Non-state Actors Research Articles

Administrative And Judicial Frameworks for Armed Non-State Actors' Law Enforcement and Organizational Structures

Administrative And Judicial Frameworks for Armed Non-State Actors' Law Enforcement and Organizational Structures

The Gulf and its foreign policies

The nine states of the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula – Iran, Iraq, Yemen and the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – are bound together in a regional system but not a security community. Four major conflicts in the region since 1980 have contributed to a volatile set of relationships which feed into perceptions of risk, threat and interest, and have shaped the conduct of foreign, defence and security policy-making accordingly. Other factors, such as revolutionary upheaval, sectarian politics and the roles of non-state actors as well as external powers, have added to an already combustible mix and made it harder to reach consensus on key issues of foreign policy. This article examines the foreign policy landscape in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula and assesses a range of factors which determine the context in which measures are framed, formulated and implemented. There are two major parts to this article. An opening section argues that the myriad connections among the nine states together constitute a definable sub-regional complex, to adapt the concept developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, and as evidenced by the patterns of conflict in recent decades, albeit one based on an imbalance of conventional forms of power in which three larger states coexist alongside five smaller ones with Yemen separate yet intimately linked. This leads into a second section which explores the many interconnections which have provided the contextual backdrop to the conduct of foreign policy-making in regional states over the past four decades, and which continue to resonate today. The article focuses throughout on the linkages between domestic and foreign policy and between perceptions of interest at national and regional levels as guiding factors for policy-makers in each of the states involved.

Ethnic Movement in Nepal: Interactions Between State and Non-State Actors

This paper aims to explore the nature and role of ethnic movements taken place in Nepal. It basically highlights the pattern of interactions between state and non-state actors participated in ethnic movements. In the backdrop of the essence of rise and extent of influence, authors have explored the result experienced by the participants in this movement. It has further depicted the realms of change induced in the causation of ethnic movement. Trajectories of movements, forms of these movement, focus of movements and the collectivity generated in movement have also been investigated here in this paper.

Relasi Aktor dalam Kebijakan Halal Tourism di Kabupaten Maros

This article aims to describe the relationship between actors to find the political aspects of halal tourism policies that are a trend in local government policies in Indonesia today. This article uses the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) approach to analyze the position of each policy actor in the formulation of policies on halal tourism in the Maros Regency. The research method uses descriptive qualitative analysis by describing the relationship of policy actors both formally and informally in the formulation of the Draft Regional Regulation on Halal Tourism in the Maros Regency and seeing the interactions that influence the policy process. The results showed that the actors involved in halal tourism policy were divided into two groups: state actors and non-state actors. These policy actors interact with each other, involving different interests. However, the tendency that occurs leads to dependence on state actors. The interaction of these actors results in a coalition of pros and cons, which could weaken the implementation of halal tourism policies. This article contributes to expanding insights in the study of interactions between policy actors involving different interests in halal tourism policy in Indonesia.

Conceptualising securitisation in the field of cyber security policy

ObjectivesThis article will attempt to analyse securitisation theory to explore the discursive features of cyber security, using a multi-actor approach that considers the role of state and non-state actors in the creation and management of cyber security discourses.Material and methodsThe paper aims to assess the contribution of securitization theory to the understanding of both traditional and contemporary security policy issues. More specifically, it is an attempt to reflect on the identification of the challenges facing the modern state.ResultsGrowing dependence on digital technology is inevitable, making the future more threatening than the present. Cyber technology is inherently vulnerable and thus impossible to fully secure. The call for "greater security" becomes justified because the more a country depends on cyber technology, the more inevitable cyber threats become. They are consistently treated by government circles as a security challenge, meaning that the problem is presented as an existential threat, requiring emergency measures and justifying action beyond the normal bounds of political procedure.ConclusionsAs some conclusion and conclusion, it is worth reiterating observations about the multi-stakeholder nature of cyber security and observations about the co-creation of this security by a wide range of actors representing different and in some cases conflicting interests. It can be argued that there is no single discourse on cyber security or cyber threats, and it is simplistic to assume that there is even a single discourse that represents every securitization actor, be it government or the private sector. This diversity explains why the assumption and logic of securitization theory can only apply to some, but not all, cyber security discourses.

Beyond Borders: The Complexities of Israel-Palestine Antagonism in the Modern Middle East

This paper offers a detailed examination of modern geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East, with a focus on the complex and continuing Israel-Palestine conflict. The paper reveals the region's dynamic terrain through an examination of new powers, shifting alliances, and the activities of important state and non-state actors. Turkey, Iran, and the Gulf States have emerged as powerful powers, threatening established power structures. The conflict's complexity is exacerbated by major entities motivated by national interests and security concerns. The theoretical framework of realism is used to understand these actors' intentions and acts. The paper seeks to provide a detailed knowledge of the Middle East's geopolitical developments by diving into historical and current factors. Despite certain limits in data dependence and conflict complexity, this study provides valuable insights into the complicated tapestry of the Israel-Palestine conflict within the larger domain of international politics.

Religion (Islam) and International Relations: A Perspective

This article argues that religion (Islam) and international relations in the era of post-war globalization, have its own relevance and contextuality. So far, the international relations in the post-Cold War was marked by the rise of actors and issues. In the realm of actors, emerging non-state actors who perform various international relations practices both leading to cooperation and peace as well as toward conflict and conflict. The state is no longer a dominant actor although it remains the primary actor. In the realm of the issue, the concern of mankind is no longer focused on high politics in the form of matters of national security and military alone, but the issues that were originally included in the category of low politics were even more prominent. As an impact, disruption to international security and order is not a monopoly of the issue of national security. Non-traditional security threats such as environmental issues, the spread of disease, transnational crime and others, also threaten global peace. Conflicts of communal identity that are usually based on religion, ethnicity, race, clan, tribe, or other identity become one of the leading ones. And in such international situation, Islam is challenged to respond the complexities of today's international problems.

The Inadvertent Influence of Peacekeeping and Peace Support Operations on Ghana’s Armed Forces

ABSTRACT Ghana’s Armed Forces (GAF) have demonstrated an aptitude for tackling insecurity, professionalism, and the capacity to contribute to and support United Nations-led Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs) and African Peace Support Operations (PSOs). Displaying its preparedness to deal with emerging challenges during these missions has gained GAF recognition as an active African force involved in peace and security matters and, more broadly, peacekeeping and PSOs across the African continent. However, Ghana and, more specifically, the GAF face numerous evolving threats, ranging from transnational non-state actors and violent extremism to domestic insurgencies. This paper argues that while GAFs have built a wealth of knowledge in peacekeeping, this expertise is not reflected in a similar ability to tackle Ghana’s emerging threats since GAFs’ development has focused primarily on capabilities gained from PKOs and PSOs, impacting the forces approach when dealing with new internal threats.

Педагогические условия реализации ресурса общественной организации в социальном воспитании подростков

The model is considered and the pedagogical conditions for the implementation of the resource of a public organization in the social education of adolescents are highlighted, approaches to the disclosure of the potential of the activities of non-state actors contributing to the development of minors are determined. At the practical level, a program of social education of adolescents is presented, implemented by members of a public organization acting as mentors of children who are on various forms of preventive accounting.

Self-Defense Strategies Against Cyber- Attacks by Non-State Actors

Self-Defense Strategies Against Cyber- Attacks by Non-State Actors

The growing participation of international organizations and non-state actors in international litigation: An empirical map of the International Court of Justice

The growing participation of international organizations and non-state actors in international litigation: An empirical map of the International Court of Justice

Social context of intimate partner violence and system response during COVID-19 in Africa: A scoping review

Intimate partner violence (IPV) stands as a global social and public health crisis deeply rooted in extensive social and cultural contexts. The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately affected social interactions. This scoping review aims to synthesize evidence on the social contexts of IPV and system responses to COVID-19 in Africa. Adhering to the Arksey and O’Malley (2005) approach, refined by the Joanna Briggs Institute (2020), this review encompassed relevant literature from bibliographic databases, institutional websites, and electronic libraries from January 2020 to December 2021. The search was executed in three phases across databases, including Social Science Database and Sociological Abstract (through EBSCO), Africa Journal Archive, ProQuest (Coronavirus Research Library; Middle East and Africa Collection; Psychology, Sociology, and Social Science Database), and Google Scholar, also extended to the World Bank e-Library, the BBC portal, and pertinent websites. Briggs’s (2020) recommendations guided the screening, focusing exclusively on English language articles. Convergent synthesis of extracted information utilized thematic analysis and, when applicable, descriptive statistics. Of the 14 articles meeting inclusion criteria, results revealed varied incidences of IPV during the COVID-19 pandemic, encompassing emotional, economic, and violence among minors. Women’s experiences of daily IPV realities during the outbreak and lockdown hinged on contextual factors and relationship dynamics. Emotional and economic violence was predominant, with limited IPV cases among minors. State and non-state responses were inadequate, reactionary, and insufficiently transformative for the complex emergency posed by COVID-19 on livelihoods and intimate relationships. Pre-existing IPV instances lacked sensitivity in the preparedness and measures for gender inequalities within intimate relationships. While IPV was reported, both state and non-state actors exhibited notably deficient responsiveness.

China and seafood trade after coronavirus: the role of state actors

As the world’s largest seafood trading country, China has a significant influence on the global seafood system. This study explores the growing role of China as a state actor in the seafood trade since the onset of the COVID-19 outbreak. While China has been interested in ensuring its food security, China’s trade policy also illustrates strategic and political motivations combined with ongoing modernization efforts in food safety. Using the recent case of China’s ban on seafood imports, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic, our study adds empirical evidence to support a nuanced understanding of China’s food trade measures. This implies that China as a state actor is playing a more active role even with the growing power of non-state actors in shaping the seafood trade. Our finding can be applicable to other recent cases that highlight the growing role of state actors in seafood trade.

Memory-Political Deterrence: Shielding Collective Memory and Ontological Security through Dissuasion

Abstract Traditionally used within the context of hard military power in interstate relations, the concept of deterrence has been progressively extended to non-state actors and new issue areas. While scholarship on the social aspects of deterrence has expanded our understanding of this core international security practice, the focus of existing research has largely remained on physical security. This article argues that there is a phenomenon in international politics that can be called memory-political deterrence. Memory-political deterrence refers to the ways in which states seek to dissuade other political actors from taking actions that threaten the collective memory narratives that underpin the ontological security of the deterring actor. Memory-political deterrence works, for example, through political rhetoric, declarations, diplomatic insults, commemorative practices, and punitive memory laws. We illustrate the article’s arguments through empirical examples from Russia’s and China’s recent memory-political deterrence efforts toward Ukraine and Japan, respectively. In doing so, we elucidate the ways in which memory politics is intertwined with geopolitics, underpinning wider world-ordering aspirations.

The pervasive informality of the international cybersecurity regime: Geopolitics, non-state actors and diplomacy

ABSTRACT The international cybersecurity regime typifies the rise of informality in modern global governance. Despite the increase in sophisticated cyber operations globally, states do not embrace formal multilateral cooperation to prevent and mitigate them. What explains the preference for informal governance in international cybersecurity, and why have non-binding agreements around “responsible behaviour” proliferated in this domain? In introducing a special issue that highlights various dimensions of informal international cybersecurity governance, this article analyses two major factors that deepen informality: multipolar geopolitics, which has made formal cooperation difficult, and the rise of non-state actors, whose technical standards not only emerge as de facto governance standards, but who have also engaged in cyber diplomacy through informal channels. Drawing on recent scholarship that explains the emergence of informality in global governance, the article calls for greater attention to be paid to the substantive outcomes of informal institutions to understand their stickiness in regimes.

Reform, redevelopment and rent: Dilemmas of the social function of property in the private domain of the Brazilian metropolis

This paper discusses the disappointing outreach of Brazilian urban reform by analyzing the underlying tensions and contradictions of its key principle, that is, the social, function of property (SFP), from a perspective of contemporary theoretical debates on the double nature of rent (i.e., related to monopoly positions and emerging from market, circulation). The SFP principle is grounded in anti-rentier, agrarian reform thinking, which stressed that individual monopoly landowners should not be allowed to retain their property for speculative purposes and use it productively to increase food supplies. In contemporary dense cities, however, using property “productively” implies redevelopment, that is, transformation of existing structures of the built environment, into alternative ones. This has two implications, one related to the essence of the SFP, (its being), the other regarding what it means having a SFP in an urban setting. In relation to the former, despite its anti-rentier stance, in cities the SFP triggers a redevelopment-rent nexus due to the circulation of rents in non-competitive markets. Regarding the latter implication, having a SFP in cities requires complex, open-ended and utilitarian negotiations between state and non-state actors aimed at the appropriation of rents to articulate the conflicting interests of individual property owners with the collective good. The theoretical argument of the paper is illustrated with a short, heuristic case on redevelopment in the city of São Paulo, while its conclusion provides elements for a research agenda on the limits of market-based, reformist versus right- based planning beyond this specific context.

Promoting Indonesian Moderate Islam on the Global Stage: Non-State Actors’ Soft Power Diplomacy in the Post-New Order Era

This paper investigates why and how Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have engaged in the soft power diplomacy of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia and how they mobilise their vast resources and networks to do so. The nefarious effects of radical extremism have invited the Muslim world, including Indonesia, to revert to the notion of Islamic moderation, a justly balanced Islam (wasatiyyat Islam), and to promote it nationally and globally. In this sense, both state and non-state actors, such as Muhammadiyah and NU, have pulled themselves into soft power diplomacy. Drawing upon the lens of soft power and public diplomacy theory, this paper finds that Muhammadiyah and NU’s involvement in Indonesia’s soft power and public diplomacy is generated by shared interests in reinstalling a moderate identity at home and abroad. In this vein, through dialogues, cooperation, humanitarian action, and the establishment of special branches and sister organisations, the two most prominent Islamic institutions in Indonesia have attempted to internationalise the best practice of Indonesian Islam, rooted sociologically and historically in tolerance, openness, and temperance. This paper discovers that, although confronted by some weaknesses and challenges, Muhammadiyah and NU constantly attempt to craft global networks of moderate Islam and to recenter Indonesian Islam as a new centre of Islamic civilisation.

The WHO Foundation in global health governance: Depoliticizing corporate philanthropy

The creation of the WHO Foundation during the COVID-19 pandemic represents a significant institutional development in the politics of financing the World Health Organization (WHO). In the context of longstanding acute financial pressures, the objective of the WHO Foundation is to widen WHO's resource base by attracting philanthropic donations from the commercial sector. In placing funding decisions ‘at one remove’ from WHO, the stated expectation is that the WHO Foundation will act as an intermediary, insulating the WHO from potential conflicts of interest and reputational risk through a combination of strategic distance from WHO and proximity with its norms and rules of engagement with non-state actors. Yet, whether this model has translated into practice remains understudied. In this article, we focus on emerging institutional practices within the WHO Foundation, highlighting a drift from its stated governance model. Based on analysis of WHO Foundation documents, we demonstrate how due diligence and transparency practices within the Foundation have been redesigned in ways that contradict or subvert its claims to applying alignment with WHO's governance norms, notably relating to its engagement with health harming industries such as alcohol and petrochemical companies. While this situation may seem paradoxical, we argue that, in placing funding decisions ‘at one remove’ from the formal institutions and structures of WHO, the creation of the Foundation has served to displace this issue to a more secluded arena where drifts in practice are less exposed to political oversight and scrutiny. Focusing on the discursive aspects of this process of depoliticisation, we contend that the Foundation has strategically managed ‘fictional expectations’ of accountable and transparent governance in order to mitigate concerns about its mandate and functions. This assessment provides new and important insights into the depoliticizing functions of the WHO Foundation and the significant implications this may have for global health governance.

State-empowered entities as sites of progress for international anti-trafficking law and policy?

Since the adoption of the Palermo Protocol in 2000, international anti-trafficking law and policy have developed significantly. While both States and non-state actors have had a role to play in such development, this article focuses on the contribution of what (Sivakumaran, 2017) labels as “state-empowered entities” (SEEs), actors that are “empowered” by states' and thus cannot be seen as “truly non-state in character.” Indeed, a range of SEEs, such as UNODC, the Council of Europe's Group of Experts on Action against Trafficking in Persons to name a few engage substantively with international anti-trafficking law. Situated within a theoretical framework that recognizes “soft” law's normativity and important interactive relationship with “hard” law, this article analyses the ongoing role of SEEs in operationalizing international anti-trafficking law, highlighting the norm creation, interpretation, and enforcement functions that such entities can and do play. Ultimately, this article frames SEEs as underexplored sites of progress for international anti-trafficking law, and calls for more engagement with the work and output of relevant SEEs, within anti-trafficking research and practice.

A true crime story: The role of space, time, and identity in narrating criminal authority

Abstract This article presents a theoretical and methodological argument for employing a narrative-based approach to explore criminal organisations’ (COs) claims to political authority, accompanied by an empirical example. International Relations scholarship is increasingly interested in the role narratives play in political meaning-making processes, with violent non-state actors (VNSAs) beginning to occupy a central space in such investigations. This work has contributed important insights into how VNSAs, such as terrorists and insurgents, mobilise narratives to challenge state authority. However, this literature still needs to take stock of groups that do not directly challenge the state but rather live within it. Drawing on Mikhail Bakhtin’s literary theory and using the Sicilian Mafia as a case study, I show that COs exercise and construct their narratives of political authority by reappropriating the state’s key constitutive narratives of space, time, and identity. By reflecting the same form of (statist) political imagination via alternative spatial, temporal, and identity configurations, these groups simultaneously reject and reproduce modern articulations of political authority in their spatio-temporal and identity dimensions.