North Atlantic Community Research Articles

The Immigration of Ideas: Studies in the North Atlantic Community. Essays Presented to O. Fritiof Ander. Edited by <italic>J. Iverne Dowie</italic> and <italic>J. Thomas Tredway</italic>. [Augustana Historical Society Publication Number 21.] (Rock Island, Ill.: the Society. 1968. Pp. x, 214. $5.95.)

Journal Article The Immigration of Ideas: Studies in the North Atlantic Community. Essays Presented to O. Fritiof Ander. Edited by J. Iverne Dowie and J. Thomas Tredway. [Augustana Historical Society Publication Number 21.] (Rock Island, Ill.: the Society. 1968. Pp. x, 214. $5.95.) Get access The Immigration of Ideas: Studies in the North Atlantic Community. Essays Presented to O. Fritiof Ander. Edited by Dowie J. Iverne and Tredway J. Thomas. [Augustana Historical Society Publication Number 21.] (Rock Island, Ill.: the Society. 1968. Pp. x, 214. $5.95.) Kenneth O. Bjork Kenneth O. Bjork St. Olaf College Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 74, Issue 2, December 1968, Pages 727–728, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/74.2.727-a Published: 01 December 1968

The Immigration of Ideas: Studies in the North Atlantic Community

The Immigration of Ideas: Studies in the North Atlantic Community

The Immigration of Ideas: Studies in the North Atlantic Community

The Immigration of Ideas: Studies in the North Atlantic Community

Economic Development of the North Atlantic Community: Historical Introduction to Modern Economics

Economic Development of the North Atlantic Community: Historical Introduction to Modern Economics

DudleyDillard, Economic Development of the North Atlantic Community: historical introduction to modern economics (New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc., 1967), pp. viii + 747: $10.95

DudleyDillard, Economic Development of the North Atlantic Community: historical introduction to modern economics (New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc., 1967), pp. viii + 747: $10.95

International Conflict and Cohesion in the Communist System

One of the most interesting phenomena in international relations during the past decade has been the breakdown of the cohesiveness of the two Great Power blocs which emerged after World War II. This process has been highlighted by numerous disputes in both the Communist system and the North Atlantic community, especially by the Sino-Soviet conflict over issues such as revolutionary strategy in the developing nations and by the disputes between the United States and France on subjects such as control of nuclear weapons and the organization of NATO. Yet this phenomenon of polycentrism has spread beyond these specific disputes to pervade all aspects of intra-system relations in both of these international coalitions. In recent years a substantial literature has appeared tracing the historical development and political implications of polycentrism in both of these international coalitions. To date, however, little has been done to generate theoretical propositions in terms of which the specific historical events relating to the growth and decline of cohesion in international political coalitions can be ana-

The Changing Nature of Soviet and American Relations with Western Europe

A condition of American hegemony acceptable when Europe was too weak to provide for its own security became less acceptable as the European states regained their strength, confidence, and nationalist elan. American policy- makers adopted an ideology of European unity and North Atlantic community in which the principle of partnership was effectively negated by failure to extend a genuine consultative role to Europe. Excessive influence of strategic analysis and political insensitivity in the State Department lost America the chance to associate an outward-looking Europe with it in the co-operative development of policies toward the Soviet Union and the Third World. Instead, the continental European states look askance upon the détente and nuclear agreements as an attempt to freeze them in a state of permanent inferiority. Russia has taken advantage of the détente to improve its relations with western Europe. Unable to dominate Europe politically, Russia has adopted a traditional divide-and-rule strategy, using the fear of a reunified and revanchist Germany to maintain influence and control. If the United States is not to lose entirely its ability to influence Europe, it must restore Europe's confidence in its policies by taking as great pains with European-American relations as have recently gone into Soviet-American relations.

Confusion of Spheres: A Comment on American Civilization

W HILE THE UNITED STATES of North America are regarded as a part of European civilization, Europeans have repeatedly been startled by American patterns of behaviour which seem to them funny, queer, incomprehensible and even shocking. The mental reaction to such behaviour is often much stronger than in the case of an encounter with Africans or other exotic people, because of the assumption of a wide cultural common denominator of the North Atlantic community. True, each European civilization follows its own pattern too and an Englishman may inwardly smile at a Frenchman shrugging his shoulders, while a Frenchman may feel inwardly revolted by boiled potatoes and cabbage. Yet, the European variety of ways-oflife is by and large understood and condoned by the different nationals, while the American behaviour all too often baffles and exasperates the European. Let us clarify the point by a few casual examples, as seen by a European observer. One may be strolling along Champs-Elysees, one's eye wandering from the theatres and cafes to the Arch of Triumph, when one catches a glimpse of a man selling newspapers with a huge inscription on his back: NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE. It would be the only paper in Paris advertised on the seller's shirt.

GATT and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

The effective transfer of skills and resources to less developed countries through multilateral as well as bilateral channels is a central element in the UN Development Decade. But the utility of international institutions in the economic field does not stop there. They are also proving to be indispensable in coping with related challenges to the United States in its trade relations with other nations—challenges posed by a rapidly changing world economy. The first challenge is to reduce the trade barriers which presently mpair the economic efficiency and political unity of the free world, particularly the North Atlantic Community and Japan. The second challenge is to find additional ways to deal with the special problems which affect the trade of the less developed countries. International organizations are now the focus of efforts to cope with both of these challenges.

Peking in World Politics

A ITS ESTABLISHMENT IN SAN FRANCISCO in mid-I945, the United Nations numbered 5i members. By the time of the Sixteenth General Assembly meetings in New York in the autumn of i96i, the number of member-nations had practically doubled. Not the least of the issues posed for the United Nations by this drastic expansion has been the negative problem created by the continued absence of the People's Republic of China, effectively governing a quarter of the earth's population. Peking's absence from the U. N. forum, however, has not impeded the development of active Chinese Communist policies throughout the world. Indeed the eruption of reorganized and recrudescent Chinese power has led to fundamental alterations in the design of both Far Eastern and world politics. Recognition of the new direction and force of Chinese Communist people's diplomacy is thus essential to assessment not only of the issue of Chinese representation in the U. N. but also of the radically changed political environment within which the U. N. must function during the i96os. The overwhelming majority of the states which have gained U. N. membership since I945 are new nations, intent in various ways on exploring new frontiers. With some exceptions, they are under-educated, under-industrialized, under-capitalized, under-modernized, and under-experienced in world affairs. During these years, the mature nations of western Europe and North America have steadily sought to convince the new states that they should look to the North Atlantic community for aid and development advice. The leaders of the Communist bloc, whose political conceptions stem from Lenin and the Second Comintern Congress of i920 and whose estimates of the potential importance of non-Western nationalism thus long ante-date those of the United States,' have pursued a superficially similar strategy, seeking to convince the new states to look to the Communist camp for theoretical counsel and practical assistance. For a decade after I945 the Soviet Union was the dominant spokesman for the bloc. Since the Bandung conference of i955, however, the People's

The Atlantic cable part II

Second installment of a three-part series on the historic enterprise that forged one of the North Atlantic community's most potent links.

Concerting Policies in the North Atlantic Community

In the evolution of post-war international organization no problem, it can be argued, has moved with greater persistence into the foreground than that which focuses on the effort to devise common policies in the North Atlantic Community. Pressures to this end are both internal and external to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). On the one hand, the close military integration achieved by members impels them towards closer political integration. On the other hand, it is increasingly evident that NATO faces a threat which presents itself not only militarily but also politically through institutions and action programs reflecting a single political will. The effort to concert NATO policies is a reflection of the desirability and, in the opinion of many, the necessity of developing greater unity within the North Atlantic Community.

Reviews

Trial by Jury. By The Hon. Sir Patrick Devlin.Roman Foundations of Modern Law. By H. F. JolowiczThe Code Napoléon and the Common Law Would. Editor, Bernard Schwartz.A History of English Law. By Sir William HoldsworthA Bibliographical Guide to the Law of the United Kingdom, the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Published by the Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, University of London, jointly with the U.K. National Committee of Comparative Law, under the auspices of UNESCO.The Moral Decision. Right and Wrong in the Light of American Law. By Edmond Cahn.Grundsatz und Norm in der richterlichen Fortbildung des Privatrechts. By Josef Esser.Report of the Legal Research Committee of the Canadian Bar Association.Handbook of the Law of Bankruptcy. By James Angell MacLachlan.The History of Negotiable Instruments in English Law. By J. Milnes Holden.The Law of Negotiable Instruments in South Africa. Third Edition. By Denis V. CowenDer Internationale Kauf. Abkommen und Abkommensentwúrfe zur Vereinheitlichung der Kollisionsnormen des Kaufvertrags. By Anton v. Sprecher.Tax Planning and the Family Company. By David R. StanfordPension Schemes and Retirement Benefits. By Gordon A. HoskingPension Scheme Precedents. By William PhillipsRating and Valuation Practice. By Phillip R. Bean and Arthur Lockwood.The Copyright Act, 1956. By D. H. Mervyn DaviesLaws and Flaws. (Lapses of the Legislators). By Edward F. Iwi.Judicial Control of Administrative Action in India. By A. T. MarkoseThe Birth of the Bill of Rights, 1776–1791. By Robert Allen Rutland.Individual Freedom and Governmental Restraints. By Walter Gellhorn.Vagaries and Varieties in Constitutional Interpretation. By Thomas Reed Powell.Government Under Law. A conference held at Harvard Law School on the occasion of the bicentennial of John Marshall. Edited by Professor Arthur E. Sutherland.Administrative Organisation. By P. Meyer.Entscheidungen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts. Herausgegeben von den Mitgliedern des Bundesverfassungsgerichts. Volume 5.The Trusteeship System of the United Nations. By Charmian Edwards Toussaint.The Council of Europe. By A. H. RobertsonGermany and the North Atlantic Community. By M. E. Bathurst and J. L. Simpson.International Law and Asylum as a Human Right. By Manuel R. García‐Mora.Historical Conspectus of Roman Law. By R. W. LeeElements of Roman Law. By R. W. Lee

North Africa and the West

FROM TUNIS to Agadir, the territories of what has been French North Africa have entered a climactic period of nationalist ferment and political revolution. The former French protectorates of Morocco and Tunisia have won their independence; and by insurrection and terrorism the National Liberation Front of Algeria is seeking independence for that country, which as yet legally forms a part of the French Republic. Self-determination in North Africa comes at a difficult time for the North Atlantic community. The whole basis of unity and co-operation among Western states, and particularly among the members of the North Atlantic community, has been jeopardized by the relaxation of East-West tensions resulting from the warm smile and agility of current Soviet diplomacy. Morocco and Tunisia have gained their independence at a time when the reduced threat of military aggression has provoked a diplomatic reassessment of the whole system of Western co-operation. Diplomatic studies are being made on how to strengthen the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). At the same time quarrels among North Atlantic community powers, such as that involving the United Kingdom, Greece, and Turkey over the control of Cyprus, threaten the solidarity of the Western community as already constituted. Such a time is scarcely auspicious for soliciting new members for the community. Yet, the newly won independence of Morocco and Tunisia and the nationalist rebellion in Algeria command the attention of the builders of Western unity. French North Africa is located in a key geographic position. It forms a direct link between southern Europe and the vastnesses of central and southern Africa. And because of its strategic location, North Africa is part of an international triangle. It is susceptible to the competing attractions of the North Atlantic community and the Arab-Moslem community. The success of the North Atlantic community in this competition will depend upon several factors. One is the extent to which its case for North African participation in Western integration has been made convincingly in terms of a freely contracted association among equals, and not as a means of perpetuating colonial privilege. Another is the ability of the Western powers to strengthen their case by strengthening and extending their own integration. And equally crucial is the ability of France to bring a halt to the fighting in Algeria and to accommodate to the exigencies of Arab nationalism throughout North Africa.

M. E. Bathurst and J. L. Simpson, Germany and the North Atlantic Community, A legal survey — Stevens & Sons Limited, London 1956. – 35 sh.

M. E. Bathurst and J. L. Simpson, Germany and the North Atlantic Community, A legal survey — Stevens & Sons Limited, London 1956. – 35 sh.

Some Contributions of the North Atlantic Community Towards Improving Organization for Security

Some Contributions of the North Atlantic Community Towards Improving Organization for Security

Germany and the North Atlantic Community. A Legal Survey

Journal Article Germany and the North Atlantic Community. A Legal Survey Get access Germany and the North Atlantic Community. A Legal Survey. By M. E. Bathurst and J. L. SimpsonLondon, Stevens for the London Institute of World Affairs, 1956. xi+217 pp. Index. (The Library of World Affairs. Eds. George W. Keeton and Georg Schwarzenberger. No. 29.) 8¾″ × 5¾″. 35s. E. Lauterpacht E. Lauterpacht Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 32, Issue 4, October 1956, Page 496, https://doi.org/10.2307/2606337 Published: 01 October 1956

BOOK REVIEW

Book reviewed in this article:The Civil Service: Some Human Aspects. By Frank DunnillBeatrice Webb's Diaries, 1924–1932. Edited with an introduction by Margaret Cole.In Two Chinas. By K. M. Panikkar.China Under Communism. By Richard L. Walker.The Prospects for Communist China. Edited by W. W. Rostow.Administration of War Production. By J. D. Scott and RichardHughesLabour Policy in the USSR, 1917–28. By Margaret Dewar.Some Problems of Incentives and Labour Productivity in Soviet Industry. By G. R. Barker.How People Vote. By Mark Benney, A. P. Gray and R. H. Pear.Germany and the North Atlantic Community. A Legal Survey. By M. E. Bathurst and J. L. Simpson.New States and International Organizations. By Benjamin Akzin.Higher Learning in Britain. By G. F. Kneller.British Government Inspection as a Dynamic Process. By John S. Harris.

Political Cooperation in the North Atlantic Community

When the North Atlantic Treaty was negotiated in the critical days of 1948–1949, it was hoped that this arrangement might be helpful in assisting the contracting parties to build up sufficient strength to deter aggression in Europe and to augment their diplomatic influence so that they could negotiate with the U.S.S.R. from a more advantageous position than they had held since 1945.

The North Atlantic Community

Essay| February 01 1953 The North Atlantic Community Current History (1953) 24 (138): 65. https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1953.24.138.65 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation The North Atlantic Community. Current History 1 February 1953; 24 (138): 65. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1953.24.138.65 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentCurrent History Search This content is only available via PDF. © 1953 by The Regents of the University of California1953 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.