NATO Research Articles

Międzynarodowy wymiar polskiego ratownictwa

International dimension of Polish rescue The article presents international security structures within the framework of which it is possible to dispose of Polish rescue resources outside Poland. The authors focused mainly on three major international organizations, where appropriate structures, mechanisms or groups have been created for this purpose, i.e. – the European Union (EU), the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). These organizations also have their own coordination centers operating on a 24-hour basis, which makes these activities coordinated and supervised. This article also presents the legal basis on which the above-mentioned structures are established. In addition, examples are presented of rescue fields in the area of which the created rescue entities function according to specific schemes, determined by international conventions, guidelines, etc., referring here mainly to marine and air rescue.

“High Politics” and Everyday Practices at the Border: Emerging Communities of Practice in the High North

Abstract Using the concept of communities of practice, the article explores how boundary-crossing practices on borders vulnerable to states' “high politics” have developed overtime, leading to the formation of communities of doers bound by shared interests in learning and performing shared practices. Existing research on how diplomats, civilian and military staff in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has shown how shared professional identities that cut across organizational, cultural and national boundaries has led to the emergence of communities of practice though everyday informal interaction. This article examines the emergence of long-term everyday border-crossing practices between Norway and Russia in the High North region and the extent to which they have been contested or continued in situations of tension or conflict between the West and Russia, and especially following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Studying how these communities of doers engage in shared repertoires and practices that transcend and blur, rather than challenge the border may also shed new light onhow we understand the relationship between international politics and local politics. Arguably, the social dynamics of such boundary-work have also contributed to confidence-building and low tension, also beyond the border on which it takes place.

Global Ordering and the Interaction of Communities of Practice: A Framework for Analysis

Abstract Several new frameworks for the study of the differentiation of and relations between global orders have recently been introduced to International Relations. This article demonstrates how the communities of practice (COP) framework provides complementary as well as novel answers to processes of global ordering. COP theory has become a thriving research framework and has led to substantial innovative work on the internal logics of international institutions, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union, and various professions, such as diplomats. Surprisingly, researchers have so far not appreciated the potential of the approach as a more general theory of global order. We argue that lifting this potential implies focusing on the interaction of and spaces between communities as well as going beyond the study of the internal logics of a discrete community. We propose a framework for the study of this interaction with a focus on its spatial and agential dimensions. We then show how this leads to an innovative research framework, drawing on an illustration from the case of global ocean governance.

Organizational Overlap and Bureaucratic Actors: How EU–NATO Relations Empower the European Commission

AbstractOrganizational overlap is a ubiquitous feature in regional governance. Most studies have focused on member states, demonstrating that overlap enables states differently. We still know little about whether and how overlapping organizations impact international bureaucracies and how this shapes the relationship between bureaucratic actors within organizations. We argue that overlap can empower international bureaucrats, but not equally. Those with autonomous resources from member states are the most attractive interlocuters for bureaucrats from other organizations and, hence, likely to become most empowered. Substantive expertise and formal competence are less consequential in this context. We unpack this argument by looking at a policy domain understood to be heavily guarded by member states, security and defence policy. Based on primary documents and interviews, we show that the European Union (EU)–North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) overlap has enabled the European Commission to leverage its position within the EU to its advantage and further encroach on the EU's security and defence activities.

Ways of improving the efficiency of administrative and legal ensuring the honorable behavior of military officials in the Armed Forces of Ukraine

The purpose of the article is to determine ways to improve the effectiveness of administrative and legal support for the virtuous behavior of military officials in the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
 The legal regime of martial law contributes to the emergence of new and strengthening of existing corruption risks, which are inherent in the activities of military administration bodies. Analysis of court practice, reports of mass media and social networks shows the existence of numerous examples of unscrupulous behavior of military personnel, which lowers the authority of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other military formations.
 It is argued that the improvement of the legal regulation of the virtuous behavior of military officials in the Armed Forces of Ukraine should be based on the harmonization of legislation along two main vectors: 1) ensuring the compliance of the array of subordinate legal acts with the content of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine; 2) taking into account the trends in the development of integrity in the North Atlantic Alliance and their compliance with the national characteristics of the formation of honest behavior of military personnel.
 It was concluded that increasing the effectiveness of administrative and legal protection of the integrity of military personnel includes four main directions. First, it is a direction of monitoring legislation, the purpose of which is to determine the spheres of activity and powers of military officials, in which unreasonably large-scale discretionary powers are established. Such discretionary powers make it possible to freely interpret the content of the legal norm and make decisions in areas sensitive from the point of view of corruption risks. Secondly, it is the direction of the formation of the personality of a military serviceman, which should be understood as a long-term systematic process of developing intolerance to corruption offenses and awareness of the importance of strict compliance with legal prescriptions, which should be reflected in the value structure of the individual. Thirdly, it is the improvement of feedback processes between all links of the military management system with the aim of obtaining by the subjects of democratic civilian control and internal departmental control operational and objective information about the causes and conditions that contribute to the unscrupulous behavior of servicemen.

The Role of the Visegrad Group in the European Security System

The changes taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, which began in 1989, included pri-marily the internal and foreign policy of the four countries that make up the Visegrad Group, i.e. the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary. The transformations also concerned rela-tions with the newly formed states after the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the course of European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The aim of the article is to indicate the role of the Visegrad Group in the European security system, especially in the face of the war in Ukraine or the migration crisis. An important element of the functioning of this regional organization is its cooperation with the EU or with other organizations. The research hypothesis is as follows: the future of the Visegrad Group makes sense and brings its members more benefits than losses. The article uses the analysis method. The key issue that needs to be answered will be the prospect of further activity of the Visegrad Group in the face of new threats. Will the member states of the Visegrad Group meet the challenges of the twenty-first century? Will they play an important role in shaping European security?

Essential approaches to combat the use of drones. Specific elements of the armed conflict in Ukraine

Although used many years ago, by multinational allied forces acting in coalition in Iraq and Afghanistan, combat drones known as “unmanned aircraft systems” (UAS), “unmanned aerial vehicles” (UAV)”, “unmanned combat aerial vehicles” (UCAV) or “remotely piloted vehicles” (RPV) represent a formidable weapon both for NATO states and for the forces fighting in Ukraine. Considering their essential characteristics, dimensions, load capacity, speed, range, flexibility, ease of operation and low costs, these means of combat come with huge advantages in achieving the operational objectives of combatant structures - regardless of the category they belong to. Thus, the present study includes a theoretical approach that can actually be implemented in the military operational realm, because it includes details and essential references to combat drones designed, produced and used by belligerent and non-belligerent states in connection with the armed conflict taking place on Ukrainian territory. Starting from the objective of the study, a series of important directions resulted for strengthening the actual potential of the joint and tactical forces to be used in national and multinational context within the North Atlantic Alliance, against the aggressive force of an adversary state.

The Democratisation Failure in the Middle East: Causes and Prospects

It has almost become conventional wisdom among analysts and experts on Middle Eastern politics to relate the fate of the democratisation process and its failure in the region to the foreign policy platforms of the USA and its Western allies. Contrary to the prevailing interpretations of democratisation failure in the Middle East, it will be argued that the historical proclivity of leftist organisations and parties to conflate anti-imperialism with fostering hostility towards liberal values, the limited scope of industrialisation, and culturally and religiously ingrained competing loyalties are factors that have cumulatively made a significant contribution to the cultivation of a socio-political environment that is not receptive to democracy.

Exploring Lessons from Soviet Diplomacy and Western Allied Cooperation in World War II

Based on an analysis of documentary sources from Russian, American, and British archives, this article delves into the intricacies of coalition diplomacy among the Allies during World War II. It places special emphasis on the adherence to obligations and coalition behavior norms, encompassing respect for partners' interests, maintaining unity amidst divergences, coordinating actions towards shared objectives, and avoiding actions that risk coalition breakdown. The comparative analysis of Soviet and Anglo-American diplomacy reveals that the principal members of the anti-Hitler coalition generally adhered to these norms, contributing to the ultimate defeat of their common adversary. However, the study indicates that the Soviet Union exhibited greater fidelity in fulfilling its obligations and was more proactive in institutionalizing the coalition for enhanced stability and equal participation in strategic decision-making for war conduct and postwar arrangements. This quest for parity was often impeded by the Western powers' reluctance to accept the Soviet Union as an enduring, equal partner and legitimate member of the great powers' club, both during and after the war. This hesitance, the article argues, was rooted not just in geopolitical considerations but also in deep-seated cultural factors, particularly the traditional Western sense of superiority and perception of Russia as a 'lesser' civilization not fit for inclusion in the Euro-Atlantic community. The article brings to light lesser-known documents from US and UK archives to illustrate this mindset. It also acknowledges dissenting voices in Anglo-American political spheres who advocated for a more equitable relationship with the USSR. However, these perspectives did not significantly alter the overarching direction of Western policy.

An "Entirely Different Ballgame": The Marine Corps and NATO Exercises in Artic Norway, 1978-86

The U.S. Marine Corps consistently delivered substandard performance during training exercises in the Arctic in the late 1970s to mid-1980s. An examination of archival records, journal articles, student papers, and interviews with participants provides two explanations for the long period in which Marines were regarded as “rather poor winter warriors.” First, to overcome the challenges of Arctic operations, the Marine Corps had to make sustained, often slow, improvement in the three-step process of learning to survive, move, and fight in the Arctic. Second, the Corps’ culture simultaneously hamstrung and accelerated improvement in this Arctic trinity. Ultimately, the Corps’ slow road to success in the Arctic highlights the dependence of strategic change on proficiency at the lowest tactical levels.

Language Lessons Learned? NATO Requirements and Norwegian Officer Cadets

This study establishes the extent to which Norwegian officer cadets have reached NATO English-language capability targets (NCT) on their graduation with a bachelor’s degree in Military Studies. It further investigates their opinions about the role of English language in the context of the officer profession. Cadets (n = 104) from the three military academies (Army, Navy, Air Force) filled in a Likert-scale questionnaire and afterwards tested on their language in accordance with NATO Standardization Agreement 6001. Analyses of test results showed that while very few cadets reached the NCT for officers working on international staffs; a larger number, however, reached the NCT for officer deployments to NATO operations, exercises, or training. While questionnaire respondents considered the English language instruction offered during their studies relevant to the military profession, the absence of a summative assessment of language proficiency would appear to influence motivation for language training efforts. We conclude that, in order to reach NCT, military educational institutions would do well to increase their focus on the NATO language standard and consider their future assessment practices.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine selectively depolarized the Finnish NATO discussion on Twitter

It is often thought that an external threat increases the internal cohesion of a nation, and thus decreases polarization. We examine this proposition by analyzing NATO discussion dynamics on Finnish social media following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In Finland, public opinion on joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) had long been polarized along the left-right partisan axis, but the invasion led to a rapid convergence of opinion toward joining NATO. We investigate whether and how this depolarization took place among polarized actors on Finnish Twitter. By analyzing retweet patterns, we find three separate user groups before the invasion: a pro-NATO, a left-wing anti-NATO, and a conspiracy-charged anti-NATO group. After the invasion, the left-wing anti-NATO group members broke out of their retweeting bubble and connected with the pro-NATO group despite their difference in partisanship, while the conspiracy-charged anti-NATO group mostly remained a separate cluster. Our content analysis reveals that the left-wing anti-NATO group and the pro-NATO group were bridged by a shared condemnation of Russia’s actions and shared democratic norms, while the other anti-NATO group, mainly built around conspiracy theories and disinformation, consistently demonstrated a clear anti-NATO attitude. We show that an external threat can bridge partisan divides in issues linked to the threat, but bubbles upheld by conspiracy theories and disinformation may persist even under dramatic external threats.

Engagement against All Odds? Navigating Member States’ Contestation of EU Policy on Kosovo

ABSTRACT Disagreements between European Union (EU) member states constrain the Union’s capacity to manage conflicts such as Kosovo-Serbia. While Kosovo has long received EU support, five EU member states do not recognise its independence. How does the EU manage to work around member states’ vetoes and mitigate contestation? In contrast to previous scholarship, the analysis of the EU enlargement process and visa liberalisation, the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue and the EULEX mission illustrate how institutional, technical and diplomatic solutions have allowed the provision of support to Kosovo, despite internal disagreements. EU member states have delegated to EU institutions the responsibility of overseeing day-to-day conflict management and integration policies concerning Kosovo and Serbia. EU institutions also use technical and constructively ambiguous language to manage conflicts and navigate the absence of political consensus regarding Kosovo’s statehood. Additionally, the EU has fostered diplomatic collaboration with the United States (US) and with actors from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to navigate through the Kosovo-Serbia conflict.

Introduction: Resistance and Survival – The Nuclear Era in the Pacific

ABSTRACT For many decades, historians, researchers, and participants have documented the history of the nuclear era in the Pacific Islands. They have highlighted the legacy of health and environmental impacts of 50 years of nuclear testing by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France between 1946 and 1996. Most official histories of Pacific nuclear testing present extensive technical detail of the development of nuclear weapons, evidence of inter-departmental rivalries, and vivid portraits of the scientists who built the Bomb. This state-sponsored literature, however, makes limited reference to the lived experience of the civilian and military personnel who staffed the test sites, or the Indigenous peoples whose land and waters were used for the testing programmes in Oceania. Despite a growing international literature on the health and environmental impacts of nuclear testing, the history of Pacific Islander resistance to the nuclear testing programmes is more fragmentary. In response, the authors in this special issue have foregrounded the agency of Indigenous activists, rather than the Western allies who campaigned alongside the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement. Their contributions add to a growing body of personal testimony by Indigenous nuclear survivors and resisters from around Oceania. This special issue includes a 1954 petition from Marshall Islanders to the UN Trusteeship Council, an example of the protests by Islanders that began in the 1950s, pre-dating the rise of the wider NFIP movement in the 1970s. Other articles highlight Fiji’s early foreign policy and the importance of the debate over nuclear testing in the formation of the South Pacific Forum; the importance of culture in Pacific anti-nuclear activism, through song, poetry, graphic design, and community theatre; the role of the regional NFIP movement in linking local struggles to the wider regional context, through pan-Pacific, Indigenous-led activism around self-determination; and connections between the NFIP movement and solidarity movements in the Global North.

Götterdämmerung Averted: Winston Churchill, Flensburg and the Unthinkable

ABSTRACT This article explores the anti-Soviet undertakings of Winston Churchill and the Flensburg Reich government during the spring of 1945. It contends that British and German strategic goals closely aligned as the Second World War in Europe ended. These objectives were to halt Soviet expansion westwards and to prepare for a potential new military confrontation with the USSR. It links British contingency planning to attack the Soviet Union (Operation Unthinkable) directly to Churchill’s attempts to prolong the existence of the Flensburg government after V-E Day. The article argues that Churchill sought to use the remnants of the Nazi leadership as an anti-communist tool against the Soviet Union. It also presents the case that Reich President Karl Doenitz pursued a similar arrangement. Finally, the article asserts if Churchill had been able to secure American support, then an armed conflict between the western allies, backed by the Nazi government, and the Soviet Union was plausible.

Ukraine – NATO: relations and prospects of membership

The author notes that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in modern conditions plays one of the key roles in ensuring security and stability in Europe. It is stated that, in accordance with its founding documents, this international structure aims to unite the efforts of its members for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security. The article reveals the international legal aspects of the Partnership for Peace program, established in 1991 to ensure cooperation between NATO and European states that are not members of the alliance, and to maintain a constant dialogue on issues of mutual interest to both NATO and states that are not part of this military-political bloc. It is emphasized that this program is used for the purpose of cooperation between NATO members and non-members in the military and defense spheres, including in various crisis situations, based on the postulate that the security of member states is inseparably linked with the security of all other European states. The article focuses on the analysis of the history and prospects of the development of relations between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The policy of the Ukrainian leadership towards the bloc, as well as concrete steps within the framework of Euro-Atlantic integration are considered. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the compliance of the current state of the internal political system of Ukraine with the requirements and standards of NATO. The official position of the Russian Federation on the issue of Ukraine's membership in NATO is considered. It is concluded that Ukraine's entry into NATO in the short and medium term contradicts the interests of the international organization itself.

Exploring NATO's Impact on the War in Ukraine: An Investigation into the Alliance's Role and Potential Strategies for Intervention

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has gained increasing importance, particularly in light of Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent military actions in the war in Ukraine. Despite Ukraine's official request to join NATO, it remains a partner rather than a member, prompting criticism and calls for more assertive actions. NATO’s growing engagement in Eastern Europe has generated issues regarding whether Ukraine should be recognized as a member and whether current internal policies should be reframed to align with potential future establishments. Ukraine's official request to join NATO was as early as 2008, though only grew to draw relevance during the war, which resulted in substantial discussion about NATO's role in the conflict, including a significant increase in criticism of the alliance. Many have deemed their engagement as too risky, while others have advocated for even more direct measures. In order To evaluate these scenarios, a policy review as well as literature review was conducted. Several matrices were utilized to present the positives and negatives of the existing status quo, as well as other alternatives that would fit the vision of safeguarding the international relations of Ukraine. The following paper will discuss the possibility of seeking a middle ground, an alternative approach in which Ukraine and NATO maintain global security while simultaneously ensuring Ukrainian stability.

NATO at 75 Years: A Guide to the Past and a Roadmap for the Future

As the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) reaches its 75th- year anniversary, it is important to reflect on the past, examine the present, and to imagine the future of the alliance. NATO has had periodic self-reflections in the past, including the influential 1967 Harmel Report. Importantly, the report laid out the rationale for a dual-track NATO policy that would retain a strong deterrence posture while moving toward a détente with the Soviet Union and later toward cooperation with Russia. While Russia’s war against Ukraine rages, it is impossible to return to a more cooperative relationship with Russia. Yet, NATO’s history demonstrates that conflict with Russia is not inevitable. In any case, only a strong NATO can prevent that conflict and provide stability to the transatlantic region.

Life Over Limb: Why Not Both? Revisiting Tourniquet Practices Based on Lessons Learned From the War in Ukraine.

The use of tourniquets for life-threatening limb hemorrhage is standard of care in military and civilian medicine. The United States (U.S.) Department of Defense (DoD) Committee on Tactical Combat Casualty Care (CoTCCC) guidelines, as part of the Joint Trauma System, support the application of tourniquets within a structured system reliant on highly trained medics and expeditious evacuation. Current practices by entities such as the DoD and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are supported by evidence collected in counter-insurgency operations and other conflicts in which transport times to care rarely went beyond one hour, and casualty rates and tactical situations rarely exceeded capabilities. Tourniquets cause complications when misused or utilized for prolonged durations, and in near-peer or peer-peer conflicts, contested airspace and the impact of high-attrition warfare may increase time to definitive care and limit training resources. We present a series of cases from the war in Ukraine that suggest tourniquet practices are contributing to complications such as limb amputation, overall morbidity and mortality, and increased burden on the medical system. We discuss factors that contribute to this phenomenon and propose interventions for use in current and future similar contexts, with the ultimate goal of reducing morbidity and mortality.

Maritime Applications of Prolonged Casualty Care: A Series Introduction.

The current United States Navy and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) maritime strategy is coalescing around the concept of Distributed Maritime Operations (DMOs) to prepare for future large-scale combat operations with peer or near-peer competitors. As a result, individual components of naval forces will be more geographically dispersed and oper- ating at a significant time and distance from higher levels of medical care. We developed a series of educational scenarios informed by real-world events to enhance the ability of Role 1 medical caregivers to apply the principles of Prolonged Ca- sualty Care during current routine, crisis, and contingency DMOs.