North Korea Research Articles

Creating P’yŏngyang’s Legitimacy: North Korea's Excavation and Reconstruction of the Tomb of King Tongmyŏng

This paper traces the trajectory of North Korea’s historiography on ancient history, examining the political and social contexts surrounding the excavation (1974) and renovation (1993) of the Tomb of King Tongmyŏng. The 1974 excavation was a political project aimed at deepening the understanding of ancient history centered on Koguryŏ, an ancient kingdom whose capital was in P’yŏngyang along the Daedong River. The 1972 constitution, which established P’yŏngyang as the capital and proclaimed the Juche ideology, was a driving force behind this project. Over time, the P’yŏngyang-centric viewpoint on ancient history grew stronger, culminating in the excavation and renovation projects in the early 1990s of the tombs of Tan’gun, Tongmyŏng, and Wang Kŏn. The assertion that the legitimacy of Korean history is rooted in P’yŏngyang was used to justify North Korea’s own legitimacy, a concept this paper refers to as the "Principle of P’yŏngyang Legitimacy." In this context, the projects involving the tombs of Tan’gun and Wang Kŏn should be understood as extensions of the renovation of the Tomb of King Tongmyŏng, which had been underway since the late 1980s. In other words, the series of excavations and renovations of the tombs of the founding kings in the early 1990s originated from the Tomb of King Tongmyŏng, which, in turn, inspired the emergence of the "Principle of P’yŏngyang Legitimacy." This legitimacy is constructed as a linear genealogy belonging to a single subject, which is endowed with a legitimate self-identity, while entities outside this narrative are systematically excluded. The evolution and application of the "Principle of P’yŏngyang Legitimacy" serve as a caution against the politicization of history in South Korea’s historical research programs.

An Estimation of Water Deficits considering the Hwanggang Dams on the Imjin River, North Korea

Water resources are essential for sustaining economic activities; therefore, water conflicts between nations and regions are common. The Imjin and Bukhan rivers, which are shared by South and North Korea, have been the sources of several disputes related to water usage and management between both nations. This study is intended to investigate such water deficits and provide elementary data for future responses by quantifying the water deficit in the Imjin River according to current water usage criteria. The researchers collected records on river water usage and flow rates in the Imjin River Basin from 2001 to 2023 and estimated the river maintenance flow. They analyzed eight runoff stations to assess the river maintenance flow and hydrological phenomena to determine the presence of a water deficit. Through a comparative analysis of the flow rates of the Imjin and Hantan rivers, using 2008 as the reference year, they determined the cause of the water deficit to be a North Korean dam. At the ten-year return-period drought, the total water deficit in the Imjin River Basin amounted to 114.5 million cubic meters, with 92.8% of the deficit occurring in the middle reaches of the Imjin River and the remaining 7.2% in the Hantan River.

North Korea's Nuclear Risk Management and Transformation of the ‘International Security Regime’ : Focusing on Korea-U.S.-Japan ‘Linked Politics’ and Policy Coordination Mechanisms

North Korea's Nuclear Risk Management and Transformation of the ‘International Security Regime’ : Focusing on Korea-U.S.-Japan ‘Linked Politics’ and Policy Coordination Mechanisms

Carbon footprints and health security: A comparative assessment of the Sustainable Development Goals 3 and 13 in East Asian countries.

In East Asia, where several countries are among the top emitters of carbon dioxide globally, the need to address the dual challenges of reducing carbon footprints and ensuring health security is paramount. Against this backdrop, this study used a descriptive analysis to provide a comparative assessment of the carbon footprints and the level of health security in East Asia using secondary data, sourced from the World Development Indicators. The findings from the study show that it is only North Korea that its average carbon footprint of every person is less than 2.3 tons. However, China, Japan, Mongolia and South Korea are currently lagging behind in meeting the SDG 13 target. Meanwhile, North Korea recorded the highest incidence of tuberculosis in the region. Despite the fact that South Korea and Japan were the highest emitter of CO2, the duo had the lowest under five mortality, infant mortality, incidence of TB alongside the highest life expectancies which surpassed the regional performance. In view of the above, the policymakers in Asia and the rest of the countries with health insecurity should emulate the policymakers in Japan and South Korea by making adequate investment in health, education, and standard of living of their citizens.

북한이탈 간호원의 북한 간호 교육과 실무 경험

북한이탈 간호원의 북한 간호 교육과 실무 경험

북송사업과 니가타귀국협력회의 역할에 관한 고찰

Focusing on Niigata Prefecture, this article aims to clarify the implementation process and facilitating factors of the return of Zainichi Korean to North Korea. In previous studies, important discussions have been made mainly on the International Red Cross, the Chochongryeon (朝鮮総連), and North Korea-Japan relations. On the other hand, social organizations and local governments that have engaged in practical cooperation received relatively less attention. Based on existing research, this article focuses on the practical movements surrounding the return of Zainichi Korean to North Korea that occurred in Niigata Prefecture from 1959 to the early 1960s, discussions on extending the agreement, and public relations activities. Although the North Korean repatriation support activities in Niigata Prefecture are not determinants of the North Korean return project, it is suggested that they played a role in facilitating the continuation of the North Korean repatriation in a critical phase.

Determination of sowing dates for hairy vetch (Vicia villosa) and rye (Secale cereale) cultivation in Korea north region

Determination of sowing dates for hairy vetch (Vicia villosa) and rye (Secale cereale) cultivation in Korea north region

메이지시기에 발행된 조선지도와 국경

This study categorizes and analyzes the characteristics of maps depicting Korea published during the Meiji era, focusing on the representation of borders. Approximately 100 such maps were published during this period, with publication peaks coinciding with significant events in Japan-Korea relations, such as the Unyō Incident, the Imo Mutiny, the Sino-Japanese War, the Russo-Japanese War, and the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty. The maps of Korea published in Japan during this era can be classified into five types based on their border representations. Type A maps, which include the Manchurian region south of the Heilong (Amur) River, were only published before the Unyō Incident. Type B maps, incorporating neutral zones on the opposite shores of the Yalu and Tumen Rivers, were published only until the Sino-Japanese War. Both A and B type maps reflect an extended territorial perception of Korea north of the Yalu and Tumen Rivers. Type C maps, depicting the Yalu River, Mount Baekdu, and the Tumen River as borders, became the predominant representation of Korea during the Meiji era. These maps reflected more accurate topographical information from late Joseon period maps adopted by Japan. Type D maps, which exclude Mount Baekdu, were published from immediately after the Imo Mutiny until shortly after the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War. They were frequently used in Northeast Asian maps to represent Korea. Type E maps, including Gando 間島 as Korean territory, began to appear in 1894 and were published intensively during the Russo-Japanese War period, continuing until 1910. The concentrated publication of these maps around the Russo-Japanese War reflects Japan’s growing interest in Gando as it aimed to advance into Manchuria. The surge in demand for maps of Korea followed the rise of Seikanron (the “Conquest of Korea” debates) after the Meiji Restoration. Initially, due to insufficient geographical data from direct surveys, Japan had to rely on re-edited versions of previously collected historical Korean maps. As Japan conducted more direct surveys of Korea, their understanding of Korean borders became clearer, particularly around the time of the Sino-Japanese War.

북·중 관계에서 나타난 균열(龜裂)과 북한의 대미 외교 행태

The purpose of this article is to analyze the cracks in North Korea and China’s relationship in the process of regressing from the “blood alliance” between North Korea and China to the “strategic relationship” and the factors that attempt to “stabilize the system” through North Korea-U.S. relations. Existing studies tend to analyze relations between North Korea and China from a traditional perspective, such as “blood alliance” and “pureness.” However, North Korea’s three hereditary successions and aggressive diplomacy by China’s “Xijinping leadership” are impossible to use strategic “use” centered on each country’s interests. China has maintained relations with the view that stability and peace in the region are in its interest and “maintain the status quo,” or manage and attract North Korea’s instability factors. It also maximizes its interests by using the North Korean issue and two Korean Peninsula strategies as a minefield for negotiations with the United States.

기시(岸信介) 내각 시기 한국과 대만의 대일(對日) 정책 비교 연구 (1957-1960)

The Kishi Cabinet extended diplomatic overtures to communist countries while maintaining official relations with Republic of Korea(South Korea) and Republic of China(Taiwan). This strategy reflects a separation of governmental and private-sector objectives. South Korea employed tactics like public relations appeals, international organization appeals, suspension of trade with Japan, and resuming bilateral talks in response to visible repatriation of Koreans in Japan. Taiwan, maintaining diplomatic relations since 1952, protested inclusion of the Chinese flag in the 1958 Sino-Japanese private trade agreement, even considering severing diplomatic ties. Both South Korea and Taiwan were unable to fully deter Japan's engagement with communist nations. However, despite the crisis of the relationship break, they showed a pattern of continuing their relationship with Japan. The purpose of the policy toward Japan was to prevent Japan from developing into more political and diplomatic relations with North Korea or China(PRC) and to recognize their external sovereignty. This became a factor in continuing relations with Japan rather than turning a blind eye to Japan and cutting ties with Japan in the policy toward Japan.

Post-World War II perspectives on Choi Seung-hee: ideological blind spots in Asia-based and Anglophone scholarship

ABSTRACT During and before World War II, Japanese colonial rule cast a profound impact on the cultural and artistic landscapes of its colonies. Choi Seung-hee (1911–1969), a prominent cultural figure from the pre-war period, skillfully navigated the delicate balance between her roles as a representative of Korean national dancer and an emblematic figure within the Japanese empire. Her dual identity elicited diverse public reactions, ranging from slander to praise. In South Korea, post-Korean War, ideological divisions led to the marginalization of artists like Choi who moved north, ambiguously referred to as “Choi X.” In North Korea, autocratic rule infused her evaluations with strong nationalism. In China and the Soviet Union, Cultural Cold War ideologies impacted her assessments. Japan’s perspective reflected its post-colonial introspection and issues. In contrast to the ideologically saturated research in Asian contexts, contemporary Anglophone scholarship on Choi, transcending nationalist confines, nonetheless exhibits distinct limitations. This study primarily scrutinizes the diverse perspectives reflected in Choi research, drawing upon news reports, visual materials, academic studies, and personal observations in China, South Korea, and Japan. The aim is to chart the trajectory and representative viewpoints of Choi research in post-World War II Koreas, China/Soviet Union, Japan, and the Anglophone scholarship. Through literature review and critical analysis, this research underscores how nationalist, socialist, Aesthetic Orientalist, Sinocentric and (Pan) Asian political/non-political ideologies have shaped perspectives on Choi amidst the Cultural Cold War and decolonization. Moreover, it reveals how transnational ideological constructs and dominant research paradigms have shaped and reshaped Choi’s image.

Эрозия санкционного режима Совета Безопасности ООН против КНДР (на английском)

This article seeks to examine the rationale behind the decision of the United States, China, and Russia to impose sanctions against North Korea together with the incentives to comply with the principles of the sanctions regime or not to comply with them. The convergence of their initial self-interests allowed the establishment of the UNSC Sanctions Regime. However, this institution was unable to ensure compliance with its norms and principles. Consequently, primarily due to the intensification of great-power contradictions, China and Russia appeared to lose interest in maintaining the Regime, particularly in light of their rivalry with the US. Conversely, the US demonstrated a tendency to exploit the Regime.

Effects of Everyday Corruption on Perceptions of Authoritarian Leadership: Evidence from North Korea

ABSTRACT This study analyzes the impact of everyday corruption in North Korea on perceptions of authoritarian leadership. Analyzing survey data from North Korean defectors, we find that experience with everyday corruption does not affect perceptions of the Supreme Leader’s responsibility for economic difficulties, but it does negatively affect perceptions of the Party leadership’s responsibility. This suggests that widespread petty corruption is unlikely to be a source of dissatisfaction with the system as a whole and with the Supreme Leader.

The CNN Effect and South Korea’s Humanitarian Response to North Korea: A Media-Driven Policy?

The CNN Effect and South Korea’s Humanitarian Response to North Korea: A Media-Driven Policy?

Development and effects of the PARENT (Parenting Acceptable Real Empathy Nurture Training) program for mothers who defected from North Korea

Aim and backgroundNorth Korean refugee mothers struggle with the two-fold burden of adaptation and parenting in a new environment. This study aimed to develop and examine the effects of a parenting program for North Korean refugee mothers. MethodsThis quasi-experimental study was conducted with 65 North Korean refugee mothers who were recruited through the Korea Hana Foundation Center and Sajowi. The experimental and control groups comprised 33, 32 participants respectively. A program was conducted across eight sessions, each lasting about 90–120 min. The data were analyzed using the χ2 test, independent t-test, and paired t-test. ResultsSignificant differences were observed in the parenting efficacy (t = −10.03, p < .001) and child related stress (sub domain-parenting stress) (t = 3.24, p = .002) scores. While intergroup differences were observed for parenting efficacy (t = 5.48, p < .001), no significant differences were observed for parenting stress (parent related) (t = −0.22, p = .825) and parent–child relationship (t = 0.87, p = .387) and no intergroup differences were observed for parenting stress (t = −1.10, p = .274) and parent–child relationship (t = 1.06, p = .290). ConclusionThis study is significant to the field of nursing because North Korean refugee mothers who needed parenting education have high parental efficacy scores after intervention, which expresses confidence in parenting. This study proposed a parenting education intervention framework focusing on emotional empathy for North Korean refugee mothers who want to provide healthy parenting despite the challenges they encounter as immigrants, which will improve their confidence in parenting. It can serve as a source of basic data for designing parenting education intervention frameworks for refugees in the future.

Changes in the Inter-Korean Policy of the DPRK and the ROK and Prospects for the Development of the Situation on the Peninsula

At the December plenum of the Central Committee of the WPC in 2023 and the January session of the National Assembly of the DPRK in 2024. North Korea has radically changed inter-Korean policy, abandoning the course of "unification of the country." The authorities have disbanded relevant structures and intend to "completely remove from the national history of our Republic the very concept of "unification", "reconciliation" and "compatriots". According to Kim Jong-un, the DPRK and the Republic of Korea have finally become "hostile states" for each other, their relations are no longer determined by belonging to the same people, so the peaceful unification of the Korean peninsula is no longer considered possible. This course testifies to the recognition by the country's leadership of objective reality and does not lead to an increase in the probability of an inter-Korean conflict initiated by Pyongyang. This change of course was largely the result of the processes in the south of the peninsula, where the government of Yoon Seok-Yeol, on the contrary, strengthens the rhetoric of "achieving peace through force". The author considers President Yoon's speech on March 1, 2024, formally dedicated to the 105th anniversary of the March 1, 1919 movement to be a sign of the new course. This speech can be considered as a program of a new inter-Korean policy aimed at eliminating the DPRK by the international community. The changed relations between Seoul and Pyongyang should be perceived as a consequence of changes in the world order and the global security architecture, as the concepts that do not meet the new reality are revised or canceled. At the same time, Russia may be satisfied with the presence of a cold war on the peninsula, if it does not turn into a hot one, as well as with the further rapprochement between Moscow and Pyongyang, united by a common threat.

Revisiting Securitization Theory within the context of North Korea: A theoretical analysis of the success of Trump’s policy

Revisiting Securitization Theory within the context of North Korea: A theoretical analysis of the success of Trump’s policy

Impact of Convective and Land Surface Parameterization Schemes on the Simulation of Surface Temperature and Precipitation Using RegCM4.7 During Summer Period Over the DPR Korea

Impact of Convective and Land Surface Parameterization Schemes on the Simulation of Surface Temperature and Precipitation Using RegCM4.7 During Summer Period Over the DPR Korea

Representing Religion in North and South Korea: Seventy-Five Years of the Semiotics of Stamp Design

As government documents, postage stamps are a rich source of information about a government’s policies on a wide range of subjects. In this article, a comparative semiotic analysis of the first seventy-five years of North and South Korean stamps is used to illustrate the similarities and differences in their attitudes towards ‘religion’ and religious practice. A corpus of stamps on a ‘religious’ theme was created for stamps issued by both governments from which a series of themes and motifs was noted. The semiotic analysis of the themes and motifs showed that while on South Korean stamps Buddhist motifs constituted the majority of stamps commemorating cultural history, there were few references to the commemoration of Buddhism itself. The reverse was found to be true for Christianity. Although Christianity was not shown to be a major expression of Korean culture, Christianity itself was commemorated extensively. On North Korean stamps, folklore and Christian motifs predominated as projections of cultural history, but the Christian motifs referred only to foreign cultures, not Korean culture. Motifs relating to the foundation myth of Tan’gun were common to both North and South Korea. However, in the South, motifs from the myth referred to the nation, while in the North they referred to the ruling family.

Source contributions to two super dust storms over Northern China in March 2021 and the impact of soil moisture

Two extremely devastating super dust storms (SDS) hit Mongolia and Northern China in March 2021, causing many deaths and substantial economic damage. Accurate forecasting of dust storms is of great importance for avoiding or mitigating their effects. One of the most critical factors affecting dust emissions is soil moisture, but its value in desert exhibits significant uncertainty. In this study, model experiments were conducted to simulate dust emissions using four soil moisture datasets. The results were compared with observations to assess the effects of soil moisture on the dust emission strength. The Integrated Source Apportionment Method (ISAM) was used to track the dust sources and quantify the contribution from each source region to the dust load over the North China Plain (NCP), Korea peninsula, and western Japan. The results show large differences in the dust load depending on the soil moisture datasets used. The high soil moisture in the NCEP dataset results in substantial underestimation of the dust emission flux and PM10 concentration. Despite a minor overestimation of PM10 concentrations in many Northern China cities, the ERA5 dataset yields the best simulation performance. During the two SDS events, about 7.5 Mt dust was released from the deserts in Mongolia and 2.8 Mt from the deserts in China. Source apportionment indicates that the Mongolian Gobi Desert is the dominant source of PM10 in the NCP, Korea peninsula, and western Japan, accounting for 60 %–80 %, while Inner Mongolia contributed 10 %–20 %.