Null Arguments Research Articles

On the C/edge linking mechanism. Evidence from Polish

AbstractThe main aim of the paper is to examine Polish data from the perspective of Sigurðsson’s (2011, 2014) theory of C/edge linking. The crucial point of the theory lies in the hypothesis that phases are equipped with silent edge features which enable narrow syntax to link to context. All definite arguments, overt as well as null arguments, must be successfully C/edge linked, e.g. they have to match at least one feature in the broad C-domain.The present study focuses on utterances in Polish with direct object expressed as pronoun or null.The account proves successful in explaining some distributional patterns of null vs. pronoun objects in Polish. The Polish data investigated in this study indicates that the theory of silent edge linkers providing a communication channel for syntax and context is a step towards understanding the relation between syntax and pragmatics better.

Sluicing, Sprouting and Missing Objects

Abstract Taking “sluicing” to be derived by movement + deletion, as represented by Merchant (2001), and “pseudo-sluicing” to be a base-generated structure [pro (+be) + wh] (going by Wei 2004; Adams 2004), this paper reviews arguments for and against the presence of a sluicing construction in Mandarin Chinese. We show that all the tests available in the literature do not argue against the presence of such a sluicing construction, except the test building on the distribution of the copula shi. Unfortunately, the shi test is demonstrated to be uncertain and it cannot be used to argue conclusively that only a base-generation pseudo-sluicing analysis should be adopted. We show that a much clear evidence for an exclusive pseudo-sluicing analysis comes from the behavior of the sprouting construction. Investigation of sprouting also sheds light on the properties of null arguments, topic-variable relation, locality, and subcategorization of verbs in the language.

Shared Arguments in Modern Standard Arabic

This paper discusses shared arguments in coordinate structures in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). It assumes that a shared argument between two conjuncts can be a subject or an object. The paper uses the lexical-functional grammar (LFG) framework for analyzing this kind of structure. In LFG, the two possible analyses for similar structures involve analyzing the shared argument as bearing two functions in the two conjuncts. The first analysis is the split analysis, where the shared argument is zipped to both conjuncts by assuming that the verb phrases in both conjuncts are split. The second analysis is function spreading, in which the function of the shared argument is spread from one conjunct to another. This paper argues that the previous analyses in LFG have faced some problems in accounting for this phenomenon in MSA. To solve these problems, this paper contributes a new analysis for shared arguments that involves analyzing the missing argument, whether it is a subject or an object, as a null argument.

On the interpretation of null arguments in L2 Japanese by European <i>non-pro-drop</i> and <i>pro-drop</i> language speakers

We report that (i) European pro-drop language learners of Japanese as a foreign language (L1 Spanish) (pro-drop JFLs) allowed a sloppy interpretation of null arguments beginning at the primary stage of L2 development, and that (ii) European non-pro-drop JFL learners (non-pro-drop JFLs) did not permit a sloppy interpretation with null arguments even at an advanced level. Under Ishino’s (2012) framework, we argue that the results for the pro-drop JFLs follow from positive L1 transfer, given that Spanish, their first language, permits a sloppy interpretation with null subjects in some well-defined contexts (Duguine, 2013, 2014), and also that the non-pro-drop advanced JFLs’ availability of null arguments stems from the addition of a D-feature to the feature bundles of the target language.

Information structure in canonical and scrambled dative orders in L2 Korean

AbstractThe Given-before-New Principle holds in adult speech: Given information tends to precede new information. For instance, in the English dative alternation, the given-theme – i.e., the direct object [DO] – tends to precede the new-recipient – i.e., the indirect object [IO] – in the prepositional dative (e.g.,John gave the books to some children), while the given-recipient tends to precede the new-theme in the double object dative (e.g.,John gave the children some books). Likewise, in Korean datives, the given-recipient tends to occur earlier in the canonical [IO–DO] order, while the given-theme tends to occur earlier in the scrambled [DO–IO] order. This study investigates whether L1-English adult L2ers of Korean, who have knowledge of the Given-before-New Principle in their L1, automatically adhere to it in their interlanguage. L2ers’ choices between canonical and scrambled dative orders were tested using novel oral contextualized preference tasks. The native speakers of Korean overwhelmingly complied with the Given-before-New Principle. However, the intermediate-to-advanced L2ers exhibited a strong bias for the (default) canonical [IO–DO] order, which apparently overrode the Given-before-New Principle. The findings of analyses by group and by individual are discussed in terms of frequency, syntactic complexity, processing, and null arguments.

Elide me bare

In this paper, I argue that the traditional analysis of null arguments—subjects and objects—in American Sign Language needs to be re-evaluated. It is typically assumed that in the absence of agreement, the null argument is either a topic-bound variable or a silent pronoun (pro). I introduce novel data that pose a problem for both of these views. As the null argument is subjected to a variety of diagnostics, I demonstrate that it is best analyzed as a case of ellipsis of a non-branching argument of the verb—a bare NP.

The acquisition of L2 English non-null arguments by L1 Thai learners

The study explored the acquisition of L2 English non-null arguments by L1 Thai learners, that is, whether they were able to recognize and correct sentences with null arguments. Two variables which presumably affected the acquisition, namely clause types and prepositional phrases (PPs), were employed. A grammaticality judgment task (GJT) was administered to 31 intermediate and 31 advanced undergraduate L1 Thai students. The results suggested that sensitivity to recognize null arguments increased with higher proficiency. Paired-samples t-tests were performed to determine whether the two variables affected the acquisition. For the intermediate group, it was found that both clause types and PPs affected their judgments. We propose that perceptual salience could account for the intermediate participants' preference for null embedded subjects over null matrix subjects and that the lack of argument/adjunct knowledge could account for the intermediate participants' preference for null object sentences followed by a PP over null object sentences without a PP following. For the advanced group, it was found that clause types affected their judgment. We propose that informal styles of communication influenced the advanced participants' preference for null matrix subjects.

Phases and argument ellipsis in Japanese

This article investigates the nature of Japanese null arguments. Although it has been more or less standardly assumed that Japanese null arguments are empty pronouns, recent literature has shown that they can also be derived via argument ellipsis based on the fact that they can yield readings that pronouns generally cannot support (Oku in A theory of selection and reconstruction in the minimalist program, 1998; Saito in Lang Res 43: 203–227, 2007; Takahashi in: Miyagawa and Saito (eds) The Oxford handbook of Japanese linguistics, Oxford University Press, New York, 2008a, in Linguist Inq 39:307–326, 2008b, among others). Most of the literature on argument ellipsis has discussed its availability, while less attention has been paid to the issue of the conditions under which ellipsis of arguments is possible. This article focuses on this issue. Specifically, building on Abe’s (in: Hoshi (ed.) The dynamics of the language faculty: Perspectives from linguistics and cognitive neuroscience, Kuroshio Publishers, Tokyo, 2009) observation that argument ellipsis is not freely available, I argue that argument ellipsis is locally phase-constrained (cf. Chomsky in Martin et al. (eds) Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, MIT, Cambridge, 2000; in Kenstowicz (ed) Ken Hale: A life in language, MIT, Cambridge, 2001, and seq.), developing a particular phase-based approach to argument ellipsis which is shown to have consequences for Abe’s (in: Hoshi (ed.) The dynamics of the language faculty: Perspectives from linguistics and cognitive neuroscience, Kuroshio Publishers, Tokyo, 2009) anti-c-command generalization regarding the availability of argument ellipsis and Takahashi’s (in: Laurencot (eds) University of Connecticut working papers in linguistics 5, University of Connecticut, Storrs, 1996a; in: Uchibori and Yatsushiro (eds) University of Connecticut working papers in linguistics 7: Papers in honor of Mamoru Saito, University of Connecticut, Storrs, 1996b) “Antecedent-Contained Deletion” in Japanese. The approach developed in this article thus provides a tool which contributes to our understanding of the context in which the ellipsis-indicating readings are/are not available with Japanese null arguments.

Wide-focus subject-verb inversion in Ibero-Romance: A locative account

This paper explores the hypothesis that wide-focus subject-verb inversion in Ibero-Romance is a type of locative inversion, involving a null locative argument. Ibero-Romance displays fine-grained, systematic variation determined by verbal class and variety, offering evidence that Ibero-Romance neutral word order is SVO, rather than VSO as claimed by some null-subject accounts. It is proposed that ‘locative’ subject-verb inversion is a consequence of grammatically-encoded deictic features correlating with the semantic properties of the verbs involved. The locative element, available unequally across Ibero-Romance, can surface in different positions in the left periphery, yielding the variation encountered. The data indicate that the licensing of these constructions depends neither on the null-subject parameter, since this type of inversion also occurs in non- and partial null-subject varieties, nor on the unaccusative/unergative division, though in both cases a degree of correspondence exists.

Language interaction effects in bimodal bilingualism

Abstract The focus of the paper is a phenomenon well documented in both monolingual and bilingual English acquisition: argument omission. Previous studies have shown that bilinguals acquiring a null and a non-null argument language simultaneously tend to exhibit unidirectional cross-language interaction effects — the non-null argument language remains unaffected but over-suppliance of overt elements in the null argument language is observed. Here subject and object omission in both ASL (null argument) and English (non-null argument) of young ASL-English bilinguals is examined. Results demonstrate that in spontaneous English production, ASL-English bilinguals omit subjects and objects to a higher rate, for longer, and in unexpected environments when compared with English monolinguals and bilinguals; no effect on ASL is observed. Findings also show that the children differentiate between their two languages — rates of argument omission in English are different during ASL vs. English target sessions differ. Implications for the general theory of bilingual effects are offered.

Subject-object asymmetries in Persian argument ellipsis and the anti-agreement theory

We investigate the distribution of argument ellipsis in Persian in the context of the recent debate concerning the derivation of null arguments. Using sloppy/quantificational interpretations of elided arguments, we show that Persian exhibits subject-object elliptical asymmetries. We develop various arguments against the Verb-Stranding VP-ellipsis analysis of the subject-object asymmetry. We argue instead that the asymmetry in question is captured by the anti-agreement theory (Saito 2007). Our analysis predicts that the logical subject in Persian should be able to permit argument ellipsis when it is not in the position associated with φ-feature agreement. We show that this prediction is indeed borne out in several syntactic constructions whose inanimate plural subjects do not enter into an agreement relation with any functional head such as T. We also briefly explore one significant consequence of our analysis for the proper treatment of the so-called differential object marker –râ and conclude that this marker is the default morphological case in the technical sense of Marantz (1991).

On the (non)-existence of verb-stranding ellipsis in Chinese

This paper develops the empirical and theoretical basis for the necessity in admitting the operation of verb-stranding ellipsis (VVPE) in Chinese. I present new arguments showing that, though two analytic possibilities — null argument analysis and VVPE analysis — are in principle available in the grammar of Chinese, they can be differentiated in specific syntactic environments. In particular, I show that the existing null argument approaches would have difficulty in accounting for the following facts: disjunction of multi-constituent elements under negation, the difference of island effects in the presence of a linguistic antecedent, the verb identity requirement and the possibility of having part of the idiomatic expression as the missing gap. Therefore, it is argued that VVPE must remain a viable syntactic operation in Chinese when a null object analysis is unavailable.

Object pronouns, clitics, and omissions in child Polish and Ukrainian

ABSTRACTPolish and Ukrainian pattern together syntactically in allowing various omissions in the same discourse settings, for example, when the referring element has been mentioned in a previous context. However, Ukrainian employs full object pronouns morphologically, whereas Polish uses clitics in the same environments. We exploit this contrast to compare the acquisition of clitics versus full pronouns, enriching previous accounts of omissions in child speech. The results of an elicited production experiment reveal that, in the two languages considered, 3- to 6-year-old children make no errors in direct object realization, but prefer to use null arguments up to the age of 5. It is crucial that there is no obvious difference between the acquisition patterns for clitics versus pronouns, which suggests that the morphophonological properties of direct objects are not primary predictors of object realization in languages that allow discourse-related omissions.

Locality in So Called Sluicing in Korean: Null Argument and Beyond

Locality in So Called Sluicing in Korean: Null Argument and Beyond

Interpreting Bare Nouns: Type-Shifting vs. Silent Heads

Bare noun phrases in article-less languages such as Japanese have a variety of interpretations. There are two competing approaches to the semantics of bare noun phrases: one is to appeal to type-shifting to derive various interpretations, and the other is to introduce more structure, i.e., silent determiners. I present an argument against the latter silent-head approach based on the behaviors of phonologically null arguments in Japanese. The silent-head approach has difficulties in explaining the semantics of null arguments, whatever syntactic analysis of null arguments turns out to be correct. The type-shifting approach to bare noun phrases, by contrast, easily accounts for the semantics of null arguments.

A Syntactic Approach to the Interpretations of Null Arguments in Japanese and Korean

In this paper we will argue following Park (2013) that the nature of null arguments in Japanese and Korean (J/K) can be understood on a par with the anaphoric element one or its null form in English. To this end we will concentrate on some properties that null arguments in J/K share with the one anaphor/its null form in English. First, it will be shown that null arguments and the one anaphor/its null form exhibit the same referentiality, having co-reference and disjoint-reference with their antecedent. Second, they are syntactically derived when the NP goes missing or is substituted for by one/its Japanese counterpart no. Third, they are sensitive to the well-known complement vs. adjunct distinction, including the complement obligatorily and the adjunct optionally within the portion replaced by them.

Prefixos relacionais R2 e R4 em construções genitivas e atributivas em línguas Tupí-Guaraní

The study examines the morphosyntactic properties of the so-called relational prefixes (R), in Tupi Guarani languages. According to the Tupinist literature, the R morphology encodes the following argumental properties: (i) the internal argument overtly realized within the genitive configuration (R1); (ii) the null internal argument, with anaphoric (disjoint) reference (R2); (iii) the null argument coreferential with the clausal subject (R3); (iv) the null internal argument with generic/ arbitrary interpretation and [+human] feature (R4). In our analysis, it is proposed that the R morpheme in (i)-(iv) encodes the [+definite] feature, which is associated with a formal feature [person]. It is also argued that in the presence of a [+generic] antecedent, the distribution of R2 and R4 is determined by the feature [+/-animate].

Cognate arguments and the Transitivity Requirement in the history of English

Abstract Starting with the Transitivity Requirement hypothesis [the direct object counterpart of Extended Projection P rinciple (EPP)], we examine the development of cognate objects and cognate subjects in English. We show that English extended the range of both cognate objects - which are now also possible with activity/event nouns - and cognate subjects - cognate subjects became an option for impersonal verbs. However, we argue that a correlation between the development of cognate arguments and the changes in null arguments should be excluded, whereas the development of the cognate arguments appears to be related to aspectual changes.

Argument Ellipsis in Javanese and Voice Agreement

AbstractArgument ellipsis in Javanese exhibits a subject‐object asymmetry with respect to sloppy/quantificational interpretations. Adopting the LF‐Copy theory of null arguments developed in Japanese and Turkish (Oku 1998, Takahashi 2008a, b, Şener and Takahashi 2010), I argue that this asymmetry falls out from the dyadic voice agreement system in Javanese where a single DP is specifically picked up by voice prefixes on v to mark the Actor‐Topic or Theme‐Topic alignments. I show that this agreement blocks the LF‐Copy process from targeting empty subject positions. This result suggests that voice agreement is to be included in the general theory of agreement, together with φ‐agreement.

Some Remarks on the Licensing Condition on the Null Argument in Korean (and Japanese)

This squib examines Okus (1998) and Takahashis (2011, in press) ellipsis analysis of the null argument in Japanese and Korean, and the accompanying licensing condition on it. Oku proposed that the elliptical null argument in these languages is literally unrealized in overt syntax, but is reconstructed in covert syntax to meet the weak selectional feature of a verb. Takahashi also proposed to attribute the delaying of the structure building for the null argument to the absence of agreement/phi-features. Despite their brilliant endeavors to account for the parametric differences in the availability of the null argument, they are shown to confront some non-trivial problems. We explore an alternative analysis of the null argument, proposing that it is not a DP-substitute but an NP-substitute. Based on this proposal, we provide an account not only of the reason for the phonologically null form of argument and the lack of verbal agreement in Korean and Japanese, but also of the parametric variation in the availability of the null argument.