Notion Of National Security Research Articles

The Concept of National Security in Kautilya's Arthashastra

Kautilya's Arthashastra stands as a timeless testament to the enduring principles of political realism. Within its ancient pages, Kautilya delves into the intricate dynamics of power, conflict, and national interests with remarkable foresight. Central to his discourse is the notion of national security, a concept that remains as pertinent today as it was in antiquity. Kautilya's strategic genius is evident in his meticulous construction of military doctrines, aimed at ensuring the safety and sovereignty of the state. Through a blend of cunning diplomacy, espionage, and military prowess, he advocates for a proactive approach to safeguarding the realm against external threats and internal dissent. In the Arthashastra, Kautilya elucidates the multifaceted nature of national security, encompassing not only military strength but also economic prosperity, social stability, and ideological resilience. His realist perspective emphasizes the primacy of power dynamics in international relations, advocating for the acquisition and preservation of power as the cornerstone of national security. Kautilya's insights continue to resonate in contemporary discourse, where states grapple with complex geopolitical challenges and navigate the delicate balance between self-interest and collective security. As policymakers confront evolving threats in an increasingly interconnected world, the timeless wisdom of Kautilya serves as a beacon, offering invaluable lessons on the enduring pursuit of national security in an ever-changing global landscape.

Towards a Right to Sustainable Security of Person in Times of Terrorism? Assessing Possibilities and Limitations Through a Critical Evaluation of Citizenship Stripping and Non-Repatriation Policies

Abstract On the basis of the case studies of deprivation of nationality and the non-repatriation and possible prosecution of foreign fighters and their families, this article will argue that some counter-terrorism measures, adopted under the justification of protecting national security, will not make these countries, and thus also the individuals under its jurisdiction, safer. Hence, it is wondered whether the notion of national security is both spatially and temporally still in sync with the hyperconnected world in which we live and in which terrorists operate—and whether it is not better to move to the adoption of the broader concept of sustainable security. This article will then turn to the question of whether ordinary citizens (or NGOs litigating on their behalf) could use their existing right to security of person to block those inefficient measures and if not, whether they should be able to operationalise the concept of sustainable security in the human rights context. The article will assert that while the general concept of sustainable security can certainly help at the policy level in encouraging governments to move away from mere national security thinking and thus assist in adopting counter-terrorism measures that provide true, durable security, the situation is different at the level of human rights. The existing right to security of person arguably does not go that far to be able to block the inefficient counter-terrorism measures as discussed in this article and an extension of this right, to a right to sustainable security of person, should not be pursued.

Conceptual Framework and Applicability of National Security: A Case Study of Pakistan

The first and foremost essential task for any state is to secure its national security and integrity. This paper explores the fundamental essentials of national security such as territorial integrity, internal and external sovereignty, socio-political stability, economic solidity, cultural cohesiveness, and national solidarity. The objectives of this research work are to investigate the significance and applicability of national security for any state. This research is based on content analysis. This case study of Pakistan is selected to investigate the essential elements, internal and external elements of security in Pakistan in the light of the framework of security at the global level. The current study indicated that the notion of National Security had reformed in the 21st century. Now National Security interpretation will be elaborated from different threats such as territorial security, sovereignty, and economic, social, political, and environmental security. The research explores that contrary to external threats, Pakistan is facing internal threats such as political contradictions, ethnic origins, sectarianism, and militant organizations that also troubled the security situation.

Understanding the U.S.-China Trade War

ABSTRACTThree major concerns drove the U.S. into initiating the trade war, and they are (a) the concern that China’s chronically large trade surplus was depressing job creation in the U.S. (b) the concern that China was using illegal and unfair methods to acquire U.S. technology at an effectively discounted price; and (c) the concern that China seeks to weaken U.S. national security and its international standing. On the dispute over China’s exchange rate and trade imbalance, the first conclusion is that it was marked by analytical confusion over the meaning of the term ‘equilibrium exchange rate’. The second conclusion is that China’s trade imbalance reflects the economic conditions in both China and U.S., and that the efficient and fair solution of the problem requires policy changes in both countries. On the industrial policy dispute, the first conclusion is that the issue of forced technology transfer is largely a dispute about China using its market power to benefit itself at the expense of its trade partners. The second conclusion is that China’s use of market power can last only until the other large countries could unite and retaliate as a group. The inevitability of retaliation means that China should replace the joint-venture (JV) mechanism for technological diffusion with other ways to strengthen its technological capability. On the U.S. concern about whether China trade weakens its national security, the first conclusion is that the notion of national security that is commonly adopted in the U.S. trade policy debate is ignorant about the primary determinants of U.S. capability in innovation. By focusing instead mainly on how to hold down China technologically, the long-run outcome will be a technologically weaker U.S. and hence, a more vulnerable U.S. The second conclusion is that the U.S. must identify a clear, short list of critical technologies and critical infrastructure for the recently reformed Committee for Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) to cover, and update this list constantly. Otherwise, the broad and changing nature of notions about national security would allow the bureaucratically driven phenomenon of mission-creep to steadily expand the coverage of the CFIUS process, thereby steadily rendering CFIUS to be operationally capricious. Our principal policy suggestion to China is that, because China’s economy in 2018 is very different from that in 1978 (e.g. many parts of China now look like Singapore and China is Africa’s biggest donor), there should be more reciprocity in China’s trade and investment relations with the advanced economies despite China’s status as a developing economy under WTO rules. Our principal policy suggestion to President Trump is to stop equating strategic competition with economic competition. Strategic competition is normally a zero-sum game. While fair economic competition is usually a zero-sum game in the short run, it generally creates a win-win outcome in the long run.

The development of the national security system in Lithuania and contemporary security challenges

The article presents the institutional development of the system for the protection of national security in the Republic of Lithuania. The publication reveals the prevailing concepts of national security and describes the notions of national security established in Lithuanian legal regulation. The first view of security is that a traditional policy of security is based on the idea that all the members of society or individual interests are subordinate to the interest of the state. On the other hand, the theory of human security can be defined as giving priority to the security of the individual, and it states that human security is achieved only when basic material needs are met and meaningful participation in the life of the community and human dignity are realised. Further, the development of the institutions securing the national security of Lithuania are described from the period from 1990 when the Republic of Lithuania restored independence until the present time. Additionally, it reveals the existing concept of national security in the Lithuanian Republic, and describes the main threats to Lithuanian national security, dividing these into military, political and socio-economic sectors, and indicates measures taken to combat them. After carrying out an analysis of the Acts forming the national security policy in Lithuania and other related legal Acts it can be concluded that the dominant perception of Lithuanian national security is a broad concept of national security with strong emphasis on human security issues.

Perspectives of Growth of Economic Security by Clustering of Small Innovation Enterprises

1. Introduction The interest in clustering, observed over the recent years, is primarily caused by guess that cluster structures allow achieving quick strengthening of innovational component of economy. Probably, the clusters' refusal from rigid control, peculiar for holdings and similar structures, will allow increasing the activity of agents-innovators (authors of innovational ideas), adaptability, and sensitivity of agents-imitators (which implement innovational ideas) and reactivity of agents-facilitators (which provide this process with finances and other resources). Economic authorities and business have certain hopes for the increase of competitiveness of economy with activization of structural and integration processes on the basis of cluster approach. This research offers a hypothesis that clustering stipulates the creation of innovations and facilitates the increase of economic security. The article is devoted to the verification of this hypothesis and development of recommendations as to increasing the efficiency of clustering. 2. Materials and Methods Economic is an essential part of security. The notion of national security is peculiar for the second half of the XX century under the conditions of post-industrial development of society; it entered the life of modern society and state in many countries of the world and became an essential part of their internal and external policy. International aspects of provision of economic have a special importance for development of relations between industrially developed and developing countries. Economic is a material base of security. It is a guarantee of sustainable and stable development of country and of its independence. Let us view criteria, indicators, and threshold values for economic security. Criterion of economic is the evaluation of the state of economy from the position of the most important processes which reflect the sense of economic security. Criterial evaluation of economic includes the evaluations of (Ainabek, 2013): * resource potential and possibilities for its development; * level of efficiency of resources use; * competitiveness of economy and economic subjects; * integrity of territories and economic space; * state sovereignty and independence; * criminalization of economy Indicators of economic are quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the state of economy, determining the level of its protection from internal and external threats and allowing signaling about growing threats and imminent danger after exceeding their maximum allowable and threshold values (Antropova et al., 2015). The system of indicators of economic includes: level and quality of life; inflation rate; unemployment rate; debt; deficit of state budget; economic growth; level of direct and net foreign investments; criminalization of economy; volume of gold and currency reserves. An integral indicator of economic is competitiveness of economy. This research offers to use the following methodology of evaluation of economic (Table 1). As is seen from Table 1, even some of the most successful developing countries are characterized by low level of economic security--on the average, 45 out of 100 points. That's why there is a necessity for the search for perspectives of increasing economic security. 3. Results Scientific and technical progress determines the quality of economic growth at current stage of social development, leading to restructuring of economic system and bringing innovational forms of organization of social reproduction--i.e., regional & sectorial clusters--to top-priority positions. Tendencies of grouping and consolidation of capital may lead and do lead to activization of the processes of enterprises integration. …

Non-Traditional Security Issues in North Korea ed. by Kyung-Ae Park

Reviewed by: Non-Traditional Security Issues in North Korea ed. by Kyung-Ae Park Jerôme de Wit Non-Traditional Security Issues in North Korea edited by Kyung-Ae Park . Honolulu : University of Hawai’i Press , 2013 . 265 pp. When the international media discusses North Korea, the most common topic that is paid attention to is its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction and its missile program. This is usually paired with reports on North Korea’s belligerent rhetoric and a reminder of its million men army that are a threat to Northeast Asian security, Seoul in particular. Scholars and policy makers with a focus on North Korea are also keen to focus almost exclusively on these topics and one can find many analytical papers on the North’s military, defense budget, fighting capability, the state of its weapons systems, military exercises, etc. These studies all focus on national security concerns and belong to the realm of traditional security. This edited volume of works by North Korea experts is an attempt to shift the focus away from these traditional concerns. The book’s argument is that the theories and notions of national security have failed to offer an adequate explanation of the national security threats posed by North Korea. The contributors believe that the North’s national security concerns are to a high degree informed by human security and non-traditional security (NTS) issues, and, once the causes of the North’s national insecurity are known, we are better able to handle the threats posed by the North to our (inter-)national security. The first chapter introduces the concept of NTS and examines in the context of North Korea how NTS and traditional security form complex and multifaceted connections. It describes how the indeterminate relationship between national and human security can be conceptualized by focusing on NTS issues. By using examples of the North’s insecurity issues in regards to food and energy security, this chapter explains how NTS issues can serve as an important variable in determining whether a state and its society can be deemed secure or unsafe. The next chapters all deal with a specific non-traditional security issue. Chapter two gives a brief history of North Korea’s energy problems and discusses the impact the lack of energy security has on the North’s economy and society. The authors of this chapter regard energy shortages as one of the reasons why North Korea uses the threat of military action to try to induce the international community to meet its demands. Addressing these concerns will in their opinion help the overall security of the Northeast Asian region and they suggest several assistance approaches. Chapter three examines the NTS issue of economic security in connection with women in North Korea. The author shows that the North Korean economic crisis has had different impacts on men and women in that it changed [End Page 147] the pattern of women’s economic participation, dragging women away from the formal labor market into the informal private economic sector. This has also forced a number of women to cross the North Korean border in their attempt to provide for both their own and their families’ livelihoods. On the one hand it seems that the new economic roles that women have assumed has given them a stronger voice in family decision-making matters and allowed them to develop, to some degree, a sense of self-consciousness and awareness of their own rights. On the other hand women’s economic insecurity has negatively affected other sectors of their NTS and human security resulting in new threats such as an increase in workloads, sex trafficking and sexual violence, and the stress of family breakdowns. Chapter four deals with political bias in labeling North Korea a criminal state. By giving an overview of how transnational crime is securitized, the author shows that issues surrounding North Korea’s criminal behavior are more fiction than fact, and that even in cases where North Korea does indulge in such activities, their scope is small in comparison to other players in this arena. Issues related to North Korea’s food insecurity are the focus of chapters five and six. The...

Educational Transitions in the United States: Reflections on the American Dream

Education involves socialization so that individuals become productive members of society. At present, in the United States, educational transitions are primarily viewed in terms of their location in an outcomes-oriented process and framed as helping people achieve the American Dream, but in terms of the status quo national economic interest. But what about US residents who are unwilling to accommodate this particular worldview or its component ethos? Current conceptualizations of educational transitions in the United States favour economic efficiency and national security. However, new demographic realities will necessitate a revised notion of national security, one that is based on social inclusion. Consider, for example, the burgeoning Latino population in the United States. Will the current offer of education remain as valid in 2020 or 2050 when the nation has become a patchwork of minority populations? Individual choice at the moment of educational transition in the United States is increasingly framed as a zero-sum calculus: conform to the status quo or risk marginalization. The educational system is being co-opted by narratives associated with standard gross domestic product (GDP) metrics. The metrics used to guide and warrant educational policy and practice need to be widened so that educational assessment is based on the ‘context of human lives’. Despite an uneven record of cultural and ethnic injustice, the United States has narrative-based resources that support social inclusion. At the heart of the nation's orienting narrative is a quandary: how to balance a sense of manifest destiny with an understanding that our future is uncertain and sustainable only by joining many human capabilities?

Diplomacy under Siege: Thailand’s Political Crisis and the Impact on Foreign Policy

Thailand's protracted political crisis has had a severely negative impact on the conduct of the country's foreign affairs. Since elected Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was removed from power in a military coup in September 2006, the country has arguably been without a foreign policy. On the surface, it may seem easy to conclude that the lack of foreign policy direction was simply because Thai politicians were too preoccupied with fighting for their own political survival, and as a result had little capital to expend on diplomacy. The Thai Foreign Ministry, too, has been tasked with the urgent mission of reconstructing the good image of the country, and has therefore been deprived of time and resources to plan long-term strategic policy. In any case this assignment has proved to be extremely arduous. Thailand's reputation was further tarnished with the seizure of Bangkok's two airports by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) in December 2008, and, in April 2009, the cancellation of the Pattaya Summit and violent demonstrations in Bangkok. (2) This political stalemate has effectively held Thailand's foreign affairs hostage. It has also damaged the country's credibility as Chair of the ASEAN Standing Committee. The picture of a country wracked by instability and bereft of foreign policy stands in stark contrast with the image of Thailand under Thaksin. During his rule from 2001-06, Thaksin claimed that he had elevated Thai international standing to a new height through his grandiose foreign policy initiatives such as the Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) and the Ayeyawaddy-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS), which helped transform Thailand from a midrange power into one of Southeast Asia's major players. (3) Once Thaksin was ousted, his ambitious foreign policy was abandoned. Thai diplomacy become the victim of political conflict and has been left rudderless. In the field of International Relations, the literature on the domestic sources of foreign policy is voluminous and has undergone several cycles of refinement. The present state of Thai diplomacy showcases the latest refinement in the domestic-foreign a la Thailand. The political wrangling between opposing factions has continued to dictate the fate of the country's foreign policy. The conflict between Thailand and Cambodia over disputed land adjacent to the Preah Vihear Temple illustrates the operation of linkage politics. (4) Local politics has actively shaped the way bilateral relations have been conducted. This article first seeks to elaborate the between domestic politics and foreign relations and the vital role of regime types in foreign policy-making. Whereas the post-coup military government of Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont defined foreign policy closely with the notion of national security, successive Thaksin-backed governments resurrected the business-oriented policy, particularly towards Thailand's immediate neighbours. As is reflected in their outlook on external relations and political activities, these competing groups clearly endorse different approaches in foreign affairs, with the pro-Thaksin forces loosely identified with both populist and commercial foreign policy, and the royalist-bureaucratic group presented as somehow ethical and nationalist (5). Despite the differences in foreign policy viewpoints, political players share one common practice and goal: exploiting foreign relations to fulfil their political purposes which are not necessarily in the interests of the nation. In this process, they have incessantly sought to hegemonize their views on foreign policy, and ultimately, turn it into a self-legitimizing mechanism. The present government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejajjiva, like its predecessors, attempts to deligitimize past foreign policy so as to reconstruct its own legitimacy and strengthen its mandate to rule. Meanwhile, political opposition groups have adopted the same tactic to demoralize the ruling regime and utilized foreign policy as a powerful political weapon to achieve similar purposes. …

The Missing Link: Regionalism as a First Step Toward Globalizing U.S. Environmental Security Policy

Especially since September 11, 2001, national security has been a high policy priority for the United States. Unfortunately, this has come at the detriment of other policies and relationships with foreign nations, including its fellow North American neighbors, Canada, and Mexico. What the current U.S. administration has overlooked in its reprioritization of policy goals is the close relationship between security and environmental protection. This article discusses the need to more closely incorporate environmental and/or ecological security into a traditional notion of national security and it highlights the specific link between traditional conceptions of security and global climate change. The study additionally debates the question of U.S. participation in a North American environmental security agenda, namely one that coordinates efforts to address global warming.

The Queen Boat case in Egypt: sexuality, national security and state sovereignty

The government’s targeting of homosexuality in May 2001, following years of ‘turning a blind eye’ to Cairo’s gay scene, is studied here in terms of the links between the sphere of interpersonal relations and notions of national security within international relations. The persecution of men for alleged same-sex relations not only filled newspaper columns and created a spectacle to divert people’s attention away from the government’s failings. More importantly, the event represented an opportunity for government officials, the media and other civil society activists – both within Egypt and abroad – to ‘perform’ a discourse of national security through which national sovereignty was (re)produced and political order was maintained. However, this national security threat was not only posed by the external threat of Western governments, international NGOs and other transnational actors concerned with respect for human rights within Egypt. More importantly, this threat was constructed as originating with those people failing to conform to the ‘norm’ of heterosexual relationships.

On the Limits of Historical Imagination

Over the last decades of the 20th century, the writing of history underwent serious political and epistemological criticism, especially in US academic circles. Yet it remained attached, by its origins, its academic structure, and its goals, to the nation and the state, as well as to unchallenged racial, ethnic, and identities. Over the same decades, however, a renewed idea of Europe-despite its flows and uncertainties-saw an interesting experiment in the conscious rewriting of histories and cultures, re-examining the 19th-century focus on the nation as the central plot of history.1 Almost four decades of documenting a common historical and cultural consciousness for might, in the long run, turn out to be a political and social failure. The constitutional challenge, rapid expansion, and the Turkey factor might in the end make the story of Europe an obsolete tale. Yet the mere effort, and, so far, its consequences in terms of peace, political stability, and economic progress make the effort to create an idea of a more appealing intellectual temptation than keeping untouched the craft of the national historian.Why has the idea of a European-like process of integration not been even remotely considered for and in North America? Can North America become a symbol of a different kind of relationship between Mexico, Canada, and the US, a relationship in which cultural particularities exist but which responsibly assumes a common past and a common future? What is certain is that maintaining civilizational differences-though in the short run intellectually comfortable and academically profitable-is particularly risky and undoable in the long term. The consequences of maintaining and nurturing assumed differences will affect the ' peace, stability, and good standards of living in the region. This is not only because of Mexico's growing inequality and uncertain economic and political future, but also because of the world's violent challenges and the vicious cycles in the US that blend inexorably-if irresponsibly-economic growth, immigration, all sorts of nativisms, notions of national security, and dangerous racio-cultural conceptions of the American identity.NORTH AMERICA: BASIC THESIS ON THE FAILURE OF A SYMBOLNorth America does not have a symbolic, cultural, political, or legal existence. Yet it is the gigantic economic and human fact within which Mexico, Canada, Central America, and the US live without ever discussing it. It resembles a gigantic statue of a medusa-like lady whose name has been lost by history but whose gaze we avoid, knowing that upon looking at those eyes we would see our own.North America has been a timid geographical mark that has paled in comparison to the clearly unconcealed map-not cartographical but moral and racial-known as America. North America has been a geography that is conventionally used in reference to the indigenous people of Canada, the US, and northern Mexico. North America is real when it is about native Americans, a pre-national reality. The cultural-racial dichotomy (Anglo vs. Latin), however, is conceptually mightier than the map of either America as a whole or that of North America as a complex but integrated geographical unit. As in a 19th-century history of civilization, the continent is divided into the nonsense of an and a part, as if such Anglo and Latin races, territories, and civilizations were first, real, and second, locatable in clearly defined cultural and geographical spaces. Three decades of post-new left, post-this and post-that historical and cultural criticism have only re-emphasized these essentials with endless excursions into cultural-racial-ethnical certainties.Today North America is an undeniable commercial and economic reality, though its benefits are still a matter of controversy after more than 10 years of NAFTA.2 Economic integration, however, is a fact that NAFTA only accelerated and institutionalized. …

Mass Communication and National Security

Mass communication and the notion of national security have undergone substantial changes in the post-Cold War era characterized by globalization. New technological innovations have spawned a paradigm shift in the mass media which has been nomenclatured as ‘communications globalism.’ National security has become more vulnerable to the machinations of hostile states and non-state actors through the new avenues of the media like Internet. Though nothing substantive has come to notice that can undermine the national security interests of a nation but vulnerabilities are there. Currently both the media and the security establishments responsible for national security are acclimatizing to the changing nuances and it is their cooperative strategy and mutual trust that can serve the interests of national security.

Bulgaria in NATO:New Roles and Capabilities of the Navy

In a comprehensive manner this article presents roles and missions of Bulgaria’s Navy, and the capabilities it develops to deal with the 21 century security challenges in cooperation with other services, security organizations, and allied navies. In the process of transformation, the Navy has developed ambitious plans to insert advanced technologies, commensurate to its new missions and tasks. This article looks specifically at plans to introduce advanced communications and information technologies in order to achieve required naval capabilities and to facilitate individual, crew, and staff training. New Roles, Missions, and Responsibilities of the Navies Facing 21 st Century Security Challenges Historically, the term ―national security‖ had various specific definitions and dimensions; however, they all had one common meaning – the reliable protection of the territorial integrity and the independence of a sovereign state. The challenge in this respect was how to approach and in what manner to realize this ―national security.‖ The turmoil of the political and societal changes in Europe in the 1990s and thereafter, the dissolution of a number of multinational states, e.g., the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the unification of Germany, the processes of globalization and unification of Europe, as well as the aggravation of demographic, ecological, economic and social problems and, most importantly, the expansion of the international terrorism and organized crime, brought forward a number of issues related to the notion of national security and the ways to realize it. In the last few years, the notion of national security went beyond the boundaries of a separate state. Of increasing importance are the notions of Individual Security, Collective Security, Bulgaria in NATO: New Roles and Capabilities of the Navy 10 Figure 1: Constituents of the Cooperative Security System. Collective Defense, and Promotion of Stability, constituting a system for common /cooperative/ security (This interaction of terms and notions is presented graphically in Figure 1). Security is based not only on military force and government actions, activities of national institutions and non-governmental organizations within a state, but also on international (bilateral and multilateral) treaties and organizations. In this respect I am proud to state that, since 1991, Bulgaria’s naval forces stand firmly behind the Atlantic idea. The Navy incorporated in its plans variety of activities aimed to increase the confidence and to foster collective security in the Black Sea region and to promote stability. Even prior to the ―Partnership for Peace‖ Initiative, in 1993 Varna hosted the international symposium ―Black Sea Naval Review‖—the first of its kind—on the topic ―The Naval Forces in the New Geopolitical Environment.‖ Under excellent organization, more than 100 participants form 13 countries actively discussed 26 reports. As a continuation of this effort, that same year Bulgaria hosted the first national naval exercise with international participation in the ―Breeze‖ series.

The International Law of Human Rights and States of Exception: With Special Reference to the Travaux Preparatoires and Case-Law of the International Monitoring Organs. (International Studies in Human Rights, Vol. 54.) By Anna-Lena Svensson-McCarthy. The Hague, Boston, London: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1998. Pp. xxiv, 765. Index. Fl 325; $175; £111.

Abbreviations. Terminology. General Introduction. Part I: Emergency Powers in a Historic Perspective. 1. Public Emergencies Yesterday and Today. Part II: A Basic Legal Framework for Considering Limitations on Human Rights. 2. The Principle of Legality. 3. The Principle of a Democratic Society. 4. The Notions of National Security and Public Order. Part III: The Notion of Public Emergency in the International Law of Human Rights. 5. The Notion of Public Emergency at the Universal Level. 6. The Notion of Public Emergency in the Americas. 7. The Notion of Public Emergency in Europe. 8. The International Labour Conventions and the Notion of Public Emergency. Part IV: The Non-Derogable Obligations in the International Law of Human Rights. 9. The Non-Derogable Obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 10. The Non-Derogable Obligations under the American Convention on Human Rights. 11. The Non-Derogable Obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights. Part V: Remaining Conditions for the Lawful Derogation from the International Law of Human Rights. 12. The Condition of Strict Necessity. 13. The Condition of Consistency with Other International Legal Obligations. 14. The Prohibition of Discrimination. 15. The Condition of International Notification. General Conclusions. Bibliography. Index.

The Revolution in Soviet Foreign Policy

A revolution is under way in Soviet foreign policy greater than any in the postwar period, indeed greater than any since Lenin in the early years of his regime accepted the failure of the pan-European revolution and allowed the Soviet Union to join the game of nations. The revolution in Soviet foreign policy is occurring on yet another level, where notions more directly inform practical choice, the level of policy concepts. If Soviet leaders are rethinking the very notion of national security, they are also revising the concepts that guide their defense decisions and their negotiating posture in arms control settings. To a degree particularly difficult for Americans to understand, fundamental assumptions, on which the entire edifice of Soviet foreign policy beliefs ultimately rests, are at stake. The first time was in the years following 1917, when Lenin's rationalization of the Russian Revolution as the spark for a European revolution died, and Soviet leaders were left to fend for themselves.

The Security Bind in East Europe

The traditional restriction of the notion of national security to military security has unnecessarily weakened the power of that concept for understanding the responses of states to perceived domestic and international threats. A tripartite concept of security is offered here which distinguishes among threats: (1) to the state's leadership regime; (2) to its governing and resource distribution system; and (3) to its territorial integrity. This is applied to the study of the East European states, which find themselves caught in a multidimensional security bind between the domestic and international challenges to their security. They have thus been led to opt for policies insuring stability and avoiding uncontrollable changes as they attempt to ameliorate these threats.