Non-state Actors Research Articles

Colonial sovereignty and religious necropolitics: The sacred victimization of infidel Kurds in the Middle East

This article critically explores the intersection of colonial narratives and religious necropolitics in the systematic oppression of the Kurdish nation across the Middle East. From the latter half of the 20th century, governments representing Iranian, Turkish, and Arab nationalisms, alongside non-state actors like ISIS and the Turkish-backed Free Syrian Army, have employed demagogic religious policies to legitimize the persecution and mass killings of the Kurds. These regimes and groups brand the Kurds as infidels, subjecting them to a continuous state of war and dehumanization, while positioning themselves as defenders of Islam to quash Kurdish demands for national rights and autonomy. The article explores how these religious necropolitics policies have fuelled genocidal massacres, such as Khomeini’s fatwas in Iran, Erdoğan’s rhetoric in Turkey, the Anfal genocide in Iraq, Yazidi genocide by ISIS, and the dehumanization of Yarsans by Islamic Shia authorities in Iran. The systematic de-Kurdification of regions like Afrin in Syria further exemplifies the lethal consequences of conflating religious ideology with noo-state sovereignty. Through this analysis, the article underscores the profound impact of religious necropolitics on the Kurdish struggle, revealing how these policies have not only dehumanized the Kurds but also framed their aspirations for freedom as existential threats. The article concludes by highlighting how the interplay of colonial sovereignty and religious necropolitics has perpetuated the sacred victimization of Kurds in the Middle East, framing them as infidels to justify their ongoing oppression and marginalization. Through this lens, the study reveals the deep-seated mechanisms of control and violence that have been used to maintain power over the Kurdish nation, emphasizing the critical need to understand these dynamics within the broader context of Middle Eastern geopolitics.

Diplomatic webs: the influential figures shaping U.S. policy in Israel, Qatar, and Iraq

Abstract Purpose This study examines the Twitter/X networks of U.S. ambassadors in Israel, Iraq, and Qatar from 2017 to 2024, aiming to assess how digital diplomacy is conducted through these platforms. Utilizing Sprinklr, we gathered 586,736 mentions involving the ambassadors’ Twitter handles, with a focus on evaluating the influence and communication strategies within these networks. Design/methodology/approach We analyzed a random sample of 30,000 tweets from the collected data using network analysis techniques. This approach enabled the examination of centrality metrics within the ambassadors’ digital networks, providing insights into the influence patterns and communicative interactions via Gephi. Findings The analysis revealed a significant influence of state actors and established political elites who predominantly engage in unidirectional communication, despite the platforms’ capabilities for interactive and reciprocal dialogues. We identified elected officials and specific non-governmental organizations as key actors shaping the diplomatic narratives, highlighting the diverse yet controlled actor interplay in digital diplomacy. Practical implications This research underscores the need for strategic adjustments in digital diplomacy practices to enhance interaction and inclusivity. Our work provides policymakers with insights into leveraging digital platforms for more effective and dynamic diplomatic exchanges. Social implications The study illuminates the role of digital platforms as critical venues for shaping diplomatic narratives by both state and non-state actors. Notably, our findings highlight the use of hashtags in advancing human rights movements and in discussions surrounding the Israel–Palestine conflict, demonstrating hashtags’ impact on global and regional advocacy efforts. Originality/value This research offers a unique perspective on the integration of traditional diplomatic roles with contemporary digital strategies, particularly highlighting the constraints and potentials within Middle Eastern contexts. We suggest ways to enhance the inclusivity and effectiveness of diplomatic engagements through improved social media utilization, thereby contributing to the evolving field of international relations and public diplomacy.

Harnessing the Power of Social Media for Promoting Transparency in Collaborative Governance through Non-State Actors: A Comparative Case Analysis of South Africa and Zimbabwe

Objective: Collaborative governance is an innovative approach to address complex societal challenges, involving partnerships between state and non-state actors. Consequently, social media is powerful tools for promoting transparency and accountability. Methodology: The study examines the role of non-state actors in leveraging social media to enhance transparency in collaborative governance initiatives. The research analyses two case studies - the #FeesMustFall campaign in South Africa and the #Tajamuka/Sesijikile campaign in Zimbabwe. Results: Through a qualitative analysis of the case studies, the study explores how non-state actors, such as civil society organizations and activist groups, have utilized social media to amplify their voices, mobilize public support, and exert pressure on government entities. Findings reveal that effective use of social media can empower non-state actors to overcome information asymmetries, facilitate public scrutiny, and foster collaborative problem-solving. Conclusions: However, contextual factors, such as political environments and digital access, shapes the dynamics of social media-driven transparency efforts.

The Role of Oil in Iraqi Politics: From Independence to the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century

This study reviewed how oil affected Iraq's internal and foreign policies throughout contemporary history, as it sought in its goal to identify the role of oil in Iraqi politics from independence until the beginning of the twenty-first century, and to achieve the goal of the study, the descriptive analytical approach was relied on, and the historical method, in order to identify the scene of Iraqi politics and the impact of oil and its role in the political practices of the Iraqi state since independence until the beginning of the twenty-first century, and the importance of the study is due to the importance of oil The first is the importance of oil in Iraq, and it has two requirements, the first is a brief summary of the history of the importance of oil in Iraq The second demand focused on the status of oil in the period following the independence of the Iraqi state. .and the second section was entitled Oil crises and their repercussions on Iraqi policy, and it has two requirements, the first dealt with the crisis The first oil and its repercussions on Iraqi politics, and the second requirement dealt with the second oil crisis and its repercussions on Iraqi politics, then came the third section entitled the role of oil in the political scene of the State of Iraq, and it has two requirements, the first talked about the political situation of the State of Iraq at the beginning of the 21st century and the role of Iraqi oil in the international scene, The second and final requirement of the study focused on Iraq's political and economic landscape in the aftermath of 2003; The study also explored the role of oil in the reconstruction of the Iraqi state. It uncovered several key findings, among which the most significant are: the management of oil in Iraq is synonymous with the management of all industrialized nations. The post-2003 period brought about transformative changes, as Iraq's oil market endured severe crises. Politically, the lack of democracy and the challenges of establishing a more democratic system in Iraq can only be fully understood by considering the economic dimensions, particularly the role of oil. The study highlighted that Iraq faced significant market risks and oil price fluctuations. Additionally, the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent period up to 2011 confirmed that historical narratives about Iraq remain deeply influential. Although there are multiple political reasons for the invasion of Iraq, all reconstruction policies and projects after the invasion also relied on the oil sector, and the study justifies that the Iraqi state cannot withdraw from the economic scene, but will be forced to adopt economic policies, However, oil remains a political and strategic commodity over which no country can cede control to non-state actors.

Contesting the Securitization of Migration: NGOs, IGOs, and the Security Backlash

Abstract Studies of migration-related security concerns have focused on the emergence of these concerns through securitization or their potential dissolution through desecuritization. This paper challenges the conventional view of these processes—securitization and desecuritization—as oppositional and mutually exclusive. Instead, it argues that they are imbricated in complex ways in an arena of contestation where actors vie for legitimacy and justify their claims through ongoing actions and reactions. Focusing on the Global South case of securitized migration in the Dominican Republic, this paper conceptualizes desecuritization not as a discrete outcome measured by success or failure, but as a dynamic process evolving through interactions with securitization. By examining the role of non-state actors in contesting securitized policies, the paper reveals that such contestation can paradoxically intensify securitization through a “security backlash” that delegitimizes these actors and discredits their rights-based claims. This dynamic underscores the “resilience” of securitization amidst persistent contestation. Ultimately, the paper demonstrates desecuritization as iterative contestation rather than static outcomes, emphasizing the agency of non-state actors in shaping security narratives and practices while acknowledging their limitations against powerful state actors. These insights from a study of South–South migration extend the application of the securitization framework beyond convenient Western contexts and challenge perceived geographic boundaries.

Agroterrorism: Assessing the Growing Threat to Global Food Security and Economic Stability

Agroterrorism, the deliberate introduction of harmful agents into agriculture to cause disease and economic damage, poses a growing threat to global food security and economic stability. Motivated by deep-seated conflicts and often perpetrated by both state and non-state actors, agroterrorism targets livestock, crops and water supplies, aiming to destabilize economies and social systems. Historical incidents, such as the mercury contamination of Jaffa oranges and cyanide-tainted grapes, underscore its severe impact. Recent concerns, intensified by advancements in biotechnology and increasing global trade, highlight the vulnerability of agriculture to such attacks. The potential economic damage from a single agroterrorism incident could reach billions of dollars, exacerbating food shortages and undermining public trust. Effective prevention and preparedness require multi-sectoral cooperation involving law enforcement, agricultural and scientific communities. Strategies include enhancing detection methods, developing biosecurity measures and improving international trade regulations. The World Organization for Animal Health (WOAH) and related organizations advocate for a comprehensive approach to bolster global resilience against agro-crime and agro-terrorism, emphasizing the need for robust preparedness and inter-agency collaboration to mitigate this evolving threat.

Tweeting climate change: analyzing actor diversity and influence in climate-change discourse post-Paris agreement

The Paris Agreement represents the notable characteristics of global environmental governance, namely multi-actor and multi-level governance. Despite these changes, limited empirical studies have investigated the actors in global environmental governance who participate in political discourse on climate change. To comprehend whether or not the Paris Agreement’s actors represent the transformation of global environmental governance, we adopted a big-data approach to analyze Twitter’s climate-change discourse. The classification of actors provided an understanding of the diversity of the actors involved in providing public information. We also calculated the closeness centrality and identified the changes in the actors’ influence, comparing the changes in the 5 years since the Agreement was adopted. The results showed an increased diversity of actor types. Non-state actors are not homogeneous in their changes, and Intergovernmental Organizations exhibited an increased influence. The findings indicated that the actors participating in the climate-change discourse post-Paris Agreement partially reflect the changes in global environmental governance.

The Evolution of Mediation in International Conflicts from 1940s to 2020s

The article analyzes the evolution of international mediation from the middle of the 20th century to the present day. How do changes in international environment influence mediation and research on it? The paper’s hypothesis is that the transformation of international order and political organization of the world, the dynamics of (de)globalization and changes in the nature of international conflict determine the specifics of international mediation and shape the relevant research. Over the last 80 years international mediation evolved through three stages. During the first stage, shaped by the cold war, conflicts were mostly of interstate nature and were settled by states and international organizations. Meanwhile, the growing activity of non-state actors led to the emergence of mediation via “track II diplomacy”. At this stage, the study of international mediation becomes an established research area. The second stage, since the end of 1980s to the beginning of the 21st century, witnessed a rapid progress in the settlement of many protracted regional conflicts, aided by the mediation efforts of the USSR and the United States. In Russia, research on international mediation, previously fragmentary and legalistic, developed into a separate subfield of international studies. During the third stage, in the 21st century, the political organization of the world has been undergoing a turbulent transformation at all the three levels: Westphalian system, the system of interstate relations, and political systems of individual states. The all-encompassing nature of this change increases conflict potential and changes the nature of international conflicts, which become multidimensional and involve a variety of actors. Responding to the demand for managing complex conflicts, new trends in mediation emerge, such as the growth in mediation attempts by developing nations, engagement of peacekeeping missions in mediation, the use of digital technologies for mediation purposes. At the same time, the erosion of the old political organization of the world triggers the rise in identity-based conflicts that involve disagreement over values. As parties to such conflicts are less likely to seek interestbased compromises, the likelihood of successful mediation decreases.

(Non-state) actors in internal bordering and differential inclusion: Syrian refugees’ housing experience in Turkey

ABSTRACT Turkey, as the largest refugee-hosting country, provides insights into the externalization of European borders and the internalization of its own borders. Oscillating between open-door and strict-border policies, alongside the political inactiveness of public authorities and CSOs governing Syrian mobility, Turkey reveals crucial dynamics. Focusing on Syrian refugees’ housing in a refugee hub of Izmir, this study unravels internal bordering and explores its rationales and the involvement of non-state actors. Syrian refugees encounter three internal bordering mechanisms affecting their housing inclusion: selective overpricing, ethnic filtering and arbitrary interrogations. These differential inclusion practices, led by market actors (landlords and realtors), ethnic networks, and street-level bureaucrats (mukhtars and municipal officers), are driven by the prevalence of anti-refugee sentiment in Turkey, where Syrians are perceived as unwanted or undeserving. The internal bordering mechanisms are rooted in ethnic, economic, cultural, and security-based rationales, influenced by the personal interests and socio-economic backgrounds of the involved actors.

Neighborly Surveillance: The Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission and the Development of a Post-Jim Crow Ideological Apparatus

The relations of production in Deep South regions like the Mississippi Delta require a high degree of control over race and class configurations. While the overt, de jure White supremacy that marked the post-Reconstruction era allowed for effective repression of dissent, the promise of federal intervention and grassroots organizing during the years of the civil rights movement required White elites to recalibrate methods of control. By integrating theories of racialization of space, internal colonialism, and Althusser’s (2006) notion of the ideological state apparatus, I suggest that this transition from overt to implicit control was accomplished by creating a culture of neighborly surveillance in which everyday Whites were deputized to surveil and report on civil rights organizing at the grassroots level. By neighborly surveillance, I refer to surveillance between and amongst private citizens enacted outside the purview of the formal state but in the interest of the powerful elite who control the state. I document this process through analysis of the archives of the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, an official state agency tasked with spying on and counteracting civil rights activity. These records demonstrate the extent to which non-state actors assumed the roles originally exercised by the de jure Jim Crow regime. Beyond augmenting understandings of the civil rights movement-era US South, this article contributes analytical insights to social and ideological transitions in other post-colonial, post-authoritarian spatial contexts.

Strategic narrative in Ukraine

This study analyzes the strategic use of narratives as a crucial factor that enabled Ukraine to effectively counter Russia’s aggression during the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War, supported by the international community. The research focuses on the central theme of “democratic values and identity” within Ukraine’s narrative, exploring how this narrative was crafted and how it garnered acceptance and backing from international actors. Building on existing discussions on strategic narratives, this study theoretically examines the processes of narrative formation, acceptance by actors, and the building of solidarity. Furthermore, it presents an analytical framework to explain the significance of the “democratic values and identity” message, and how it is effectively conveyed to various actors. In the current conflict, Ukraine has projected a strategic narrative centered on “democratic values and identity,”which has reinforced solidarity among both state and non-state actors, enabling a sustained conflict with Russia. State actors have supported Ukraine’s war efforts through military, economic, and humanitarian aid, while non-state actors, including individuals, organizations, corporations, and international institutions, have contributed by amplifying narratives on social media, engaging in proxy warfare in cyberspace, providing internet services and aid, and shaping the strategic environment through international norms. This study suggests that narratives can be strategically constructed and utilized as non-military means to achieve national objectives.

Brazilian criminal organizations as subjects of non-classical wars in the form of criminal rebellion

Modern criminal organizations are increasingly destabilizing both individual states and the international system in general. As they reach a certain level of development, they are able to undermine the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states through the establishment of control over parts of their territories. This can lead to a situation of criminal rebellion, understood as a mechanism of confrontation with the state under which organized crime begins to pose a challenge to the very existence of the latter. In this regard, the case of Latin American and Caribbean countries and, in particular, Brazil is of special interest. The first section examines academic discussions regarding the applicability of the concepts of ‘internal armed conflict’ and ‘unconventional warfare’ to the situation of criminal rebellion in Brazil. Special attention is paid to two key criteria — the intensity of violence and the organizational level of the belligerent parties. The author concludes that with regard to both these criteria, there is a state of unconventional warfare in Brazil in the form of a criminal rebellion that has reached the level of the internal armed conflict. The second and third sections of the paper examine the factors that contributed to the transformation of specific Brazilian criminal organizations — the ‘First Capital Command’ (PCC) and the ‘militias’ — into actors of a full-fledged criminal rebellion. In the case of the PCC, these factors include the adoption of more flexible network organizational principles and the guerrilla tactics, accompanied by the growing internationalization of criminal activities, against the backdrop of further militarization of the Brazilian police. In the case of the ‘militias’, the author focuses on the concept of ‘armed politics’, which describes a situation where organized crime pervades the entire state apparatus. The author concludes that the situation in Brazil shows all the signs of a criminal insurgency, when certain criminal organizations have reached such a level of organizational complexity that they are able to undermine the sovereignty of the state by establishing control over at least part of its territory and acting as a belligerent in the internal armed conflict. The specific of the situation in Brazil is that such an insurgency is carried out by non-state violent actors who formally do not pursue any political/ideological goals. However, due to their destructive potential they should be treated as if they had political goals.

Humanitarian diplomacy and the countries of the Global South: Trends and discourses

In recent years, discussions about the essence of humanitarization and humanization of international relations have intensified due to the aggravation of economic, social, and ethical problems against the background of a sharp deterioration in the international situation, particularly in the Global South. This paper aims to identify the specifics and provide a comparative analysis of the approaches of both the developed and developing states of the North and the South to the formats, content and purpose of humanitarian diplomacy in contemporary world politics. The first section examines academic discussions on the issues of humanitarian diplomacy. The authors highlight two main approaches in foreign and Russian international political studies to addressing the humanitarian problems of the Global South — an objectal and a subjectal ones. The former is typically associated with the developed countries of the Global North and is rooted in the practices of the colonial era. The latter gained prominence in academic research in the 21st century with the emergence of the ‘new donors’, which promoted joint development programs led by the countries of the Global South and built on regional financial institutions. At the same time, the authors note that academic research tends to focus primarily on the dynamics of aid flows and conditions for development assistance, while a number of current trends in the humanitarian diplomacy remain understudied. These trends are examined in the second section of the article. The authors emphasize the growing trend towards transnationalization and privatization of humanitarian diplomacy, active involvement of non-state and hybrid actors. The third section outlines the key features of humanitarian diplomacy of the leading countries of the Global South (China, India, Turkey), as well as that of the ASEAN states and Arab monarchies. The authors identify several general principles of humanitarian diplomacy shared by the countries of the Global South: a broad, pluralistic understanding of the humanitarian agenda to include cultural, scientific, academic, and youth policy issues; commitment to the ideas of solidarity and humanitarian cooperation (instead of the donor-recipient model); normative neutrality of the humanitarian policy; adherence to the principles of state sovereignty.

Populism, non-state actors and right-wing legal mobilization in Europe

Populism, non-state actors and right-wing legal mobilization in Europe

Competing Visions and Converging Realities? Justice and Security Governance in Post-Conflict Bougainville and Solomon Islands

This article examines narratives and practices of post-conflict recovery in Bougainville and Solomon Islands respectively, with particular emphasis on the governance of justice and security. The original visions and pathways to recovery differed markedly in each case. Drawing on local strengths, including traditional leadership and customary practices of reconciliation, was integral to Bougainville’s aspirations for peacebuilding and the shaping of its post-conflict social and political order. Under the auspices of a major Australian-led regional intervention, Solomon Islands followed a more conventional state building approach that made few concessions to the significance of local non-state social institutions and actors in relation to justice and security. Despite these initial divergences, recent years have seen growing areas of convergence in both places, notably around acknowledging the importance of practical hybridity between state and non-state forms of justice and security governance.

A pioneering approach to measure increased resilience to face climate change: insights from the Race to Resilience campaign

This paper illustrates a methodology to measure the impact of resilience-building actions on the increased resilience of people and natural systems to face climate change, developed and field-tested around the Race to Resilience Campaign. Despite increasing acknowledgment of the need for robust methodologies and indicators to monitor and evaluate efforts across adaptation planning and implementation, and provide credibility, accountability and transparency to such actions, there is still a lack of sufficiently standardized and agreed upon metrics able to capture the effect of resilience-building actions. The proposal illustrated in this manuscript offers a pioneering approach for high-level tracking, monitoring and evaluation of resilience-building efforts of non-state actors, based on two complementing sets of metrics: depth metrics measure the degree to which an action is generating a change to fundamental conditions which can demonstrably be related to increasing resilience; while magnitude metrics offer a quantification of the beneficiaries that are affected by these changes. Underlying both stand the Resilience Attributes: properties which can be soundly associated with triggering resilience across different systems, and which can then be used to assess increased resilience ‘by proxy’: that is, by seeing how an action sets forth changes in properties commonly associated with resilience. These Attributes were identified based on updated scientific literature and co-construction exercises with global experts. The integration of Depth and Magnitude indices, adjusted by a Confidence Index evaluating data reliability, allows to estimate the overall contribution of a set of actions on increasing resilience against climate challenges. Based on the above, a possible Monitoring & Evaluation cycle is proposed, and an illustration is offered on two case studies from the Race to Resilience campaign. Key strengths, lessons learned and insights are summarized to stimulate the global discussion, in the context of the Global Stocktake and Global Goal on Adaptation.

Bucking the Trend: Civil Society and the Strengthening of Environmental Rights in Latin America and the Caribbean

Abstract In 2021, environmental procedural rights were strengthened in Latin America and the Caribbean when the legally binding Escazu Agreement came into force. This new treaty seeks to implement Principle 10 of the 1992 Rio Declaration, which promotes access to information, participation, and justice in environmental matters. The treaty is empirically and theoretically surprising: it bucks the growing trend of informalization in regional and international cooperation and is more highly legalized than institutional design theory would predict. Applying an interpretivist logic of inquiry and drawing on interviews with twenty-three participants in the negotiations, I argue that this outcome can be explained by an alignment of structural conditions that facilitated an alliance between ambitious state and nonstate actors and enabled their influence throughout negotiations. Applying theories of political opportunities and mobilization structures, I show how a network created by the World Resources Institute influenced the agreement’s design and helped secure a high degree of obligation and precision in Latin America’s first environmental treaty.

Neighborhood over nation: Place-based state-making of the middle-class in Mumbai

This article argues that neighborhood-based middle-class civic groups in Mumbai reconfigure and constitute the local state through their everyday operations and social, legal and political interactions with the government. Amid rapid urban transformation, as neighborhoods become more internally differentiated, long-term residents forge ideational territories, rooted in place-based politics to govern their neighborhoods. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, I depict three modes of place-based state-making—détournement, quotidian and activist. I argue that middle-class residents choose and privilege their neighborhood over the nation, in local politics, recalibrating laws and regulations to serve their territorial interests. To that end, I develop a theoretical framework to think about the autonomy of sociospatial communities and their statal implications. By focusing on the ‘statization’ of everyday life, this article departs from the distinction between state and non-state actors, and instead (i) distinguishes between state and government, (ii) considers the state to be embedded in the local social space where civic actors can enter the state space and steer local governance, and (iii) highlights how different cultural-historical territories produce distinct configurations of the local state, thereby fragmenting the geography of urban governance.

Power and informality in the polycentric governing of transit and irregular migration on EU’s eastern border with Belarus

ABSTRACT Migration towards the EU has passed for many decades via Russia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus, using Ukraine and Belarus as transit states, yet it adopted new forms under Russia’s intensified ‘hybrid’ warfare, and its 2022 military invasion of Ukraine. This paper seeks to uncover: (1) how formal policies and informal practices were interconnected in the governing of the migration ‘crisis’ on the EU’s eastern border with Belarus (2021–2023); and (2) what different modes of power were used to govern it. The paper advances a polycentric governance perspective. It demonstrates that crisis governance was not simply pursued by the Belarussian government and the EU as direct parties to the conflict. It involved a plethora of other stakeholders including Middle Eastern states, Russia, and travel agencies as non-state actors, all entangled in specific relationships with one another. This paper’s contribution is to show how relational dynamics among these stakeholders governed the crisis via a mixture of formal and informal practices that entailed different levels of coersion. The polycentric perspective advanced here is more useful when studying crisis governance than statist, multilevel governance, or EU-centric approaches emphasising institutional logics, as it emphasises relations among actors, and the power that shapes these relations and the governance system as a whole.

Niepaństwowi aktorzy dyplomacji opartej na wierze w procesie pokojowym na przykładzie inicjatywy pokojowej liderów religijnych Acholi

FAITH-BASED DIPLOMACY NON-STATE ACTORS IN THE PEACE PROCESS – THE EXAMPLE OF THE ACHOLI RELIGIOUS LEADERS PEACE INITIATIVE Parallel to the actors of classical diplomacy, non-state actors are engaged in efforts to restore peace. A particular category among them comprises actors of faith-based diplomacy, whose participation in peace processes incorporates their unique tools of mediation and reconciliation. An illustrative example of the specificity of non-state actors practicing faith-based diplomacy is the activity of a group of religious leaders associated with the Acholi community in promoting the peaceful resolution of the rebellion in Northern Uganda that began in 1986. To understand the operational capacity of non-state actors engaged in faith-based diplomacy, this article will analyse the means employed by members of the Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative at both the domestic and international levels, as well as the reception of their actions by the conflict parties and the international community.