Non-democratic Ones Research Articles

Political Regimes and Climate Change: Learning from Past Civilisations

As the world is threatened by new and powerful climate-driven hazards, how are states and societies likely to react? In this paper, I explore the role of regime type in determining the likelihood of state survival under extreme environmental conditions. I begin with a theoretical and empirical analysis of public goods provision under different regime types, finding no evidence for the contention that any one particular regime is superior to others. Following from this, I argue that the survival of the state under increased hazard conditions will at least partly be a function of political flexibility, with more democratic regimes better able to weather crisis than non-democratic ones. I explore this argument by analysing two historical cases of climate change: the non-democratic Maya civilisation in the first millennium and the quasi-democratic Icelandic state at the start of the second millennium. These historical cases highlight potential advantages to the democratic system in allowing states to survive a world with increased hazards but also underscore how rising competition and political instability can negatively impact those same democratic institutions. This article was published open access under a CC BY licence: https://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0 .

Democratic Peace and Liberal Peace: Argumentative and Intentions


 Some people believe that the concept of liberal peace should be seen in relation to the thesis of democratic peace. This literature focused more on whether democratic countries are more peaceful in their foreign relations and tried to provide a theoretical and empirical explanation for this. The democratic peace thesis states the following: 1) Democratic states rarely fight each other. 2) Democratic countries tend to be more open to international trade than non-democratic ones, which creates interdependencies that prevent war from breaking out between them.3) Democracies tend to be more internally peaceful than other systems. Here, it is important to point out that the thesis of democratic peace is closely related to Immanuel Kant’s idea of “perpetual peace”. As for the liberal peace thesis, from Richmond’s point of view, it bears four main aspects that emerged from the discussions in international theory and the different historical contexts related to the subject, especially in the West. These include the four aspects of liberal peace (victorious peace, constitutional peace, institutional peace, and civil peace). Richmond noted that the peace of the victor is the result of the old realist argument that peace depends on military victory and on the domination of the victor. But the peace of the victor may result in political resistance, as in Iraq and Afghanistan. The second, constitutional peace, derives from the Kantian argument that peace is the result of democracy, commerce, and a set of universal values based on individualism. Richmond notes that "the constitutional peace struggles with those who do not want to share power, and who do not want to entrench local legal structures that might prohibit their activities." As for institutional peace, it is the peace that results from normative and legal institutional arrangements between countries that agree - in a multilateral manner - on ways to act and impose or define their behavior. This can be found in international institutions such as the United Nations as well as regional organizations such as the European Union, the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States (AL), the Organization of American States (OAS), and subregional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The fourth aspect, (civil peace), which emphasizes the importance of the participation of citizens and civil society institutions in making peace. Unlike the other three aspects of liberal peace, the contribution of individuals rather than the state or international organization is included in this strategy.
 

The rule of unreason: Analyzing (anti‐)democratic regression

The rule of unreason: Analyzing (anti‐)democratic regression

What is democratic backsliding?

What is democratic backsliding?

Democracy, institutional quality and fiscal policy cycle: evidence from developing countries

ABSTRACT Economists usually prescribe countercyclical fiscal policies to stabilize economies: government spending should increase during economic downturns and decrease during booms. Yet, empirical research has documented procyclical fiscal policy in several democratic developing countries. Using an updated dataset of 63 developing countries from 1980 to 2013, this article robustly shows procyclical fiscal policy in democratic and non-democratic developing countries. The essence of this paper is controlling endogeneity issues by using the generalized method of moment (GMM) for the dynamic panel data model and investigating the interaction between democracy and the quality of democratic institutions in affecting the fiscal policy cycle. This article finds that an improvement in the quality of institutions plays a vital role in restraining procyclical fiscal policy and these effects are more prominent in democratic countries than non-democratic ones.

Can Filter Bubbles Protect Information Freedom? Discussions of Algorithmic News Recommenders in Eastern Europe

The increasing use of recommender systems to provide personalized news delivery influences media systems worldwide. Using different data sources to predict what content will be interesting for specific readers, recommender systems can better accommodate individual information needs, but also raise concerns about potential audience fragmentation. However, current assessments of the effects of news personalization are predominantly based on observations from Western democracies. This Western-centric approach raises concerns about these assessments’ applicability to other contexts, in particular non-democratic ones, and brings to question the influence of prevalent Western conceptualisations of news personalization (e.g., filter bubbles) on attitudes towards it in non-Western countries. To address this gap, we scrutinize discussions of the promises and threats of news personalization in countries characterized by limited press freedom: Belarus, Russia and Ukraine. Using document analysis, we examine how three categories of actors—academics, journalists and IT specialists—discuss news personalization and the ways it can affect the public sphere. Through our analysis we uncover how Western conceptualisations of news personalization interact with discussions about it in non-democratic media systems and scrutinize whether existing concerns about personalization are applicable to non-Western contexts.

Determinants of Environmental Conflict: When Do Communities Mobilize against Fossil Fuel Production?

When do indigenous and other negatively affected populations mobilize against fossil fuel companies? We revisit social movement theory and environmental literature to identify three factors that may plausibly shape mobilization decisions of negatively affected populations—democratic institutions, community perceptions of government shaped by land tenure security, and firm attributes. Democratic institutions afford more opportunities for affected populations to air their grievances through protests than non-democratic ones. Land tenure security guaranteed by government contributes to the perception among affected populations that their objectives are better achieved through government mediation than protests. Characteristics of fossil fuel firms, such as state ownership, also shape activist perceptions of government credibility as a mediator. By analyzing fifty-seven countries over the period 1990 to 2013, we find that democracy and state ownership of fossil fuel firms are positively associated with protests, whereas land tenure security is negatively associated.

Democracy and COVID-19 Outcomes Revisited

Democracies are often expected to fail to implement the necessary measures in time when faced with a health crisis such as COVID-19, which could lead to more negative health effects. This study contributes to the discussion of health outcomes of democracy by using excess mortality as a measure of the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic. Employing this measure, we show that the scale of the pandemic is greatly underestimated in non-democratic countries when using confirmed COVID-19 deaths. The results indicate that democratic countries had significantly lower excess mortality than non-democratic ones, while in the analysis of confirmed COVID-19 deaths, there were no significant differences between political regimes. These differences underline the importance of selecting appropriate indicators to access the severity of the pandemic.

Democratic values, education, and political trust

This article examines the links between education, democratic values, and political trust. Research on education systems as carriers of modern orientations and democratic values worldwide predicts that educated individuals will exhibit more democratic values than less educated ones, regardless of the country’s level of democracy. In the political culture approach, political trust can be understood as a reflection of the congruence or incongruence between individual democratic values and the level of democracy of the political system, which emphasizes trust’s relational character. Integrating these strands of literature, I formulate hypotheses about the mediating effect of democratic values between education and political trust. To test these hypotheses, I employ multilevel models of data from the World Values Survey and the European Values Study covering 73 countries. The results show that democratic values partially mediate the effect of education on political trust, but the magnitude of this effect depends on the level of democracy. Analyses also show that, while education is positively associated with democratic values regardless of the country’s level of democracy, this association is much stronger in democratic countries than in non-democratic ones.

Ideas of Subjective Well-Being in Democratic and Nondemocratic Societies: A Comparative Study

AbstractBeing socially determined constructs, concepts of subjective well-being (swb) affect the motivation behind people’s behavior in every society. Usually, subjective well-being is measured using the survey questions about life satisfaction. Using multilevel modeling with individual and cross-national data from the World Values Survey on 65 countries for the 2005-2014 periods, this research confirms that life satisfaction determinants which constitute pivotal elements of subjective well-being differ significantly in democratic and nondemocratic social contexts. The effect of marital relations, participation in sports organizations and church attendance on life satisfaction is stronger in democratic social contexts than in nondemocratic ones. While the effect of income, educational level, participation in non-sports organizations and religiosity is stronger in a nondemocratic social context. These results contribute to a non-institutional measure of modern democracy, dispel some myths about modern democratic and nondemocratic values, and show the potency and applicability of a sociological approach in the field ofswbstudies.

Broadening the Contestation of Norms in International Relations

Broadening the Contestation of Norms in International Relations

The Relationship between Economic Growth and Democracy: Alternative Representations of Technological Change

This study investigates the relationship between economic growth and democracy by estimating a nation's production function specified as static and dynamic models using panel data. In estimating the production function, it applies a single time trend, multiple time trends and the general index formulations to the translog production function to capture time effects representing technological changes of unknown forms. In addition to the unknown forms, implementing the technology shifters model enabled this study to find possible known channels between economic growth and democracy. Empirical results based on a panel data of 144 countries observed for 1980–2014 show that democracy had a robust positive impact on economic growth. Credit guarantee is one of the most significant positive links between economic growth and democracy. The marginal effects of credit guarantee and foreign direct investment inflows are stronger in democratic countries than they are in non-democratic ones. In order to check the robustness of these results, a dynamic model constructed with a flexible adjustment speed and a target level of GDP is also tested. The results of this dynamic model also support the positive impacts of democracy on economic growth.

Cursus Honorum: Personal Background, Careers and Experience of Political Leaders in Democracy and Dictatorship—New Data and Analyses

Politics in democracy and dictatorship is markedly different; democracy and dictatorship are also associated with distinct policy outcomes. Do political regimes also select different leaders, i.e., do democratic leaders have distinct personal backgrounds to those of their peers in dictatorships, do they tend to hold different prior careers and posts while climbing the “greasy pole” of politics? The aim of this paper is to introduce the new data on leaders’ careers in democracy and dictatorship and compare their personal background, experience in politics, careers and significant posts prior to their tenure, and details about their time in office, <em>inter alia</em>. In general, democratic leaders differ from nondemocratic ones in terms of their educational, social and career background. The paper also finds significant differences among leaders in different nondemocratic regimes, and suggests possible venues for further research.

Building a democratic society: exploring Singapore students ' understandings of democracy

Purpose– One would not commonly associate democracy with Singapore, instead scholars have often described Singapore as an illiberal democracy and an authoritarian state. At the same time, all Singaporean school students recite the national pledge of allegiance in school every morning, in which they pledge “to build a democratic society based on justice and equality”. What do students know about democracy? Are they able to distinguish the characteristics of democratic systems from non-democratic ones? The purpose of this paper is to report on Singapore students’ understandings of democracy.Design/methodology/approach– Using a qualitative instrumental case study design, 64 students from three secondary schools were interviewed and the social studies curriculum was analysed.Findings– Overall, students had poor knowledge of democracy. Consistent with a lack of knowledge of democracy, most students also showed a relatively uncritical acceptance of hierarchy and deference to authority, and held a superficial understanding of citizenship. Civics lessons through social studies, and the school environment did little to promote students’ engagement with democracy.Research limitations/implications– The authors argue that it is important that students be given the opportunities to develop a basic conceptual knowledge of democracy, as they are not capable of discriminating democratic characteristics from non-democratic ones without it. At the very least, students should know the relevance of what they pledge relative to their nation’s model of democracy, or in the absence of a clear model, be encouraged to struggle with the various existing models of democracies so that, as the future of Singapore, they might determine and adapt the ideals that they deem best for the nation.Originality/value– This paper is an original study of Singapore students’ understandings of democracy.

Do People Like Nudges?

In recent years, there has been a great deal of debate about the ethical questions associated with “nudges,” understood as approaches that steer people in certain directions while maintaining their freedom of choice. Evidence about people’s views cannot resolve the ethical questions, but in democratic societies (and nondemocratic ones as well), those views will inevitably affect what public officials are willing to do. Existing evidence, including a nationally representative survey, supports six general conclusions. First, there is widespread support for nudges of the kind that democratic societies have adopted or seriously considered in the recent past; surprisingly, that support can be found across partisan lines. While people tend to have serious objections to mandates as such, they do not have similar objections to nudges. Second, the support evaporates when people suspect the motivations of those who are engaged in nudging, and when they fear that because of inertia and inattention, citizens might end up with outcomes that are inconsistent with their interests or their values. Third, there appears to be somewhat greater support for nudges that appeal to conscious, deliberative thinking than for nudges that affect subconscious or unconscious processing, though this conclusion is highly qualified, and there can be widespread approval of the latter as well (especially if they are meant to combat self-control problems). Fourth, people’s assessment of nudges in general will be greatly affected by the political valence of the particular nudges that they have in mind (or that are brought to their minds). Fifth, transparency about nudging will not, in general, reduce the effectiveness of nudges, because most nudges are already transparent, and because people will not, in general, rebel against nudges. Sixth, there is preliminary but suggestive evidence of potential “reactance” against certain nudges.

Trading in Freedoms: Creating Value and Seeking Coalition in Western Australian Arts and Culture

Trading in Freedoms: Creating Value and Seeking Coalition in Western Australian Arts and Culture

The Meanings of Democracy: Solving an Asian Puzzle

Abstract: It is problematic to rely on indicators carrying the "D-word" for measuring democratic legitimacy. Popular conception of the "D-word" has been so much contaminated by competing public discourses and socializing mechanisms that the word "democracy" has lost much of its conceptual clarity and semantic consistency when it travels across borders. We introduce a more reliable tool to compare the cultural foundation for liberal democracy across countries, especially between democratic and non-democratic ones. A newly developed typological analysis, which is applied to two waves of Asian Barometer Survey, enables us to differentiate the substance of democratic legitimacy from its appearance.

Targeting Civilians in War (review)

Reviewed by: Targeting Civilians in War Ethan S. Rafuse Targeting Civilians in War. By Alexander B. Downes. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-8014-4634-4. Illustrations. Notes. Index. Pp. ix, 315. $29.95. The combatant/non-combatant distinction is one of the central concepts around which revolves the notion that there should be principles that impose limits on the use of force in wartime. That this distinction is and has so often been blurred or ignored altogether is a subject that has attracted considerable attention from military leaders, historians, and social scientists. In Targeting Civilians in War, Alexander B. Downes examines the subject through statistical analysis and case studies in which he lays out his argument for questioning theories previously advanced about the willingness of governments to deliberately target civilians in wartime. Specifically, he challenges scholars who have identified regime type (especially those who have argued that democratic governments generally exercise more restraint than non-democratic ones in their treatment of civilians), differences in identity, and organizational concerns as factors in explaining civilian victimization. [End Page 661] Instead, Downes emphasizes two other factors: desperation to win while sparing one's own human and material resources and a desire for territorial conquest. These factors in fact, he argues, make democratic regimes more likely than other types of governments to deliberately target civilians. Like the good political scientist he is, Downes first devotes a couple of chapters to the tasks of defining civilian victimization and presenting a "typology of civilian casualties" that distinguishes between government sanctioned and unsanctioned "intentional", "indiscriminate", and "collateral" civilian targeting. These chapters also lay out other theories on the subject and present statistical analyses (both in the text and using charts) to support Downes's own theses before getting into four historical case studies of instances where belligerents have targeted civilians. These look at the blockades imposed by Great Britain and Imperial Germany during World War I; strategic bombing of the Axis countries during World War II (a perennial favorite subject of students of civilian victimization); the Boer War of 1899-1902; and Israeli treatment of Arab inhabitants of what became the Jewish state during its 1947-49 war for independence. The case studies are very well done. Downes draws upon a respectable range of sources, synthesizing effectively the findings of previous specialized studies on the topics, to provide informative, clearly written, and interesting narratives of events, as well as fairly effective and balanced analysis. In the course of these case studies, he does a solid job of supporting his larger arguments regarding the motives for civilian victimization before presenting a chapter looking at negative cases where civilian victimization did not occur. This chapter points to the wars China has fought since World War II against Korea, India, and Vietnam, the 1982 Falklands War, and the 1991 Persian Gulf War as evidence to support Downes's argument that an ability to settle conflicts quickly restrains governments in their use of violence against civilians. Downes also points to the sanctions imposed on Iraq during the 1990s, which inflicted great suffering on that nation's civilians, as support for his argument that frustration over the failure of traditional conventional strategies to resolve conflicts quickly leads to civilian victimization. While not all readers will be convinced by all of his arguments, Downes deserves great praise for producing a useful, well-researched, strongly argued, and provocative (in the best sense) study of an important topic in military history. These qualities make this study worthy of attention from military historians, civilian strategists, members of the armed forces, and anyone else who has an interest in understanding why the principle of non-combatant immunity has so often fallen by the wayside in modern wars. [End Page 662] Ethan S. Rafuse U.S. Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Copyright © 2009 The Society for Military History

Explaining Abu Ghraib: A Review Essay

Four books written by social scientists and published in 2007 are reviewed: The Trials of Abu Ghraib: An Expert Witness Account of Shame and Honor, by Stjepan Mestrovic; The Lucifer Effect, by Philip Zimbardo; Torture and the Twilight of Empire: From Algiers to Baghdad, by Marnia Lazreg; and Torture and Democracy, by Darius Rejali. Prior research on torture has left unsettled the question of the importance of training and direct orders as causes of torture, and the role of liberal democratic institutions in preventing torture. The four books demonstrate that the Abu Ghraib torturers did not act on their initiative but were encouraged to commit torture by their superior officers and by the effects of their social environment. The torturers did not receive formal training in methods but did receive informal instruction from CIA and Guantanamo interrogators. While democratic states use torture less frequently than nondemocratic ones, they nevertheless do use torture sometimes when faced with severe threats to security. Of the four books, Rejali's Torture and Democracy stands out for its depth of research and quality of analysis.

When Do Votes Count?

The effects of electoral systems have been tested recently in Africa, raising several questions: Are the systematic effects of electoral rules the same across regime types? Does the conduct of elections affect the process of strategic coordination between voters and parties? The literature to date has not considered these issues and also analyzes elections in settings where a crucial set of its assumptions are clearly violated. The authors argue that the mechanism of strategic coordination only operates in democracies that hold free and fair elections, and they exhibit the ways it is violated outside of this domain. They compile a new data set on sub-Saharan African elections and show that the interaction of electoral rules and ethnopolitical cleavages predicts the number of parties only in democratic settings, failing to produce substantive effects in nondemocratic ones.