NP Movement Research Articles

Analysis of Passives in English-to-Korean Machine Translation Systems’ Output*

Artificial intelligence (AI)-based tools for teaching and learning English as a foreign language have become increasingly functional, leading to the growing use of AI translators and chatbots in fields of English education and research. This study investigated the potential of English-to-Korean machine translators (MTs) as media of interactive language learning to support Korean EFL learners’ reading comprehension development. Using translation data from research articles on English passives involving NP movement, this study evaluated how well two popular MTs could translate English passive sentences into Korean. This study analyzed MTs’ output in two ways: (i) whether the product’s meaning was accurate, and (ii) what type of Korean passive the product was. First, it calculated rates of semantically accurate and grammatically appropriate translations, both actives and passives produced by the two MTs. Second, it calculated rates of three different types of Korean passives produced by MTs. Results demonstrated that currently available English-to-Korean MTs could produce semantically correct translations at high rates in the form of Korean passives. Active voice constructions also showed significant rates. These findings suggest that MTs have strong potential as tools for English reading pedagogy.

Prenominal French and Uninflected Dutch Adjectives*

AbstractThis paper proposes a uniform analysis of canonical and noncanonical French and Dutch attributive adjectives. Canonically, French adjectives are postnominal and Dutch adjectives are inflected. The noncanonical counterparts are prenominal, for French, and lacking inflection, for Dutch. A review of the literature indicates several proposed locations in the noun phrase for adjectives, and this analysis utilizes three: Spec‐Subj in the D‐layer, Spec‐Agr, and NP‐internal. Adjectives in Spec‐Agr produce a canonical reading, functioning like predicates of the noun phrase. The subjective nature of the D‐layer and the proximity of NP‐internal adjectives to N accounts for the noncanonical interpretations. The formal distinction in canonicity arises because Dutch adjective inflection is the exponent of the Agr‐head, so that only Spec‐Agr adjectives are inflected, and because French NP movement crosses the adjective in Spec‐Agr, so that only Spec‐Agr adjectives are postnominal.

Two types of possessive passives in Japanese

Abstract Many East Asian languages have possessive passives, whose subjects are interpreted as the possessor of the direct object. This paper investigates Japanese Possessive Passives (JPPs) and proposes that there are two types of possessive passives in Japanese: one with a ‘by-phrase’ headed by ni (ni JPPs) and the other with a ‘by-phrase’ headed by ni yotte (ni yotte JPPs). While previous studies assumed that JPPs are a sub-type of indirect passive, I propose that such an analysis is untenable. Instead, JPPs exhibit the same dichotomy as ni-passives and ni yotte-passives exhibit (Kuroda 1979, Kitagawa & Kuroda 1992): While subjects of ni JPPs are base-generated like ni-passives, subjects of ni yotte JPPs undergo NP movement like ni yotte-passives.

Floating quantifiers in Japanese passives and beyond

AbstractThis work attempts to defend the so-called Uniform Hypothesis for passives in Japanese by re-examining the empirical phenomena involving quantifier float (Q-float). We will attempt to reinforce the following main tenets of the Uniform Hypothesis — (i) that allni-passive sentences in Japanese involve complementation and the theta-marking of their subjects, and (ii) that they crucially lack NP movement. We will also closely examine the syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and prosodic properties of Q-float in general.

영어와 한국어의 이동현상에 대한 연구

The purpose of this paper is to investigate, compare, and analyze the movement in English and Korean. The characteristics and various points of the movement are as follows. First, there is a difference in that the transfer movement may be necessary or optional. In English, the NP movement in the passive phrase, the SAI movement, and the Wh movement should be essential. Second, the movement can be seen to occur in each language, but there is a difference in how it occurs. In English, if there are several wh-elements, only one wh-element moves to the forward of the sentence. In Korean, it is possible to move and do not need to move. Third, in English and Korean, the movement may be the case of moving to the forward of the sentence and the case of moving to the backward of the sentence. However, in English, there is a phenomenon of moving to the forward in the case of the topicalization, but in Korean, the movement is both in the forward and the backward. Finally, in Korean, we have to talk about theta theory and case theory when we talk about the movement. This is because, even if the movement occurs, the movement does not seem to occur unless the theta and case theory is substituted. Although the movement is a phenomenon that appears in all languages, there are similarities and differences in comparison between English and Korean. When analyzing the movement, it is necessary to analyze the internal sentence components of the language.

March and Hope

Where I live in Pennsylvania, the weather in March is unpredictable and changes frequently. We can have warm spring-like temperatures or late-season snowstorms. I always hope that March will start off stormy and end in a calm spring. The key word here is hope. Hope is often defined as an optimistic attitude of mind based on an expectation of positive outcomes. As Nurse Practitioners, we have great hope for the future of health care in the US and we are hopeful that we can remove barriers to NP practice and make strides in every state and territory. We have the attitude and expectation of continued positive outcomes. Speaking of calm, storms and hope, March is Women’s History Month and International Women's Day. Therefore, this is a good month to reflect on the contributions of women not only to our nation but to the health and well-being of our citizens, families and communities. We can learn from the trials and tribulations of nurses such as Clara Barton, Dorthea Dix, Lillian Wald, Margaret Sanger, Mary Breckinridge, Mary Ezra Mahoney, Loretta Ford, and Jan Towers. From the Civil War to making strides in public health to the NP movement, nurses have managed to take on the storms and improve the health care in our nation. And now, it is our turn as NPs to work together to take on the storms of practice and reimbursement barriers and help to calm the impact of the changes in health care that impact our patients. Above all, just as March gives us the hope of spring, NPs contributions provide hope for patients in need of high quality, culturally sensitive, patient centered care. One other thing, March is also AANP election month! The ballot opens on March 15 and closes on March 31. Please remember to cast your vote. Your vote is your voice – let your voice be heard.

NON-TYPICAL MIDDLES IN TAIWAN SOUTHERN MIN *

This paper discusses non-typical middles that involve resultative verbal compounds in Taiwan Southern Min. This paper first applies tests to prove that the patient NP before the compound in question is a subject, not a topic, and thus this compound occurs in a middle construction. Next, this paper distinguishes middles (surface unaccusatives) from another type of intransitive compound, deep unaccusatives, which alternate with causatives. The two types differ in that middles retain an implicit agent and thus are paraphrasable by their passive counterparts. Moreover, with an implied agent, middles do not allow another overt agent. As to the derivation stage, this paper proposes a mixed account. Middles are argued to be formed in syntax through verb-incorporation, de-thematization, and NP movement. Even though the implied agent is not available in syntax, it is arbitrarily interpreted at the Conceptual-Intentional interface.

The Syntax of Prefix Concord in Saaroa: Restructuring and Multiple Agreement

This paper investigates the syntax of prefix concord and offers a principled explanation of various syntactic restrictions on prefix concord constructions in Saaroa. First, I argue for a structural constraint on the prefix concord effect: this effect can only occur within the v P-level projection. Second, I show that prefix concord constructions display the core properties of restructuring constructions (e.g., long NP movement and clitic climbing), but I also argue against a serial verb construction analysis, in contrast to Tsuchida (2000) and Adelaar (2004). Third, I propose that the concord effect is a reflex of Multiple Agreement (cf. Hiraiwa 2001, 2005; Chomsky 2004): under the Multiple Agree framework, I propose that the prefix concord effect is the morphological realization of multiple checking/valuation of a formal feature and that the intervening effect on prefix concord constructions results from the feature-spreading conflict. Finally, I argue that various restrictions on Saaroa prefix concord constructions are deducible from attested universal conditions, namely the phase impenetrability condition and the feature activity condition.

Reconciling meng- and NP Movement in Indonesian

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Functional Projections of Nominals in Japanese: Syntax of Classifiers*

Japanese allows the numeral + classifier combination to appear in a variety of positions in relation to the head noun. This paper argues that it is necessary to posit at least four functional projections above NP (#P, CaseP, QP, and DP) and massive phrasal movement of such functional projections in order to provide a principled account for the structural diversity of the numeral + classifier combination in Japanese. New evidence from minimizer expressions and pseudopartitives, which have not been systematically investigated before, is brought to bear on details of the analysis. Japanese is an excellent testing ground for exploring the nature of the noun-related functional projections, because some of them, such as #° and Case°, are argued to be overtly realized (#° as a classifier and Case° as a case particle

Possessor raising in Chinese and Korean

A possessor NP may move out from the Spec position of a containing NP in some Asian languages such as Chinese and Korean, yielding the so-called ‘Possessor Raising Construction’. From the perspective of a syntactic theory based on principles and parameters of Universal Grammar, rather than on differing sets of rules for different particular languages, we in this article argue that the diverse Possessor Raising phenomena can well be subsumed along with ‘Passivization’ and ‘Subject Raising’ under the general syntactic process of ‘NP Movement’. The movement of Possessor Raising is driven by a functional motivation, which is to separate the possessor NP from the possession NP in order to emphasize the former. It has been demonstrated that the operation of Possessor Raising is well under the constraint of UG principles in interaction with independently explainable language-particular properties, in particular, it is mainly determined by the following three factors: (1) Whether the raised possessor NP can be properly Case-marked in its new site; (2) Whether the nominal residue left behind by the NP movement can be Case-marked; and (3) Whether other applicable conditions on movement such as the Subjacency can be satisfied. Most of our arguments are constructed on the basis of the analysis of a whole set of comparable language phenomena from Chinese, Korean and English, and those phenomena, most of which are well observed in the literature, are recast and explained in a very much principled way.

Deriving the similarities between Japanese and Italian: a case study in comparative syntax

This article explores a way of explaining rather surprising similarities between Japanese and Italian, in contradistinction with English. These similarities include (i) the presence of null subjects and quirky subjects, (ii) the absence of expletive elements, (iii) the existence of relatively free word order, (iv) the possibility of long-distance NP movement in restructuring constructions, and (v) the lack of so-called “subject condition effects” with respect to extraction. Capitalizing on the analysis of functional categories in terms of [±L(exical)] and [±F(unctional)] features [Huang, 1982, Logical Relations in Chinese and the Theory of Grammar. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA; Fukui, 1995, The principles-and-parameters approach: a comparative syntax of English and Japanese. In: Shibatani, M., Bynon, T. (Eds.), Approaches to Language Typology. Oxford University Press, Oxford, p. 327], it is proposed that T in Japanese/Italian is specified as [+F, +L] (i.e., a functional category with lexical nature, which induces no feature checking), as opposed to T in English whose feature specification is [+F, −L] (i.e., a “pure” functional category inducing feature checking). It is then demonstrated that the proposed parameter, as it interacts with various principles of universal grammar, gives a unified account for the similarities between Japanese and Italian, while successfully distinguishing these two (types of) languages from English. The parameter also leads to an important modification of the Phase Impenetrability Condition [Chomsky, 2000. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. In: Martin, R., Michaels, D., Uriagereka, J. (Eds.), Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, p. 89], thus opening up a refreshing way of looking at the differences, first noted by Rizzi [1982, Issues in Italian Syntax. Foris, Dordrecht], between English and Italian with respect to the wh-island constraint. Implications and advantages of the “tripartite” approach to comparative syntax are also discussed in detail.

What is happened may not be what appears to be happening: a corpus study of ‘passive’ unaccusatives in L2 English

Second Language (L2) researchers have been studying ‘passive’ unaccusative errors such as What was happened?, but have not yet reached a consensus about the ultimate cause of this unique interlanguage structure. This article critically reviews five major accounts proposed in the literature, namely: • transfer of a compound tense/aspect structure in the learner's first language (L1); • overgeneralization of adjectival passive formation in English; • nontarget lexical causativization; • identification of the passive morphosyntax with the lack of a logical subject; and • nontarget overt marking of syntactic NP movement. By analysing each account in terms of its ramifications in light of the data already available in the literature and additional data from a large corpus of nonnative English, I demonstrate that the most plausible account of the ‘passive’ unaccusative structure is to regard it as an overt marker of NP movement, an overgeneralization of the passive morphosyntax of the target English.

Cross-modal generalization effects of training noncanonical sentence comprehension and production in agrammatic aphasia.

The cross-modal generalization effects of training complex sentence comprehension and complex sentence production were examined in 4 individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia who showed difficulty comprehending and producing complex, noncanonical sentences. Object-cleft and passive sentences were selected for treatment because the two are linguistically distinct, relying on wh-and NP movement, respectively (Chomsky, 1986). Two participants received comprehension training, and 2 received production training using linguistic specific treatment (LST). LST takes participants through a series of steps that emphasize the verb and verb argument structure, as well as the linguistic movement required to derive target sentences. A single-subject multiple-baseline design across behaviors was used to measure acquisition and generalization within and across sentence types, as well as cross-modal generalization (i.e., from comprehension to production and vice versa) and generalization to discourse. Results indicated that both treatment methods were effective for training comprehension and production of target sentences and that comprehension treatment resulted in generalization to spoken and written sentence production. Sentence production treatment generalized to written sentence production only; generalization to comprehension did not occur. Across sentence types generalization also did not occur, as predicted, and the effects of treatment on discourse were inconsistent across participants. These data are discussed with regard to models of normal sentence comprehension and production.

Theta-role assignment, passivization, and excorporation

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the syntactic nature of the passive verb of theni direct passive in Japanese. K. Hasegawa (1964), Kuroda (1965), among others, propose that the passive verb of this type assigns an external ϕ-role and does not trigger NP movement. Contrary to this proposal, N. A. McCawley (1972), Kuno (1973), among others, argue that it does trigger NP movement and does not have an external ϕ-role to assign. Showing evidence for both proposals, I argued in Hoshi (1991) that the passive verb of theni direct passive not only assigns an external ϕ-role but also triggers NP movement. In addition, I sketched a way to reconcile these two syntactic operations.

On the absence of case chains in Bambara

In Bambara, problems concerning transitivity appear in sentences containing perfective aspect, and in causatives. These problems will be shown to arise from the interaction of verb movement and the property specific to Bambara that Case cannot be transmitted along a verbal chain. It will be argued that this property follows from a particular setting of a parameter which either allows Case chains or disallows Case chains in a particular language. Quite generally, Case chains can never be formed in Bambara. In the nominal system, the lack of Case chains will account for the fact that syntactic NP movement occurs in more configurations than in a language like English, and for the absence of expletive pronouns that transmit Case at S-structure. I will also suggest that the absence of Case chains has consequences for the syntax of predicate nominals, and may explain the absence of nominal small clauses. Finally, the absence of Case chains suggests a possible account for the absence of syntactic Wh-movement in Bambara.

Raising constructions in Haitian Creole

This paper examines the raising constructions of Haitian Creole both from a descriptive and from a theoretical point of view. Descriptively, the constructions involve a local relation between the non-thematic subject position of a verbal predicate and the thematic subject position of an embedded tensed sentence, which is occupied by an overt pronominal copy in place of the expected trace and manifests the thematic dependency characteristic of well-understood forms of raising. The theoretical interest of these constructions concerns the theory of A-chains and predication. Despite the fact that Haitian Creole raising appears to manifest resumptive pronouns in A-chains, I argue that a revision of the standard A-chain theory is not warranted. Haitian Creole raising constructions manifest both NP movement and predication in the sense of Williams (1980, 1986). I provide evidence supporting the existence of clausal predicates, small clauses, and A-chains conceived in terms of NP movement.

X' CONVENTION AND EXTENDED MINIMALITY

This paper explores a way of reducing Rizzi's Relativized Minimality to Chomsky's Minimality Condition. It is argued that, given the X′ Convention and the Minimality Condition, it is possible to produce a unified approach towards the three domains which supply the empirical foundation for the Relativized Minimality. Furthermore, to account for the possibility of the extraction of an element from the domain of a head governor, it is proposed that there are two kinds of minimality barrier: a weak minimality barrier which blocks a chain of antecedent-government relations formed by wh-movement, and a strong minimality barrier which blocks both a chain of antecedent-government relations formed by wh-movement and one formed by NP movement.

Who??s Who in the NP Movement

Who??s Who in the NP Movement

A physiologically based model of 1-nitropyrene metabolism after inhalation or ingestion.

The nitrogen-containing polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon 1-nitropyrene (NP), a bacterial mutagen and mammalian carcinogen, is a ubiquitous environmental pollutant. A physiologically based toxicokinetic model was developed describing the disposition of NP after oral administration (ingestion) or after inhalation. The model incorporated the following compartments: blood, upper respiratory tract, lung, liver, kidney, gastrointestinal (GI) tract, and a general tissue compartment. First-order rate constants for absorption of NP from the GI tract (2 h-1), metabolism by the liver (30 h-1), excretion of metabolites in bile and urine (2 and 4 h-1, respectively), and covalent binding of NP metabolites to tissue macromolecules (0.05, 0.05, 0.1, and 0.001 h-1 for lung, liver, kidney, and general tissue compartment, respectively) determined from model simulations were used to describe absorption, biotransformation, and excretion of NP. Physiological parameters such as alveolar ventilation, cardiac output, blood flow to organs volume, and tissue/blood partition coefficients described movement of NP and metabolites among compartments. Model predictions for concentrations of NP and metabolites in tissues were compared to experimentally determined data obtained in rats after inhalation of NP. Model predictions for concentrations of NP metabolites covalently bound to tissue macromolecules agreed with experimentally determined data in rats. Levels of bound material in lung and liver were about one-tenth that found in kidney. Results indicated that NP movement among tissue compartments could be described to a large extent by blood flow and organ volume alone (e.g., tissue/blood partition coefficients = 1). The use of physiologically realistic parameters will enable scaling of the model developed using animal studies to predict disposition of NP in humans.