different ethnic groups speaking about 250 languages and dialects covering more than 5,000 communities (The Journey so Far 18).Until 2000, when Nigeria's President at time, Olusegun Obasanjo, created Development Commission as a development intervention instrument for impoverished region, Niger Delta was essentially a geographical label for delta of River with its other major and minor tributaries that empty into Atlantic Ocean. With creation of that Commission, term began to designate not merely cartographical delta communities of Rivers, Bayelsa, and States but also became a regional nomenclature for all coastal and southern Nigeria states where crude was being produced. The six others were: three coastal states of Edo, Akwa Ibom, and Cross River, and other three in family of nine oil producing states: Abia, Imo, and Ondo States.This nomenclatorial intervention of economic politics into geography has lately beckoned a critical distinction between cartographical that is naturally defined by River and its tributaries, and politicoeconomic that is contiguous with nine oil producing states, as defined by government of Nigeria.The delta is an endowed region, accounting for over 90% of Nigeria's foreign earnings from and gas, and about 60% of federally distributed revenue. It is also credited by NDDC with reserves of about 30 million barrels, and gas reserves of about 160 trillion cubit feet (The Journey so Far 18). The Commission, however, laments that despite its rich resources, [the Delta] has one of most crushing poverty levels in world (18). In fact, in his Foreword to same publication while he was Chairman of Commission, Chief Onyema Ugochukwu remarks:Since 1950's, petroleum operations have caused great devastations to Delta. These have impacted negatively on fishing and farming which are no longer productive enough to feed area. In Ogoni land for instance, food is now imported in an area once known as food basket of Delta.Although all major explorations and production companies are located in region, it is still least developed area of Nigeria (11).The Chairman goes on to list some of government intervention programmes since colonial times, which have little impact in development landscape of region: Henry Williams Commission (1958), Development Board (1960), River Basin Development Board Authority, Presidential Task Force, Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Authority (OMPADEC) (11), all of which became institutional carcasses that littered path to regional development. Encarta adds that even Federal Environmental Protection Agency (FEPA) set up to address problems of desertification, pollution, and land degradation had had only a minor impact. Dorina Bekoe blames this partly on topography of region that made it relatively inaccessible, and on long period of military rule in Nigeria. Prof. G.G. Darah also cites palliative efforts of Henry Willink's Development Board (NDDB) (1960), which blamed its failures on difficult and hazardous terrain, for which has suffered neglect for centuries (http://www.nigerianbestforum.com/ generaltopics/?p=9594).To differing degrees of creative competence, this denial of development to a region whose resources have been used to develop other parts of nation, has constituted enticing and compelling theme. …

Imperial Presidency and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

Political competition and participation are crucial to democratic consolidation. Legal and formal guarantees for political competition and participation are nullified by imperial exercise of presidential powers. This paper argues that the presidency of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo fostered one-party domination and in effect derogated from political competition and participation. His instruments were party machinery, the Independent National Electoral Commission, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, and state agents of force. To achieve democratic consolidation in Nigeria, the independence of critical political structures and state agencies should be strengthened to enable them to discharge their constitutional duties without presidential interference.